The New York Herald Newspaper, January 9, 1875, Page 4

4 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, “ PROPRIETOR NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS.—On and after January 1, 1875, the daily and weekly pditions of the New Yorx Hznaxp will be sent free of postage. THE DAILY HERALD, published every ‘day in the year. Four cents per copy. An- nual subscription price $12, All business or news letters and telegraphic espatches must be addressed New Yoru Hurarp. Rejected communications will not be re- durned. Letters avd packages should be properly sealed. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. €ubseriptions and Advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. NOLUMB. Bios ntesncesecsees EN GANS waeeeN0. 9 AMUSEMENTS THIS AFTERNOON AND EVENING. FIFTH AVENUB THEA’ Twenty-ei HE PALACE oF THUTH, at M. | Miss Car- lotta Leciercq, Mr. Lo! atl uP. M. BRYANT’S OPERA HOUSE, -third street, near Sixth avenue, —NEGRO P. ML; closes at 10 P.M Dan West Twenty MINSTRELSY. &c., ats Mryant. Matinee at 7 P. M. NIBLO'S, Broadway.—JACK AND JILL, at 8P. M.; closes at 10:45 P.M. Matinee at 1:50 F. M. BROOKLYN THEATR! Washington strect.—UD AMON AND PY Mr. 4. L. Davenport. Matinee at 2 P, M.—HONEY SAN FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, areteay corner of Twenty-ninth street —NEGRO a THIAS, at8 P.M. MOON. ei Lok, at8 P. M.; closes atlu?. M. Matinee at aM. ROBINSON HAL! Sixteenth street.—BEGONE DULL Closes at 10:45 1. M. Mr. Maccabe. GERMANIA THEATRE, "ane, at 8 P. M.: Matinee at2 P. M. Fourteenth oP. M. Mr. Pansa GLOBE THEATRE, Broadway.—VARIETY, at6 P.M; closes at 10:30 P. M. Matinee at2 P.M. LYCEUM THEATRE, Fourteenth street and sixth avenue. TWIXT AXE AND CROWN, at 8 P.M; closes at 10x45 P.M. Mra Bousby. Matinee'at 130 P.M. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Proadway.—THE SHAUGHRAUN, at 40 P.M. Mr. Boucicault Matinee 8°. M.; closes at atlsor. M. ae ‘WOOD's MUSEUM, Broadway, corner of Thirtieth street —SMOEF, at 2 P. Mand até 1. M.; closes at 1045 P.M. Mr. W.T. Mer e. METROPOLITAN THEATRE, No. 585 Broadway.—VARIETY, at 5 P. M.; closes at 10:30 y.M. Maunee at2 P. M. ASSOCIATION HALL, a avenue and Twenty-third s reet—CONCERT, at PARK THEATRE, Broadway. between Iwenty-first and Twenty-second ftreets.—GILDED AGE, at 8 'P. M.; closes at 10:30 P. M Mr. John T. Raymond. Matinee ar 2 P. M. TONY PASTOR’S OPERA HOUSE, poe Bowery.—VARIETY, at 8 P. M.; closesat 10:45 NEW YORK STADT THEATRE, See oe FILLE DE MADAME ANGOH, at BP. M. iss Lina Mayr. OLYMPIC THEATRE, No. 624 Broadway. —VARIETY, at 8 P. M.; closes at 10:45 UM, Matinee at2 Pb. M BOOTH'S THEATRE, corner of Twenty-third. street and’ Sixth avenue — LITILE EM’LY, at8 P.M: closes at 10:0 P.M. Mr. Bowe. Matinee at 1:30 P. M. ROMAN HIPPODROME, Twenty-sixth street and Fourth avenue.—BLUE REARD and FETE AT PEKIN, afternoon and evening, at Zand & WITH SUPPLEMENT. NEW YORK, SATURDAY, J. e te ARY 9, 1875, are that the weather to-day will be generally cloudy. Waxt Srrzer Yzustexpay.—The stock spec- ulation was without feature. The undertone is apparently not encouraging. Money on call was easy and lower. Foreign exchange was steady. Ler tHe Mzrrrc be something more than en adjourned meeting of the Manhattan Club. Genrrat SHERIDAN announces to the Secre- tary of War that he will soon furnish facts concerning Lonisiana which will fully justity the language of his previous despatches and | his action as Military Commander of the de- partment. Tae Presrpenr announces that ‘peace shall be maintained in the South, even if it requires the economy of blood.’ The coun- | try is puzzled to know what ‘economy of | blood” means, but the gencral opinion seems to be that the President would have a dozen or so leaders shot now, before they have a chance to shoot any one themselves. Tae Vox Anxm« Tru.—The concluding events of the trial of Count Von Atnim are the subject of a fine descriptive letter from our Berlin correspondent, in which is also ex- plained some of the difficulties with which the news of the sentence was obtained and transmitted by cable to the Hznanp. Tur New Sexarz—As the terms of twenty-five United States Senators will expire on the 4th of March the po litical complexion of that body and its | personnel are of deep interest to the public. ‘We therefore print to-day a thorough analysis of the situation, and it will be seen that | eight of the approaching vacancies have already been provided for and that seventeen States have yet to choose Senators. The result will probably be the election of eight republicans | and nine democrats. As the Legislatures will | soon decide upon the fortunate candidates the probabilities may be studied in our cor- respondence from the capitals of Missouri Nebraska, Massachusetts and Tennessee, “Art or Us.’\There is evidently a divis- fon in the Cabinet on the Louisiana question. Tt will be seen by our Washington despatches that the Postmaster General and even the At- ftorney General are not ready to commit their fortunes to Mr. Belknap’s despatch, that Secre- tary Robeson asserts that ho is a law-abiding citizen, and that Mr. Fish is waiting for all the facts before he finally decides. The ‘North has evidently been heazd from in Wash- even if the gentlemen there are still funable to hear the voice of the South. It is mota Southern question that they have now street.—BUSENMUELLE& UND PINK, at | | denunciation, the thick-and-thin supporters of What Should the Louisiana Meeting Dot We bave no doubt that the meeting at the Cooper Institute on Monday evening will be imposing in numbers and highly respectable in character; but its leaders should not be unmindful of the danger which besets all excited popular assemblies of running into passionate and self-defeating extravagance. Unless the meeting maintains a tone of dig- nity, sobriety, fairness and moderation it would be better not to hold it, and fraudulent to hold it under the pretence that it is a non- partisan expression of public sentiment. If it were professedly a democratic meeting we ‘should have no advice to give it In that case we should naturally expect exaggerated overstatements of facts and inflammatory appeals to party passions. Tho effect of such a meeting would be to consolidate and intensify democratic feeling; but, on the other hand, it would arouse the party spirit’ of republicans and blind them to the real issue. The success of the meeting, as a patriotic protest against the late high-handed proceedings in Louisiana, depends upon its being divested of a partisan character and made to express the attachment of all true Americans to the imperilled princi- ples on which their institutions are founded. The meeting will have no moral weight if it ‘should degenerate into an extravagant, un- scrupulous arraignment of President Grant, unrestrained by respect for his official station and denouncing him as if he were a Cromwell ora Catiline If this meeting is to influence ‘the judgment of republicans it must dis- creetly forbear to say things offensive to their party pride or which they cannot indorse without compromising their party Btanding; but if it is not conducted in such a spirit that fair-minded republicans can approve of its proceedings it can dono possible good, be- cause democrats can be relied on to oppose the action ot the President in any event, and republicans could counteract the effect of the meeting by exposing its want of candor. If this meeting is managed as similar public [ meetings have been of late years the chief impression it produces will be made by the speeches, It is incumbent on the gentlemen who are responsible for the call to see that no speakers of the spasmodic, screechy type are | permitted to address the meeting. Such froth- ing demagogues would do it irreparable dam- age. They would make statements broader than the facts; they would indulge in a tone of infuriate declamation inconsistent with that weighty sobriety of judgment which alone can have any influence on the public mind in s great crisis. If therostrum should proveascene for the exhibition of incontinent, spread-eagle President Grant will be furnished with a ready answer to the best arguments of the wisest speakers. Instead of meeting and refuting the solid reasoning of the best speakers they will easily parry its effect by pointing out and ex- ploding the unscrupulous assertions of foolish, passionate orators who go off at half cock. We | sincerely hope that the eminent, influential | gentlemen who have the meeting in charge will not allow any speakers to address it whose character is not a guarantee for the exact truth of their statements and the moderation and wisdom of their advice. The impressivenegs of the meeting would be fatally impaired by | indiscreet speeches from impulsive democrats or impulsive republicans who think this a good opportunity for constructing a bridge on which they may, go over to the democratic party. This cautionary advice is not un- ealied for in view of the use which demo- cratic politicians will try to make of this conjuncture. Having thus frankly expressed our views as to the proper spirit and temper of the meet- | ing, we will venture to make a sug- | gestion as to its practical action. We | fear this is a subject to which the | gentlemen who signed the call have not given | much reflection. They have, as yet, thought | of nothing but rousing public feeling. We | have no reason to suppose that they con- | template anything beyond a succession of | vigorous speeches and the passage of resolu- | tions strongly denouncing the action of the President. They might adopt a wiser course. A mere appeal to the people could bear no fruit, except in distant elections. But the wrongs of Louisiana ought to be redressed at | once, and there is no possibility of early re- dress except through the action of Congress. | It will be two years before the people can | apply a remedy. It is a mistake to suppose | that strong expressions of public sentiment will influence the President after he has so unequivocally committed himself to his un- fortunate policy. But he has repeatedly recognized the authority of Congress to over- rule him, and has again and again submitted the Louisiana question to its considera- tion. Unless Congress takes the sub- ject in hand the President has bound himself, by reiterated declarations in various messages, to support the Kellogg government against all opposition. It is vain and fatile to expect that public meetings will change his policy, unless the representatives of the people aro influenced by them to accept their proper responsibility. The President has all along signified his readiness to carry out the views of Congress on this question if Con- gress would exercise its acknowledged right to direct him. All this mischief has come from the neglect of Congress to discharge its | duty and its implied permission to the Presi- dent to exercise his own judgment, Since, therefore, by the acknowledgment | of the President, and by the principles of the | constitution, the control of this subject be- longs to Congress, the meeting on Monday evening shonld conduct its proceedings with | & view to this cardinal fact, which is the key of the situation. Congress must no longer shirk its duty or evade its responsibility. The President having in vain asked it to guide him and informed it of the course he would pur- | sue if it did not act, a meeting of fair. | minded citizens ought to aim their censure as | much at the neglect of Congress as at the | usurpation of the President. If he had | defied Congress, if he had persisted in his Louisiana blunder against its direction, or even if he had failed to submit the question for its decision, the whole weight of public | reprobation would deservedly fall upon him. But Congress has taciily told him to go ahead, and with ro rule for his guidance but his own | discretion it is not surprising that he has gone so far. The main purpose of the meet- ing at the Cooper Institute should be to recall \to settle, but a ouestion for the whole country. Congress to the duty it has so long neglected. notwithstanding the President nas so often brought that duty to its attention. We are, therefore, of the opinion, after the best reflection we have been able to give to the subject, that the action of the meeting, instead of taking the ordinary form of a string of resolutions, should be a well weighed memorial to Con- gress. There are abundant precedents for this form of action by public meetings, which is in perfect accordance with that provision of the constitution which declares that ‘Con- gress shall make no law abridging the right of the people peaceably to.assemble and peti- tion the government for a redress of griev- ances.” The constitution assumes that the fitting outcome of a public meeting is such a memorial as we recommend to the great as- semblage of citizens at the Cooper Institute. If the action of the meeting takes this form it will be marked by a sobriety of statement and candor of tone which cannot be expected ina set of resolutions addressed to the public. A memorial addressed to Congress would neces- sarily be.respectful in its language and con- siderate in its positions, and would have alto- gether more weight with the public than a series of denunciatory resolutions, It would have the merit of asking relief from the only source competent to give it, and would, therefore, be judicious and business-like, whereas a set of inflammatory resolutions would be looked upon by the public as mere buncombe. The moral weight of the meeting will be greatly increased if the formal ex- pression of its views takes a form which is of itself a guarantee for precision of statement, moderation of tone and caution not to over- step constitational limits in its recommenda- tions. The Ultramontanists. A correspondent addressing the Heraup re- cently seemed anxious to know why we have more respect for Prince Bismarck's policy than for that of the ultramontanists, and why it is that we regard the ultramontanists as a mis- chievons. sect whose political aspirations should be postponed until we all get to heaven. To this we answer that ultramon- tanism in Enrope, go far as we understand the term, represents that party in Italy which would like to see King Bomba on the throne of Naples and all the Bourbon dukes recalled to their old duchies; the party in France which would pray for the rcturn of a king like Louis XL; the party in Spain which believes that Philip IL was the greatest ruler that ever governed that country, and that Spain will never be what it was until the Escurial is oc- cupied by a prince worthy to succeed that able, bigoted, sombre tyrant. In other words, the ultramontanist party is that party which not only accepts the infallibility of the Pope as a religious dogmas, but thinks that His Holiness should sit in arbitration upon all questions of international conflict; that, asa distinguished correspondent hinted in these columns not long singe, he should have been called in to arbitrate between the North and the South at the begirining of our war. We can understand howa party that maintains these views—earnest, devoted, sincere, no doubt—which regards the expulsion of the | Moors, the Massacre of St. Bartholomew and the deeds of the Inquisition as so many acts of faith, might be successful in some other world where religious questions are no longer a matter of debate or faith. But on this earth—this thinking, inquiring, sceptical planet, where government is not a matter of religion and should have no connection with the Church—ultramontanism is mischievous and has always produced trouble. We have a good deal more respect for Prince Bismarck than we have for the leaders of this sect. Prince Bismarck is a daring politician, redblved to build up Germany at whatever cost. Though we have censured many of the means he has adopted to attain this purpose, and we think that history will decide that he has yielded to an imperious, tyrannical, masterful spirit. But he hag all along meant to do something pos- sible. The ultramontanists have been striving to do impossibilities—to introduce the tenth century into the nineteenth. Hence, we re- gard them as mischievous, and congratulate ourselves that in free America no such party exists. Let Us Have Temperance in the spiteches | | at the public meeting. “Noruina To Say.”’—Such prominent citi- | zens as ex-Governor Dix and ex-Governor E, | D. Morgan, when asked to express their views | of the recent events in New Orleans, have | “nothing to say.”” Yet they .cannot look upon the overthrow of republican government in a sovereign State and the dispersion of its Legislature by federal troops with in- difference. Words of regret spoken by them at this time, calm and temperate as they would assuredly be, would have great influence and be productive of good. They hesitate to speak such words; but is not the fact that they have “nothing to say” an admission that they cannot approve or justify the action of the President, and would denounce it but for considerations of political expediency ? Tue Srare or Massacuusetts has seen fit to refuse the pardon of Pettis, the forger, asked for asa means of promoting the ends of justice in New York. We have nothing to say in criticism of this decision. But it is believed that officials in New York, notably persons connected with the Police Depart- ment, used all the influence they could bring to bear on the Massachusetts authorities to prevent the pardon. We have reason to be- lieve that a full disclosure of all the facts bearing on the case would afford a clew to yet undiscovered rascalities in this State. Can we not have such an official publication as will show what influences were used to induce the refusal of the pardon? The Governor of Massachusetts should help New York to the extent of his power in this matter. Pennsyivanta calls upon Governor Hart- ranft to address the Legislature in as manly tones as thoss of Governors Allen, Gaston, Brown and Woocson. No doubt he will do 60, unless he has forgotten what he said in his last Message :—‘In no event and ander | no circumstances should a military force be used until the power of the civil authorities is | exhausted and the outbreak assumes propor- tions of such magnitude that these officers would be powerless to overcome it.” Ler Ovn Frrenps who are about to consider the acts of military usurpation in Louisiana remember that passion will weaken and not strengthen their resolutiouvs- condemnation or | NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, JANUARY 9, 1875.-WITH SUPPLEME NT. Clouds in France. The uneasy condition of France at the beginning of this year excites interest and apprehension, We are enabled to take a clearer view of the political situation by the publication of the letters addressed by Count Arnim to Prince Bismarck. According to one of these letters the close of 1873 was almost marked by a coup d'état. The fear expressed by the German Ambassador was that it would be impossible for parties to unite upon any system of government, that an appeal to the country would result in the proclamation of the Republic, that better than’ the Republio chaos, and better than chaos a dictatorship. France is in the peculiar position of being governed by an Assembly that represents the mortification of despair and defeat. The members of the Assembly feel that if they were to appeal to the country to-morrow the result would be the election of a body that would proclaim the Republic. Con- sequently they are fighting a desperate battle. Like our brethren in the South before the end of the war, they feel that they have come to their “last ditch.” The monarchists lost their hope when the Count de Chambord -proclaimed his inflexible determination to take the crown only when it came with the white flag. Since then everything has been drifting either towards the Republio or the Empire. The republicans, under the wise lead of Gam- betta, have been patient, conservative, biding their time. They pursue Fabian tactics in their warfare. Many revolutions have taught | them wisdom. On the other hand, the Bona- partists have been developing the most active campaign. All the machinery of agitation has been at their disposal. The telegraph, the press, the photograph have been used to ad- ‘vance the claim of the young Prince. All that eloquence and art and money could do toward reviving the spell of Napoleonism has been done; and, in a country where the people are 80 easily moved as in France, it has not been without its result. The Bonapartist party have steadily grown in strength since the ad- vent of MacMahon, and we should not be surprised if it now holds the balance of power between the parties in France. Marshal MacMahon is like man who stands upon a rock between contending seas, He represents nothing. The republican wave may wash over him to-day or the Bonapartist wave to-morrow. His Septennate is merely a | personal compliment, and naturally he asks | for more definite powers from France. Like a patriot he asks for some form of govern- ment that will not necessarily involve a revo- lution in the event of his death. Accordingly | he has addressed a message to the Assembly | asking for three propositions—First, that a second chamber shall be created; second, that the Septennate shall be continued until 1880, whether MacMahon dies or not; third, that when the second chamber is created both chambers shall decide upon a gov- ernment to succeed the Septennate. The Marshal accompanies*these propositions with a brief and rather peremptory message. “Conservative interests,”’ he says, ‘‘most im- peratively demand its adoption. The point relating to the transmission of powers after 1880 must be as promptly settled.’’ After the reading of the message the Min istry endeavored to pass an order of the day to the effect that the Assembly would consider first the Second Chamber bill Upon this motion it was defeated by combination of the legitimists, the Bonapartists and the ex- treme republicans. In other words the extreme republicans and the legitimists, by the aid of an alliance with the Bonapartists, have defeated the Right and Lett Centre, who represent the conservative element of the Assembly. The consequence of this action is that the Cabinet tendered its resignation, and, as the cable says: —‘‘The crisis is regarded as serious ;"" MacMahon being engaged in an anxious, but up to this moment futile, effort to reconstruct the Ministry, se that it may harmonize, if possible, with the | Assembly. The explanation is that the ; Tepublicans oppose the second chamber as | violation of the true republican spirit. The legitimista will accept MacMahon, but will consent to no measure tending to the con- solidation of any French government that does not bring theCount de Chambord to the throne. The Bonapartists—who mean nothing but i mischief all the time, and would drive the country steadily on towards chaos, in the hope that the result may be a coup d'état and the Empire—unite with them to embarrass Mac- | Mahon and destroy his government. What | will MacMahon do? ‘The: majority which | defeats his Ministry is not a majority upon | which he can rest. He cannot govern by the union of the Right and Left, because they have no point of sympathy. If he dissolves | the Assembly and orders a new election the | Fepublicans will win, and he will then be in | even a more unfortunate position, holding s | barren trust and at the mercy of Gambetta and his allies. Meanwhile the Marshal- President fights for time, too. He refuses to accept the resignation of the Ministers until he has formed a new one from the majority. The Marshal has pledged himself not to abandon his Septennate until the expiration of | his term of office, Either the Assembly must | accept his wishes or he must dissolve the Assembly, proclaim a dictatorship, and, like | Serrano, govern France by the sword until he | makes up his: mind which of the royal pre- tenders will be most pleasing. This is one | possibility; another is a Bonapartist dem- onstration from the army; a third, a republican revolution, We do not be- | lieve in the revolution, because the fighting power of the republicans of France was ex- | hausted during the recent war and the Com- | munistic insurrection. Unless, therefore, the Republic should be permitted to come in | peace, by the assent of MacMahon and the powers around him, there is nosolution of the | present crisis but a surrender ot the Assembly | or @ dissolution looking towards the Bona- | partes or the Bourbons. | It looks very much as {f republicanism fn | France and Spain would have to wait another | generation. It may be best that it should | wait, True republicanism should not grow | up like a gourd in the night, but slowly, | steadily, like a coral rock or an oak tree, Norsixe is ever well done that ik wrongly done. Tue Frvau Anoument in Mr. Tweed’s case | | wae concluded yesterday, and is reported | elsewhere in full. The Court announced that | it would decide the auestion on Monday, Judge Dibble’s Appeal to Congress. ‘The letter which Mr. Henry C. Dibble, a member of the Louisiana government, has addressed to Mr. Foster, the Chairman of the Congressional Sub-Committee on the affairs of that State, will be read with interest. It is the testimony of one who ought to be well in- formed of the situation, and who has been consistent in his support of the Kellogg rule. The points which we understand | Mr. Dibbie to make are these:—That the opposition contemplated this year & coup d’éat in New Orleans; that the ‘‘timely interference of federal bayonets’ prevented this blow, and was justified by the facts; that Louisiana has not a republican form of gov- ernment, and that Ogngress should take meas- ures to obtain one. It is asserted by Mr. Dibble that the State is in the same condition } that it was in 1867, and he suggests that tho same processes of reconstruction should be resorted to. Considering that those processes have confessedly failed throughout the whole South, and especially in Louisiana, would it not be well to substitute for a policy of recon- struction one of restoration? But we are glad that Mr. Dibble proposes that Congress shall take up the entire question in Louisiana and settle it, and this is clearly the only thing to be done. General Sheridan cannot’ setile it by making military rule superior to the civil authorities; the President cannot settle it by the dispersion of the Legislature, and the people of Louisiana, it is proved, cannot settle anything, so” long’ as past evils and wrongs and prejudices are permitted to con- trol the present That Congress, in} duty to the whole nation, is bound to act is proved by the assertion of Mr. Dibble that. “the measures of the republican party had ‘vested in the Governor of .the State a degree of powér scarcely exercised by ‘Atly sovereign in the world.”” That power and a republican form of government cannot exist together. Ler toe Merrinc remind the President that he once had no will against that of the people, and that the people once fought Great Britain rather than submit to military ufur- pation. Great American Martyrs, Grant and Green. The Two man in the history of the country, and not only thinks so, but has said so officially in his annual Message to Congress, just after the Greeley canvass. He then complained that ‘‘throughout the war and from my can- didacy for my present office, in 1868, I have been the subject of abuse and slander scarcely ever equalled in political history.” The ma- jority of the people had supposed that Gen- eral Grant was the best rewarded person in American history. He was elected President ata time when he had no political opinions he was willing to express ; all his errors were excused on account of his inexperience in civil affairs; he was again elected, and he was the first President who had his salary raised. Nevertheless General Grant has always considered himself one of the great political martyrs; he made a personal sacrifice when he gave up the Generalship of the Army, a position for life, to oblige the American people by accepting the responsibility of the Presi- dency ; heagain sacrificed himself in 1872 and he is willing to endure the same anguish in 1876. In this martyr-like spirit the President has consistently visited his righteous wrath | | upon the people who have offended him. The South annoys him by its attempts to govern itself, and he sends an army to govern the South ; Louisiana perplexes him and he dis- perses its Legislature by the bayonet. He is like one of those old martyrs who, when bound to the stake, revenged themselves by working miracles of punishment upon their persecutors. Andrew H. Green considers himself an- other great American martyr. Just as Grant, whenever he has made a mistake in his policy, attacks the people he has wronged, so Mr. Green, when his rule has become more than usually odious, revenges himself upon his colleagues. He wreaks his vengeance upon the other departments, and when he is ac- cused of extravagance in his own branch of the government practises a severe economy upon the clerks of somebody else. Mrs. Gummidge did not represent herself to Mr. Peggotty as a more lorn and miserable creetur than Mr. Green describes himself as auch to the citizens of New York. Everybody has wronged and abused Mr. Green, and his own sad accounts of his sufferings for the public good would cause o person ignorant of the situation to shed tears of sympathy and woe. Yet the public observes that both Grant and Green os martyrs appear to be pretty | well satisfied with their positions—better | satisfied than the people are with their actions. Even their party friends aro displeased, and os the republicans would be delighted if Grant would relax his grip of the neck of their party, so the democrats would be rejoiced if Green would resign. Bat neither party dares to openly resist. This terrible man Green cows the mutinous de- mocracy of New York, and the other terrible man Grant keeps at his feet the discontented republicans of the country. What is the reason of this sullen obedience of each party to an incubus it would be rid of? Lzr rae Prortz in meeting assembled de- clare that the issue is between constitutional rights and military usurpation, and that they will fight it out on this line if they have to take all summer. Avoiding the Issue. The announcement that the President will | send & message to Congress giving a stato- ment of his reasons for sending General Sheridan to New Orleans and imposing upon Louisiana all the rigors of a military govern- | ment comes to us officially, and we presume we shall have it to-day. Perhaps the Presi- | dent is waiting for General Sheridan’s report of the ‘four thousand murders” to which that commander alludes in one of his letters. | A message of this nature, throwing light upon | | the condition of affairs in the South, will be read | | With interest, But the country will ask, Why | was thisinformation not given in the first | | place? Why did it not form a part of the | annual Message, when, in obedience to his | oath of office, the President was charged with | communicating to Oongress the condition of the country? Why did he not take the nation into his confidence? Knowing the natural | sensitiveness of a democratic people to any military interfereace in civil | affairs, whv oot hava ranared ag | The President thinks he is the worst abused + $$ $$ for his harsh and sudden policy? Why send the Lieutenant General of the armies on an errand of mystery—nominally to make a tour of inspection of the South and report upon the condition of affairs, but really with orders to take command of the army and navy and become the proconsul of a mihtary des- potism? This is what we have seen in Louis} ana—a military despotism, in its severest aid most offensive shape. Such a message will be read with interest, but at the same time it does not meet the real point at issue. Ten thousand murders would not justify the acts which have aroused the anger and apprehension of the country. The way to punish murders is not to march a file of soldiers into o sovereign assembly. For that act therecan be noexcuseand no apology. And this is the act of which we complain. The meaning of the Message is an attempt to change the issue, to distract the incensed public opinion of the nation. But | it will not do! Our controversy is with the President of s free Republic at peace for having overthrown a sovereign assembly by anactof war. Let us determine that, and then consider the murders. Many crimes, even of murder, will not excuse one crime— that of military usurpation. We can punish one as well as the other. Aw Eanruquaxe some time ago was mise taken for an explosion, and now we have had an explosion, which was mistaken for an earth- quake. was the blowing up of the nitro- glycerine mills in Pequannock, the report of which was loud enough to be heard in our columns to-day. Senator Carrentzs is not included in “all of us." He does not approve entirely the action of the government, and thinks the in- terference of Congress advisable. Tux Morro of the meeting should be—‘‘Let us have peace.” PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE. The Ballard (Ulinots) News ts to be enlarged. Congressman-elect Gilbert C. Walker, of Virginia, Js staying at the St. Nicholas Hotel. Colonel H. 8. McComb, of Delaware, is among the “latest arrivals at the Windsor Hotel.” This year begins and ends on a Friday—a fact that occurs about once in fifty years. “Mr BD. Bassett, United States Minister to Bayt, is sojourning at the Astor House, An unfinished essay on Socialism, by John Stuart Mill, will be published this year. Assemblyman Emerson E. Davis, of Whitehall, N. Y., Is residing at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. Justice in Paris ts still occupied with offences growing out of the insurrection of the Commune, In Paris the service of the horse cars on the Avenue de Neuilly was completely stopped by the snow. Brevet Lientenant Colonel Samuel McConthe, United States Army, is quartered at the Sturtevant House. Anew book on “Security of Property from Fire and Thteves’’ will be put forth py Mr. G, H. Chubb, of London. On December 9 there was an earthquake at Sora, on the Liris, in Italy, 80 strong as to shake down many houses. Guizot’s collar of the Order of the Golden Fieece, which was the one worn by Philip IL, has been re- turned to Spain. Ex-Governor Jacob D. Cox, of Ohio, President of the Toledo, Wabash and Western Railway Com pany, is registered at the Windsor Hotel. Two centenarians have died in the State of South Carolina within the past few days—Mrs. Rosenburg, aged 103 years, and Richard Cottrill, aged 119 years, Colonel Flanagan, of the Kenton (Ohio) Demo- crat, has sold out to D. 8. Fisher, late of the Lima (Obio) Democrat, The change will cause no loss in name, at any rate. Miinols editors are doubting the propriety of having their outside editions ready made, like a suit of half worn old clothea. About time all our country friends began to think the same way. December 17 large numbers of policemen watched in the Faubourg Saint Honoré, Paris, nearly a whole day to arrest the Prince Imperial, who was at Woolwich all the time. They had been fooled. The Waverly (Iowa) Repudlican has been sued for libel, $50,000 damages, by E, Billings, a iawyer, because it published an account of the marriage of Billings to a school girl, whose parents subse. quently took her away from him. We have the best information that Senator John P. Stockton is a candidate for re-election to the Senate of the United States. This gentleman, we are informed, is not only @ candidate, but his friends are confident of his success, In the German postal service an order has just been issued directing that certain words derived jrom the French, such a8 poste restante, shall no longer be officially used, and defining what Ger- man words shall be the equivalents of these. Dr. Colange has in preparation an elaborate Dictionary of the English Language, intended to fill a similar place in Anglo-Saxon literature to the one which has been taken up in French lexicog- raphy by the voluminous and eradite Dictionary of M. Littré, The London Paper Trade Journal proposes a compromise on the international copyright ques- tion, allowing every publisher in the United States the liberty to reprint, but requiring him to gtve the author a royalty of ten per cent, This is copy- right with the exclusive right left out. Britisn parson and commercial traveller, in the cars (conversation slow). Usual question, “Wnat line are you in?’ &c. Parson answers, with a faint joke, that he 1s “in vhe spiritual line.” “Ha, ha,’’ says the other, “Diessed if I didn’t think so. But, I say, what a —— of a price you have got gin up to.” The performance of the “Grande Duchesse” was once an important Cabinet question, It was first forbidden as reflecting on Catherine IL of Russia, but at the instigation of the authors was referrea to the Russian Minister, and finally to Prince Gortschakoff, who returned the manuscript with the witty reply that, having never been to Gérol- stein, he saw no reason for being sensitive about the morals of that State, Pope Leo XII, once, when hard pressed for money, induced several rich Roman families to make him advances, and by way of compensation freed them and their estates irom liability to tax+ ation durmg the present century. The tax gatherers of the new Italian Kingdom, however, refuse to acknowledge the validity of this dispen- sation, and have demanded payment of four years’ taxes from the representatives of the families in question. The latter have therefore determined to contest their Liability before the courts, Apparently the opening of the New Opera in Paris 1s to furnish a political scandal as well a8 a pleasure to the public. In the original plan there was an imperial box, as the plan was made under the Empire, and this box still exists. There has consequently been some curiosity to know what disposition would be made of it. It ts now re- ported that this box has been permanently hired to a club, and that the club will keep it “systemat- tcally empty,” and so tt will constantly stare tne public in the face as the place where the Emperot ought to be. , One of the Parts almanacs has this story signed Laboulaye:--A lazy girl, who liked to live im comfort and do nothing, asked her fairy god- mother to give her @ good genius to do everything tor her, On the instant the fairy cailed ten dwarfs who dressed and washed the little girl and combed her hair, and fed her ana soon, Ail was done so nicely that she was happy except for tha thought that they would go away, “To prevent that,” said the godmother, “I will place them per- manently in your ten pretty little fingers.” And they are there you