The New York Herald Newspaper, January 4, 1875, Page 4

4 ‘NEW "YORK ‘HERALD BROADWAY 4 AND ANN STREET, JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS.—On and teafter January 1, 1875, the daily and weekly | veditions of the New York Henaxp will be went free of postage. THE DAILY HERALD, prblished every Four cents per copy. An- day in the year. jnnal subscription price $12. THE WEEKLY HERALD, every Saturday, at Five \Cxnrs per copy. Annual subscription price :-— Prnree Copies ive Copies. Men Copte: Sent free of postag: All business or news letters and telegraphic Gespatches must be addressed New York Herarp. Rejected communications will not be re- | turned. Letters ard packages should be properly | sealed. LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK | HERALD—NO, 46 FLEET STREET. fubscriptions and Advertisements will be | received and forwarded on the same terms | NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, JANUARY 4, 1875. —WITH SUPPLEMENT. The Situation im New Orleans. The situation in New Orleans is so critical that an accident may precipitate a conflict be- fore the day is over. Each side is confident of securing the organization of the Legisla- ture and in that body both seem determined upon pursing a programme which may lead to bloodshed. The reported meet- ing of the White League prepared for battle is ominous. The measures adopted by the State authorities are even more danger- the same, and the (AHR would | cate that a good many of the negroes did not rejoice, for they would thereby gain another | know why they were being killed. They are year in which to complete their work of | so deplorably ignorant that it is likely that spoliation and misrule. In this view of the | many innocent men were victims to a quarrel case we exceedingly regret that the White | in which they had no real sympathy. League is to assemble at all to-day. If they are ont of the way of any conflict, though great wrongs may be perpetrated, no conflict can ensue. This we are assured is their intention, and as the ‘promi- nent officers of the o: tion took the The New State Government—Meeting of the Legislature. The importance of the legislative session which begins to-morrow depends but little on the success of the democratic party in the | condition of affairs without alarm. Two par- | peace first, leaving th@ question of right to be | determined afterward. Than this nothing ous. For the first time in the history of any pains last night to assure the country through State in the Union the people have been | the Hepat that they intended taking no part called to assemble in the capital to see that | 2 the proceedings of the day we are per- - P ing | Suaded that even a radical conspi no wrong is committed upon the lawmaking mepeeney may power of the Commonwealth. For the first | 20t be able to precipitate a conflict at the time the representatives of the people have | §4me time that we fully recognize the danger been asked to pass through a guard of of the situation and tremble at the possibili- armed men on their way to the State | ties to which the slightest incident may Jead. House. Worse than all this is the _ Apart from the delicacy and danger of the apparent necessity that is imposed upon | Situation the proper course for the people of the general government to support with | New Orleans and Louisiana to pursue in this United States troops the perpetrators of so | CTisis is plain. There is no overwhelming terrible a wrong upon the sovereignty of a | 2ecessity fpr resistance now; indeed, there is State. It is impossible to look upon such a jess reason for a resort to violence at this time than there was last September, notwithstand- ing fresh wrongs have been added to the others. At that time radical supremacy was unimpaired. Since then, however, there has been a political revolution and what seemed uncertain, almost impossible, is now secure by the will of the people. Everything is changed, and the victory of last year is likely to be repeated this and the next. Violence is the only thing which can turn the tide back again by galvanizing old party cries into life. The people of New Orleans cannot fail ties, both desperate in the measures they have | adopted to obtain supremacy, stand armed and ready to confront each other. A word may lead to a blow, and a blow to a battle. | In such a conflict all political differences j will vanish for the time, and even the sincerest friends of the wronged and oppressed people of Louisiana will be com- pelled to approve a policy which commands State election, The only solid advantage gained by the democratic victory, so far as the action of this Legislature is concerned, consists in the ability of the democrats to elect Senator Fenton's successor. Their great popular triumph will prove barren of legisla- tive results because the republican Senate chosen in 1873 holds over. It requires the joint action of both houses to pass any bill, and the republican Senate will de- feat every measure which would benoe- fit the democratic party. This check will bo mostly felt in legislation relating to New York city. The present charter was passed by a republican Legislature two years ago, and the Senate will not permit changes in it in a democratic sense. It is of little practical consequence what democratic meas- ures Governor Tilden may recommend, or the Assembly may pass, so long as they are obstructed by an adverse majority in the Senate. This deadlock between the democratic Assembly. and republican Senate will be broken in electing Mr. Fenton’s successor by the fact that the party majority is greater in one house than it is in the other. After could be more painful. Louisiana has been to recognize the fact that a civil con- as in New York. | misgoverned, humiliated, robbed. The State | government is little better than s usurpa- tion. The popular voice has been disregarded and the election returns have been falsified by ® faithless Returning Board. To crown a long series of infamies the members of the Legislature are to be compelled to pass | through a guard not less Pretorian than those which did the bidding of a Roman emperor. | It is as if a whole people was undergoing the | ordeal of the yoke. They must feel such a | situation keenly, especially as their best friends can offer them no assurance of imme- diate relief, and we are compelled to counsel ae people of Louisiana to submit a little while longer, that peace and good government | may come to them in the end with all the | | more honor because they were patient in | their sufferings and loyal even when they were most wronged, There is one bright ray in the darkness and | gloom which overhangs the people of New | Orleans, It is their promise to be guilty of | no act of violence against the United States. When we consider the wrongs | they suffered and the outrages which | are still impending over them we see | | in this a resolution that is more than patriotic— end durin | it is heroic, - Unfortunately the very conflict Fixteenth street HEGONE DUGL CARE, at 8 P. M., | ‘bey Wish to avoid may become inevitable if closes at 10457. M. Mr. Maccabe. | there is any conflict at all. A riot necessarily | GLOBE THEATRE, | means interference, and interference can only Broadway.—VARIETY, at 8 P. M.; closes at 1030 P.M. | result in prolonging the anarchy and usurpa- BROOKLYN PARK THEATRE, tion which have long been almost unendura- PIAL ine iy aul satilearreare ble. Another outbreak would only add to the Fourteenth seypeqand nizth avenue 1WIXT Axe aN | Complications which have already done so CHOWN, at dP. M.; closes at 10:49 P, M. Mrs. Rousby. | much to retard justice to Louisiana. Congress ACK has been slow to free the State from the | | Kellogg usurpation, and it would be | | slower still to accord justice to an oppressed | people if even fora day they took the reins | into their own hands by force. Besides the | bloodshed and misery and disgrace which | would inevitably follow a resort to arms at | this time the action that is most needed for | | the peace and well-being of the State would | Bowery VARIETY, at 8 F.M.; closes at 1Oxs P.M | be delayed for another year. The remedy, | ' which the present Congress cannot | Broadway, between Twenty-first and Twenty-second | dcny with any decent regard for the uni- | Si voin F Raymond. ee ee | * | versal sentiment of the country would then | be withheld upon the plea that the people of | | Louisiana are unruly and disloyal and can- | | | not be trusted with power. And thereby even | the democratic Congress which is to assemble | = | a year hence would be trammelled in its action, | “<Ghom ome Sites this morning the probabilities | especially if the Executive should feel ag- are that the weather to-day will be colder and | grieved at the course pursued by the White cloudy, with rain, sleet or snow. League leaders in this crisis. In whatever agpect we regard it an outbreak now could | only be productive of evil consequences. | | It would bring evils of its own even within | the narrowest sphere of its operations. It would not tree the State or secure to the peo- | ple of Louisiana one right they do not now bly and the Senatorship are the absorbing | possess. As we said before, it would only topics, So far there has been little good feel- prolong their misery, and in some sense it fing between the country democrats and Tam- | would lose them the universal sympathy they | many Hall; but they may learn to love each | 20W receive. Everything would be lost and | other when they get better acquainted. | nothing gained. Under these circumstances | —_—— it is better for them to bear the ills Tur New GoveRNMENT OF Sparx seems to | | they have than fly to others that they be getting under headway, and there are | know not of; for, whether the radi- promises of speedy recognition by the Euro- | cals gain their point in the organization pean Powers and even by the United States. | of the Legislature; whether they are. prac- | As Secretary Fish recognized the Republic as | tically disfranchised and a new fraud im-| soon as it was fairly on its legs it is assumed | posed upon them in addition to the old; that he will do the like by the rehabilitated | whether the present Congress neglects or re- Kingdom. It would be a good thing to do a8 | fuses to do them justice ; still the day of their | it would fix the precedent for recognitions of deliverance is near at hand, and they can existing governments as often asthe Spaniards | count to the hour almost when it will come. desire it, Under the worst conceivable circumstances | USEMENTS 10- NIGHT. OLYMPIC THEATRE, BS 6% Broadway.—VARIETY, at 8’. Mi; closes at 10:45 BOOTH’S THEATRE, ler of Twenty-third street and Sixth avenue.— | = * LE EM'LY, ai 3 2. M.; closes at lou P.M. ROMAN BIPPODROME, nty-sixt! et, ourth ‘avenue.—BLUE | ae ED 8 and FETE AT PEKIN, atternoon and evening, 2 TIVOLI THEATRE, Wight street VARIETY, at5 P. M.; closes at 1! P. M. FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, nty-eignih ee and Broadway. ae PALACE | F TRUIH, at 8PM. ; closes at 10:30 P.M. Miss Car- Leclercg, Mr. Louis James. BRYANTS OPERA HOUSE, rWrest eat, Twenty third street, near : izth avenue —NEGRO — , &c., at 8 P.M, closesac lu P.M, Dan ryan METROPOLITAN MUSEUM °F ART, Fourteenth street—Open from 10 A. M. to5 P. M. NIBLO’S, ls. AND JILL, at 8 P. M.; closes at 10 45 cio giriggge i pe ington street—A WAY TO PAY OLD pers’ acsP.M. Mr. EL _ Baveuhece SAN FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, ere. corner of Twenty-ninth stréet.—NEGRO INSTRELOY, at 8 P.M. Clowes ative. 3, WALLACK’S T' proadwar. THE SHAUGHRA| 40 P.M. Mr. Boucicault. THEATRE COMIQUE, Ef 514 Broadway.—VAKIETY, at 5 P! M.; closes at 11 Woop’s MU roadway, corner Thirtieth st wloses at 10:45 P.M. Mr. W. MOKE, ot 8 P.M; | os HEATRE, M®TROPOLL z. Ro ses Broadway.—VARIETY, at 8 P. M.; Closes at 10 :30 TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, WiTH SUPPLEMENT Szvor CasTenar is asked to come to Wash- fngton to aid the Cuban cause before Congress. It is not likely the eloquent Spaniard will care to become the Cuban Moses. Ar Aupany the organization of the Assem- | flict is the thing most desired by their | enemies in the North, for the reason that it would lose them the sympathy that is now so thoroughly with them and with the conserva- tives of the South. We have shown them that even their enemies in Louisiana would be benefited by it, In addition, we have pointed out to them what they would lose in the certainties of the future by the adoption of an unfortu- | nate policy at this time. This is not really the crisis of their fate. That was passed last November. They may still have some ills to bear, but bearing them they have only to wait and all will be well, After all they have suf- fered, after the wonderful alacrity they showed in September in evincing their obe- | dience to the federal authority, after earning as much by their fortitude as their wrongs | the sympathies of the country it is not possible that they will deliberately adopt a suicidal policy and so lose all. We prefer to disbelieve in the dangers which surround them, delicate as the situa- tion confessedly is, and we accept their as- surances as words which mean something more than promises made to be broken. We | have seen that they were able to keep their word in the past, when there was not so much reason to be hopeful as there is to-day, and though we await events with anxiety we are | not without hope and trust. Cheap Homes and Rapid Transit. Some of our contemporaries print interest- ing articles in reference to the cheap homes in many of our cities, more especially in Phila- | delphia. We have before us most interest- | ing description of Philadelphia building asso- ciations, which practically enable a mechanic, by paying $12 50 a month, to become the owner of his home. Philadelphia is remark- able among cities for this development of comfort and independence, and has frequently | been called “the city of the poor man’s ; home.’’ The reproach that has fallen upon New York—that it is a city of millionnaires and beggars; that there is no opportunity for | a large, industrious, laboring class to obtain homes at rates within their incomes—should be removed. This can only be done by rapid transit. Philadelphia, like London and Paris, | is in the centre of an open country and may extend in ali directions. New York, hemmed in by river and sea, has only one path of growth—toward Westchester. Let us have rapid transit from the densely built city to the country lying around New Rochelle, Yonkers and Fordham—surpassed by no sec- tion for beauty, salubrity and natural attrac- tions—and it would instantly become opened up by capitalists, who would build homes for | the poor like those we see in Philadelphia. | Therefore this great boon to the poor which | Philadelphia presents in such a remarkable degree can only be gained for New York by a system of rapid transit. The Beecher Case. From all that we can gather the Beecher | ease will enter upon trial to-day. Both sides seem to feel the pressure of that public | opinion which demands that the matter should end. There will be some difficulty in obtain- ing a jury, as few reasonable and thinking people in Brooklyn have failed to express an opinion upon the case. The decision of the | Court refusing o bill of particulars to Mr. Beecher would, it was thought, postpone the | trial. That gentleman's lawyers have wisely | accepted the situation. The case now goes Tar Maprm RervsiicaN CabINET AND THE | Presipent’s Messacz.—Through our Wash- ington correspondence we learn of action | into Court with all the advantages on the side of Mr. Tilton, so far as scope and freedom of evidence are concerned. If he does not they have orly to await the assembling of | the Forty-fourth Congress, and the certainty of their relief then will greatly mitigate their which was taken by the Cabinet of the late | condition in the meantime if they are able to | Spanish Republic upon becoming cognizant of | restrain themselves now. This is a considera- | that part of the President's Message relating | tion which ought not to be overlooked or for- | to Cuba. A circular note of inquiry was imme- | gotten in their counsels, and we hope it will | diately despatched to the other European | receive its due weight in their deliberations. Powers, asking if they intended to jom the | Our news this morning indicates one United States in interfering with the affairs of | danger which may precipitate a conflict even Spain in Cuba. The response from Great against the wishes of the people of New Or- | Britain was prompt and interesting, but it is leans. This danger comes from the Fal- | mot known that any other answers were yet | staffian recruits under the command of the received at the date of the letter. Great Britain Pennsylvania schoolmaster, who floated to was particularly amiable in the tone of hercom- | Louisiana with the tides of the war, and now munication, being still flushed with the self- | seems clothed with the extraordinary au- gatisfaction caused by the Spanish contribution | thority of passing upon the qualifications | prove his case, unfettered as he is, it will be because it does not admit of proof. There have been no new developments as to testi- mony. The ‘‘statements” on either side tell bout all that is known. The problem now will be to carry the evidence in these state- ments before a jury. As our readers under- stand, this is an action for damages, in which Mr. Tilton is plaintiff. There are several other actions. One is a criminal indictment against Mr. Tilton for libel. If Mr. Beecher | | is beaten in the civil suit this will hardly be | pressed. Should he win there will probably be a speedy trial of the indictment. There is also an indictment against Mr. Moulton for toher coffers. She disclaimed anyintentionor of members of a Though the tyrannical assumptions of this man should be submitted to, any one of the so-called State militia might inaugurate civil | war by fomenting astreet row. Worse than disposition to become a party to interfer- Thus the United | States inadvertently receives an unasked for | ence in the war in Cuba. warning, which conveys with it somewhat of a humiliating lesson. A conviction of the slow- going character of our policy may have had much to do with this answer of the English State Legislature, libelling Miss Proctor. This has not been | withdrawn or settled, as has been generally sup- posed, the settlement only affecting the civil suit. It will also be tried. There is a libel suit against the Hagle on the part of Mr. this even, the more desperate of the radical | ‘pijton and another against the Graphic by leaders may be secretly hoping and plotting | shies Proctor. | for such a result. None of these has anything | Should Mr. Beecher be defeated in the civil | voting separately and giving a majority for different candidates the two houses will meet together as one body and elect the United States Senator by joint ballot But no law can be enacted.in that manner, and, consequently, no bill will pass this Legislature respecting whose necessity or expediency both political parties donot agree. In some respects this state of parties in the Legislature will be of advan- tage, and especially as regards the legislation consequent on the adoption of the new amendments, They were adopted by the vote of both parties, and there is a greater likeli- hood of their being carried fairly into execu- tion by a Legislature in which each political party holds a check on the other. We have great confidence that the laws passed by this Legislature will not only be non-partisan, but, in the main, pure. This confidence is not founded on the personal character of members of the Assembly, somany of whom are trying to evade the new oath of office, but on the excellence of the new amend- ments and the known integrity of the Gov- ernor. The amendments have interdicted the special and local laws which have always been the chief source of legislative corruption. Another excellent feature of the amendments is the power they confer on the Governor to veto separate items in appropriation bills, Many of the most outrageous swindles ever practised by legislative bodies have been engrafted on indispensable appropriation bills near the close of a session, leaving the Executive no alternative but to give effect to the swindles by his signature or to stop the wheels of the government by veto- ing the whole bill. The Governor of New York cannot again be reduced to this dilemma by the knaves of the Legislature, and with so honest and intelligent an Executive as Mr. Tilden we are confident that bills or parts of bills which receive his approval will not pro- mote any corrupt private interest. In this view Governor Tilden will wield greater power than any of his predecessors, though in a party sense he possesses next to none. The important part of the Governor's duties grow out of his participation in the State legislation, consisting of his recommen- dations at the beginning ot each session and his vetoes. We print this morning a long communication addressed to Governor Tilden by ‘A Democrat,” tendering advice as to his policy. The writer cannot, of course, expect his advice to be taken at this late day when the Message is either completed or only awaits a few touches of final revision. His letter is merely convenient form of laying his views before the public, which we enable him to do without expressing any opinion of our own as to the soundness or unsoundness of any part of what he ‘says. It is given out in Albany that the most prom:nent topic in the Message will be the canal q@estion—a prominence which is justified by the importance of the subject, by the changes in relation to it just made in the constitution and by its non-partisan character, which may encourage the Governor to hope that sound recommendations on this topic may be adopted by the Senate. The canals are o subject to which Mr. Tilden has given much thought and study, his speech on them having been altogether the ablest mado in the last Constitutional Convention. The authority conferred on the Legislature by the new amendments to sell the worthless lateral canals lends some novelty to an old question, but in other respects we presume Governor Tilden will merely repeat the substance of his former views. It is understood that he will not recommend a sale of the lateral canalse— for who could be found to purchase them ?— but a simple abandonment by ceasing to make any further appropriations for keeping them in order and working them. We have no doubt that the Governor will be able to present strong arguments for such a policy. Mayor WIckHAM AND THE CoMPTROLLER.— Mayor Wickham on Saturday returned several warrants to the Comptroller, with instructions to complete and date them before they were | sent to him for his countersignature. This is ® very proper requirement. Heretofore the Comptroller has sent undated warrants for the Mayor's signature and has then withheld | them from those in whose favor they have been drawn for as long a time as he chose. | When o warrant is countersigned by the Mayor it is complete, and should be paid at once. But these are only picayune details in the important matter of financial reform. It The Initial Sermons of the Year. The initial sermons of the year were preached in the city churches yesterday. As an appropriate theme for the first Sunday of 1875 the Rev. George H. Hepworth discoursed on the proper way to begin the new year. Out of this sprung many thoughts touching the debt men owe to their Creator, and the obliga- tions of Christian duty were enforced with all the appositeness and force which always have @ place in Mr. Hepworth’s sermons. The Rev. Stephen H. Tyng, Jr., at his church, within @ stone's throw of the other, chose a similar theme, his sermon being best described by the words of the Psalmist, which he took for his text, “Thou makest the outgoing of the morning and evening to praise thee.” In other pulpits the same theme was enlarged upon, “It is appropriate,”’ said the Rev. Dr. Wild, ‘that we consider the times and seasons of life this morning, the first Sabbath of another year,’ and upon this thought he based his discourse, thereby scarcely agreeing with the great Apostle to the Gentiles, whose words to the Thessalonians he chose for his text—‘But of the times and seasons, brethren, ye have no need that I write unto you." Mr. Beecher preached at Plymouth church in the morning, his sermon being on the indwelling of the spirit of God. Of late the Brooklyn divine has been giving more attention to the fitness of his thoughts to his theme than of his theme to the day, and so we find that in this discourse on the higher life he has drawn little from the occasion for the illustration of his argument, but sought it in an altogether different field. One thought by which he showed the differ- ence between this iife and the life that is to come was peculiarly striking. It was in sug- gesting the distance between Goethe and the peasants of Germany, Shakespeare and tho yeomanry of England and Emerson and the blue boys of Massachusetts, thereby showing that in the next life we shall be entirely dif- ferent beings, the distance between these and those being as the difference between that and this. This thought may have sprung from the commendation of Mr. Weiss’ lectures on the “Women of Shakespeare,” with which he pre- faced his discourse. At St. Patrick’s Cathedral the feast of the circumcision was celebrated, the Rev. Father Quinn preaching @ sermon on this compliance with thé law in the case of our Lord, and teaching how every knee should bow at the mention of the holy name then conferred upon the child as it had previously been announced to the Blessed Virgin by His Father in heaven. The Rev. Mr. Talmage, having finished with the stage for the present, arraigned bad books and bad newspapers in his customary style, but he said nothing against the press that is likely to excite any controversy, and so even he must regard this effort as rather barren of results, There was, however, an allusion to Mr. Vandenhoff’s “beggarly audience of two hundred and fifty people’’ in the Brooklyn Academy, when the actor defended the stage against the clergy- man, which everybody will relish, and we are atraid that so far as Mr. Vandenhoff is con- cerned it will be generally conceded that he deserved the retort, Mr. John Weiss occu- pied Mr. Frothingham’s platform at Lyrio Hall, discoursing on tragedy in nature. The other sermons were generally appropriate to the day, and our full reports this morning will be found to possess more than their usual ; interest. Advice Gratis to the President. Though Mr. Grant has not always taken | our advice we are confident that he knows the Henaxp to be among his truest, and, we will modestly add, his ablest friends and counsel- lors. No one has so persistently defended him not only against the blunders of his adherents, but even against his own. If wo needed to cite an instance in justification of this claim we should only recall the energy and devotion with which we warned His Ex- cellency’s injudicious flatterers that the people would not favor a third term. We are aware that many careless readers thought we im- puted to Mr. Grant himself a desire for a third term; but this only shows that the Hexaup, like the Presi- dent's Message, is sometimes misunderstood ; and imposes on us the “self-necessity,”’ so to speak, of pointing out that what we urged— and what the people at the recent elections with great unanimity confirmed—was, that a third term could not receive their favor. If Mr. Grant could have s doubt on that sub- | ject now we should think less highly than wo | would like to of his common sense. Well, we have now to offer him another sug- gestion, and we are ready to guarantee that if he should in this case take our advice he would become at once, and by the very act we are about to propose to him, one of the most popular men in the United States. Not only | so, but we promise him that this act will con- duce greatly to the benefit of his beloved | country ; that it will be received with accla- mations by the people of both parties, and that, if he desires it, the Chamber of Com- merce of New York will give him a dinner in token of its high appreciation of his course. What we suggest is that Mr. Grant shall resign the Presidency and go to Europe. We do not know whether the thought of resignation has ever occurred to him ; but if it has he must have been almost overwhelmed by the tumultuous concourse of reasons justifying and demanding sucha step. In the first place, and to begin, as His Ex- collency usually does, with himself, ho is conscious that he has long wanted | to visit what he ingenuously calls “the Continent,” by which he means England, Germany and France. He accepted the first | term reluctantly, because he wanted to go to | Europe. He was dragged into the second term, and once more Europe was put off. He will pretty certainly have leave to go in two years from now. But this is a long time; | delays are dangerous; Mr. Grant is getting | old—for which we do not blame him—and if | he had time amid the multifarious cares of public business to read the poets, he would doubtless sing to himself— War is but a toll and trouble, Honor but an empty fon aan ee Never eee still begin Fighting still and still erestroying. Presidency what he would call a ‘“self-noces- sity."” They are literally, like an auctioneer’s catalogue of the charms of a country resi- dence in o fever and ague district, ‘‘too nu- merous to mention.’’ But in taking so im- portant step we do not intend that he shall be left without that judicious support which the Hznarp knows how to give ita friends; and we therefore herewith present a few only of the many causes which concar to justify him in abandoning public life at once. In the first place, he has met with many dis- appointments since he became President. (So has the public, too, for that matter, but we are not now considering the public.) There is the South—do his best, and it will not be happy. It is notaslight thing to give days and nights, and soldiers and proclamations, and brothers-in-law to make a people happy and then to find them still grumbling and dis- contented. Then there is his disappointment about the civil service. When the President discovered that, to use his own indignant words, ‘‘Gen- erally the support this reform receives is from those who give it their support only to find fault when the rules are apparently departed from,”’ his great heart must have swelled almost to bursting. A nation which contains any considerable number of reformers of this kind does not deserve to be ruled by one of the Grant family. Then, further, there is the question of the President’s interference in elections, which he mildly says is ‘repugnant to public opin- ion.” Itis a disgusting fact that he cannot nowadays send soldiers to the polls on elec- tion day without being, as he touchingly re- marks, ‘condemned without a hearing.” There is no telling but the unreasonable part of the people will, by and by, go to such lengths as even to resent the cramming of navy yards at election times, and then how can we expect the government to be carried on? Finally, it is very evident that Mr. Grant needs leisure to read over the constitution, in- cluding the amendments. What with din- ners and royal receptions, and the time it takes to find places for his friends, and the necessary interruptions caused by the South and by the people who come to bore him about “the party,” he will never get time for this while he remains in the Presidency. Whatever mere partisans may say, we ara persuaded the candid part of the public will acknowledge that the matters we have cited abundantly justify the President in depriving the country of his valuable services. He is entitled to rest from the many worries which he encounters. He needs information about the constitution. If he had leisure he might, while on ‘‘the Continent,” study up the in- teresting question how to subsidizo American shipping without granting subsidies, which he suggested in his Message; and we should be pleased if he would communicate to the Henatp any discoveries he might make in this important matter. Then, again, to resign the Presidency into the hands of Mr. Wilson would not be a blamable act. The present Vice President is a wise and judicious man. To be sure, Mr. Grant is said to dislike him and to speak of him as “that man who is always boring me about the party.” But, then, happily this only makes the act of resignation the more delightful. It. assumes the shape of a practi- cal joke, ‘‘Here,” Mr. Grant might say, using his vernacular, ‘Here, old man, you take the reins; I’m tired of this balky team ;’’ and so:he could at a blow fling off all the disagreeable cares of state upon the poor Vice President’s shoulders. And if Mr. Wil- son should, as he probably would, succeed in pacifying the South, and in pleasing the coun- try and restoring it to prosperity, then Mr. Grant's wisdom in resigning would be so evi- dent that it would need no further defence at our hands. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE. Mr. Edwin Adams, the tragedian, is restding at the Astor House. General B, H. Robertson, of Tennessee, ts stop- ping at the New York Hotel. Congressman David Wilbur, of Milford, N, ¥,, has arrived at Earle’s Hotel. Colonel Dickinson Woodruff, United States Army, 1s quartered at the Windsor Hotel. M. Bartholdi, French Minister at Washington, has apartments at the Brevoort House. Lieutenant Colonel s. B, Holabird, United States Army, 18 sojourning at the Everett House. General Benjamin F. Butler, arrived in this city yesterday and 18 at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. Mr, Stanley Matthews, of Cincinnati, is among the latest arrivals at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, Five thousand dollars reward is offered for the lost jewels of the @ountess of Dudiey. They are valued at $250,000. Congressmen Clinton L. Merriam, of New York, and J. H, Burleigh, of Maino, are registered at the | Fitth Avenue Hotel, Chevalier Alphonse de Stuers, Chargé d’Affaires of the Netherlands at Washington, has taken up his residence at the Hotel Brunswick. Switzerland, Austria ana Belgium won’t have our potatoes, so, may be, poor people at home may have them a little cheaper on this account, ‘The Paris Constttutionnel saya “M. Bismarck en- deavers to maintain radicalism among us, as an heir would encourage his uncie’s bronchitis.’ M. Masseras, formerly of the Courrier des Etats Unis has given & good resumé of the history of our constitution for the benefit of the French politician of the period, in a series of articles in La France, entitled, ‘How a Constitution is Made.” Amnesty to all Carlisis! Happy escape for them from @ position that had become very diMcult, Now they willall say it was only the notion ofa republic that drove them to insurrection, but as there is 2 monarchy, even though not their own, their scruples are satisfied. In Brussels they argue that if Bismarck believes that the Repubiic will make France weaker than she will be with any other government, he was at least very eager that the Republic should continue “go long ag the indemnity was unpaid.” He thought it the most solvent, and now ne would like to see it melt away. Lord Albemarle, when Master of the Horse, was | Very sensitive about bis rigit in that capacity to sit in tne sovereign’s carriage on State occasions, «The Queen,” said the Duke, when appealed to for his opinion, ‘can make Lord Albemarle sit at the top of the coach, under the coach, behind the | coach, or wherever else Her Majesty pleases.” Armim’s account of Thiers ran thus:—“In ane other conflict with the Assembly M. Thiers has given another proof of his incapacity. In eignteen days he has spoken seventeen times, He has quoted faise figures, protessed abandonea theories: I all the world be worth the winning, and has finished by bringing himself in a mane of Ministry to the note ot Spain, and our evi- | to lose except it be his life. Some of them | gction there will no doubt be an end of all | is waste of time to lop off the branches of a dent lack of spirit and preparation precluded | | might be willing to risk lite even for what | any prospect of a vigorous and ‘uccessful they would gain if their lives are not lost. prosecution of the project of intervention. | However the conflict is precipitated, The information is also obtained that Great | its effects will be the same, so far Britain is satisfied with o settlement of her | o# the people of Louisiana are con- Virginius claims, which was also proffered to | cerned. Though Schoolmaster Campbell's our government, but has not yet been ac. | forces should create the conflict they would poor fall upon General Sheridan for protection all these legal proceedings. For that gentle- | rotten tree. | man’s guilt or innocence is the main point at | issue. Should Mr. Tilton be defeated there | will be suits enough to employ the courts for | & year or two. Better uproot the tree itself and cast it out. Mayor Wickham loses @me | unwisely by delaying for an hour the official | notice of his intention to remove Mr. Green. The people want the substance, not the shadow, of financial reform, and they de- Tue Testimony in the Vicksburg affair is | mand it at the outset of the new administra- still contradictory, but some of it goes to indi- tion, Think, O think it worth enjoying! And the next stanza that would occur to his overburdened mind would probably be— Catch, then, O catch the transient hour, Improve éach moment as it flies; Life’s a short summer, man a flower: He dies—alaa! how soon he dies! There are, indeed, very many reasons which in his present situation make so grave and unvrecedented a’ step as resigning the fidiculously foolish fancies.” leasont reading for Thiers. Godlove Orth (Phoebus, whata name!) says that young Nap is to mount the throne in ninety days, uodlove is not only a prophet, he is also Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. It is evident who made him @ prophet and that can- not be helped; but there ought to bea remedy against making such aman chairman of such @ committea,