The New York Herald Newspaper, October 17, 1874, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT. PROPRIETOR LONDON OFFICE ‘OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. Subscriptions snd Advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. Volume » XXXIX.. —= | citizens wantonly butchered, has received no | AMUSEMENTS THIS AFTERYOON AND EVENING ROBINSON HALL, Sixteenta street, between Broadway and Fifth ayenue,— VaRIBTY, ats P.M BRYANT? ERA HOUSE, West Twenty-third str ear Sixth aveone.—NEGRO MINSTRELSY, a¢ 8 P.M! Dan Bryant. Matinee at? ¥. MM METROPOLITAN THEATRE, No. 585 Broadway.— STY, at 5 P M.; closes at 10 P.M, Maunee a2 P, TONY PASTOR'S OPERA. HOUSE, No. WL Bowery.—VARIETY, ai 8 P. M.; closes at 10 P. ML SAN PRANCISCO MINSTELS, Broadway, corner of iwenty-ninth st MINSTRELSY, at3 P.M. Matinee acd P.M. LYCEUM THEATRE, Fourteenth street and sixth avenue —LA FILLE DE MADAME 3 P.M; closes at 10:65 P.M. Mlle. Aimee. Mai 20 P.M. AMERTOAS NASTITUTE, Third avenue, bet gizty urd ahd Sixty-rourtn | duets NDUSTHLAL EXUIBITH COLOSSEUM, Broadway, corner of Thirty-ditn street.—STORM oyER PARIS and MRS, JARLEY'S Wax WORKS, at 2:0 P. M. and7 340 P.M. WOOD'S MUSEUM, Broadway, corner of Thirtieth street —IDLEWILD. at 2 M. closes al 420 P.M, UNDB& Tak GASLIGHT, at bP. iv closes at 10-30 PM | OLYMPIO THEATRE, No, 6% Brosdway.—VARIETY, at 8 P.M. ; ¥.M. Matinee ar 2 P closes at 10:45 NEW YORK CIR Fighth avenue and Forty-ninth sireet.—At2P. M. ana | 3h M THEATRE COMIQUE, No. 5l4 Broadway.—VARISTY, ats. M.; YM. Maunee at2 P.M. closes at 10:30 | PARK THEATRE. Broadway, between Twenty-first and Twenty-second sitcets “GILDED AGE, ats P.M ¢ closes at 10:3) P.M. Mr. Jou T. Kaymona. ' Matinee at 10 P.M. STEINWAY HALL, Fourteenth street—BEGONE DULL CARE, at SP. M. Frederic Maccabe. GERMANL Fourteenth street, DEB st HEAT! WONDUDE, at P.M. BOOTH’S THEATRE, corner of Twenty- Ruird streetand sixth avenue. wie CIRCLE; OR, CON O'CAROLAN’S DREAM, at 8P. M.; closes at 10:30 P.M. Mr. and Mrs, Barney Williawa: Matinee at 1iw P.M. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Proa¢way.—PARTNERS FOR LIFE, at 3 P. M.; closes at lu gue. M. Mr. Polk. ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Yourteenth street.—AIDA. at 10 P.M. Signora Poten- tut, Miss Cary, dignor Carpi. NIBLO'’S GARDEN, Brosaeey beireen Frings 4 Houston streets.—THE DELUGE, at BP. tu P.M, ihe Kiralty Family. Matinee a! we FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, Twenty-eighth street and Broadway.—MOORCROFT; Q% LUE DOUBLE WEDDING, at8 P.M iglqnen at ne. M.’ Miss Fanny Davenport, Louis iss James Matinee at 1:0 B, WeuanoiNe. “OF THE RANE. Conway" 'S BROOK YN THEATRE. M. j closes at 10:30 P. u FRINZ, M. Jos K. Emmet. TRIPLE SHEET. New York, Saturday, October 17, 1874 "NOTICE TO THE “PUBLIC, Owing to the great pressure on our adver- tising columns, advertisers would favor us by sending in their advertisements early in the day. This course will secure a proper classifi- cation, helping the public and the Hzranp. Advertisements intended for our Sunday issue may be sent with great advantage in the earlier days of the week; it will prevent confusion and mistakes arising from the immense quantity of work to be done on Saturdays. Advertisements will be re- ceived daily at this office, the branch office, No. 1,265 Broadway, corner of Thirty-second street, and the Brooklyn branch office, corner of Fulton and Boerum streets, up to nine P. M., and at the Harlem branch office, 124th street and Third avenue, up to eight P. M. Let advertisers remember that the earlier their advertisements are in the Herman office the better for themselves and for us. From our reports this morning the probabilities @re that the weather to-day will be cloudy. Wan Srrzet Yestexpay.—The market was firm and showed temporary strength. Gold was steady at 110. Money was abundant and millions are unemployed. Lovrs Rret, who has given the people of Manitoba so much trouble, has been outlawed by the Court, which disposes of his claim to sit in the Dominion Parliament. Tue Cuurca Question in Germany was tested on Thursday at an election in one of the towns of Westphalia and resulted in an ultramontane defeat. One or THE Srrezn election inspectors charged with violating the laws at the last | election was acquitted yesterday, and it is to be inferred the rest will be as fortunate. Me. Avexanver H. Srepnens says that he | has no objection to the third term per se, and | styles himself a Jeffersonian democrat. Per- haps he has not read Jefferson. Tr Is Rumorep that Brigham Young has been indicted by the Grand Jury of Salt Lake | City for lascivious cohabitation. This will | still further complicate the perplexing situa- tion of the Mormon rule. Tae Ross Case has almost reached its dis- tressing climax in the insanity of Mr. Ross, and now we hear of another kidnapping affair in New Jersey which is equally as pain- ful. The abductors, however, are known, and the recovery of the child is not improbable. Aw Appzat in behalf of William M. Tweed was made before Judge Brady yesterday. It was a technical objection to the sentence, and, if sustained, will probably have the effect of | shortening his imprisonment. The Court reserved ite decision. A Tyrtcan Sournern Tows, its past glories | and its present miseries, are described to-day in our interesting letter from Columbia. It is one of the oldest State capitals in the Union | and inseparable from the political history of South Carolina, For eight or ten years | Columbia has been notorious as a centre of | It has plunder and profligacy in the South. been a Mecea of the carvet-baagers. reet.—NEGRO | ; tured Virginius. NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, Indemaity to the Britism Sufferers in the Virginius Case. The special despatch from London, printed in the Henaup yesterday, provokes a mortify- Americans who recollect the high national tone of our diplomacy under former adminis- trations. The British government has re- covered from Spain adequate pecuniary dam- ages for the brutal outrages committed in | Cuba against the ill-fated subjects captured on | board the steamer Virginius and put to death in violation of law, justice and humanity, whereas the American government, whose honor was insulted, its flag outraged and its | corresponding reparation. Our claim to com- pensation is every way superior to that of | Great Britain. It was against us that the chief outrages were perpetrated. According | to the natural and proper course of proceed- | ing our government should have been the | first to enforce satisfaction for that great affront | and injury. We were the principal party in | the controversy against Spain, and it was due to the national honor that our claim | should stand first on the list and that repara- tion should have soonest been made to us as | the chief complainant. It is the shame and | scandal of the American administration—a shame and scandal which should bring blushes to the cheeks of the Secretary of State—that our demand for justice has been prosecuted with less vigor and success than that of England. It was nota British but an American vessel that was unwarrantably seized by the Spanish steamer Tornado. It was not the British but the American flag that was torn down with every mark of con- tumely and execrution. Had British and American ships of war been present at the time in the West India waters where that out- rage was committed it would have been the duty not of the British but of the American commanders to interfere and rescue the cap- It was directly and peculiarly our affair and only remotely and in- directly the affair of the British government. If there was any just order of precedence in making reparation for the injury our claim should have been pressed with most vigor and paid with most prompti- tude, because we were the party whose honor was most deeply involved and whose right to redress was the most incontestable. It is a burning humiliation to American diplomacy that in a case like this a subordinate party has taken the lead by its superior vigor, and has enforced satisfaction, while the American government is still knocking in vain at the doors of Spanish justice. claims were every way superior to those of Great Britain, if our government had but had the skill and energy to employ them. In the disturbed and revolutionary condition of Cuba we had what was equivalent to a hostage for the good behavior of Spain. The Spanish government is not ignorant of the deep sympathy of our people with the Cuban insurgents. American public opinion would, at any time since the Virginius outrage, have warmly supported the government in recug- nizing the independence of the island and sundering forever the colonial tie which makes it an appanage of Spain. Had Mr. Fish taken advantage of the condition of Cuba he could easily have brought the Spanish government to terms, and have saved him- self from what even he must regard as the great humiliation of being eclipsed by the diplomacy of Great Britain in a matter wherein British honor and diplomacy are so sligh tly involved in comparison with those of the United States. It was not in the power of the British government to press the Cuban question into its service. The American policy, commonly called ‘“‘the Monroe doc- trine,”” which has been so constantly pro- claimed to foreign governments for more than half @ century, precluded Great Britain from her claims. But Cuba lies at our door. It is only eighty miles from our coast. By its geo- graphical position it belongs to the American political system. Our government in former times made repeated offers to purchase it from Spain. Our people have always taken and continue to take a lively interest in its affairs. That fertile island is forbidden fruit to Great Britain; but to us it is, to borrow an expres- sion of John Quincy Adams when he was Secretary of State, a pear not yet fully ripe but eertain at some future time to drop into our lap. Had Mr. Fish been keenly alive'to the possibilities of the situation he could have so worked the Cuban question as to have made it a potent engine of coercion in com- | pelling Spain to do us justice. He did not ; see his advantages. He has permitted England to get the start of him and force a recompense denied to us in a case where our claim took precedence to hers and our means | of making it respected were beyond all com- | parison superior. Mr. Fish has every reason to feel abashed that the English foreign Minister has so got the start of him in recover- ing damages from Spain in a matter in which national honor bound us to stand forward as the foremost claimant. All our impulses forbid us to be a severe critic of Mr. Fish. He is not only a citizen of the same State, but one of the most justly esteemed of our fellow townsmen. His s0- | cial respectability and the pure lustre of his private virtues make it a most unpleasant duty to find fault with his official shortcomings. | But the seductive courtesy and complaisance | which make a high-toned host the most de- | lightfal of entertainers are misplaced if they lead an appointed guardian of the national honor to be too gentle and easy in his official dealings with foreign governments. Softness and refined courtesy deserve every kind of en- comium in their proper place, but they cannot be put into the scale against justice and honor in the intercourse of governments. A high, proud and even punctilious sense of what is ] te to the character of the government he represents is one of the first duties of a Min- | ister for Foreign Affairs. The courtesy of such a functionary should be reserved for his social intercourse with the representa- | tives of other governments; but in all matters which concern the honor of the country and justice to its citizens he | should be as firm and unbending, and he would lose nothing in being as vigorous and | aggressive, as Lord Palmerston was when British interests were in his keeping. A gov- ernment which brooks no approach to an in- sult, which is prompt in its resentments, | which amarts and vindicates the rights and ing comparison in the minds of patriotic | Our means and facilities for enforcing our | making Cuba a lever for the enforcement of | | interests of its citizens or subjects in the high- complications into which it might be drawn by a feeble and vacillating attitude toward foreign Powers. There is always a great | clearing of space around a thoroughly deter- mined individual or a thoroughly determined government. When it is well understood that # government will not allow itself to be trifled with and will stand no nonsense the paths of its diplomacy are open and easy. The British government has established this kind of repu- tation, and Spain did not dare to brave its resentment by withstanding its claims in the Virginius case. But the halting feebleness of our recent American diplomacy has taught | that weak government that it incurred no risk in postponing American demands for redress. If Mr. Seward faltered and trimmed in the diplomacy of the war he had a justifiable ex- cuse. When he backed down in the Trent affair, when he pocketed the Monroe doctrine and the insult to our government in the at- tempt of France to establish an empire in Mexico, he acted under a stress of cireum- stances which left him no choice. A foreign war in either of those conjunctures would have assured the success of the Southern re- bellion, and he wisely forebore to take the ernment would have stood ff its existence had not been in peril. Mr. Fish bas no such ex- cuse in dealing with a weak nation like Spain at a time when we had no other foreign complications. There was not a government in Europe which would have interfered in a quarrel between us and Spain. We were in a position to dictate the mode and measure of redress which was due to our insulted flag and injured citizens, and it is owing to the sheer feebleness of the adminis- tration that Great Britain has succeeded in enforcing just redress for injuries which were primarily committed against us and in which her claim was subordinate and incidental to ours. Previous to the war no nation was 30 proud and honor and all occurrences which involved any question of protection to our citizens as the United States. No nation then dared insult us ; no nation then dared refuse redress for a manifest wrong; no nation ventured to make a complaint without getting a taste of the vigor of our diplomacy. The most noted diplomatic papers of Webster and Marcy, both addressed to the Austrian government, are cases in point. national pride under the abject foreign policy of President Grant is o humiliation to which the American people cannot be reconciled. ; George Ticknor Cartis on the Louisi- ana Case. This distinguished jurist makes a contribu- tion in our columns this morning to the inter- esting discussion in which Mr. Reverdy John- son and Mr. Charles O’Conor have hitherto been the chief disputants. Mr. Curtis sup- ports Mr, O'Conor’s view of the power of the President, reaching the same conclusion by a different process of reasoning. He contends that it was not merely the right, but the clear duty of the President to revise and revoke his former decision when Kellogg made | his new application last month for federal as- sistance. Weare no more convinced by his arguments than we were by Mr. O’Conor’s. We still think that the action of the Presi- | dent was in'the true spirit of the constitution. We admit that Kellogg was never elected by the people, and not legally inducted into office, and that his original title is indefen- sible. But being once in possession he could have been properly ousted only by judicial process or by the action of Congress. The most unsafe and mischievous prece- dent that could be established would bea sanction by the President of the over- throw of an actual State government by armed violence. It is open to the objection which lies against allowing claimants to office to be | their own judges of the validity of their title— a principle which would open the door to general anarchy. It is open to the further ob- jection that it would defeat the whole purpose of that provision of the constitution which permits federal interference to suppress do- mestic violence. ‘The guarantee,” said Hamilton in the Federalist, “could only operate against changes to be effected by violence. Towards the prevention of calamities of this kind too many checks cannot be provided. The peace of society and the stability of gov- ernment depend absolutely on the efficiency of the precautions adopted on this head.” The Penn movement in Louisiana was not armed with a judicial warrant. It was in pursuance neither of the judgment of @ court nor of an act of Congress. It wasan act of sheer vio- lence, and if such acts of violence were sup- ported by the federal authority encourage- ment and license would be given to every defeated party in every State election to attempt to gain possession of the government by force. We incline to think it is the duty of the President in cases of domestic violence to sustain the de facto government of a State without going into inquiries respecting its de jure validity. On this point we are sup- ported by an authority to which Mr. Curtis at least cannot object. The disciples, ad- mirers and biographers of Daniel Webster must naturally respect such of that great lawyer's opinions as cannot be shown to be untenable. Mr Webster seems to have been clearly of the opinion that the actual govern- ment of ‘a State is the one which the President is bound to protect against domes- tic violence. ‘The constitution,’ he said (Works, vi., 230), ‘speaks of States having existing Legislatures and existing govern- ments, and it speaks of cases in which vio-~ lence is practised or threatened against the State—in other words, ‘domestic violence ;’ and it says that the State shall be protected. It says, then, does it not, that the existing government of a State shall be protectea?” The existing government is Mr. Webster's good English for what is commonly calied | the de facto government. He adheres to this phrase, the ‘existing government,” through- out his discussion, maintaining that it is the | only government to which the federal au- thority owes protection. He supports this | view by quoting the law of 1795. Ite words | are :—“And in case of an insurrection in any State against the government thereof, it shall be lawful for the President,"’ &c. The italics are Mr. Webster's own, as they algo are in the following deduction from this language of the atatute : —“Insurrection against the exist- exacting on all points of national | | Theair is full of protests. Honest democrats high and defiant ground on which our gov- | The abasement of our | est tone, avoids a hundred difficulties and | | followed Tweed’s example. OCTOBER 17, 1874:—-TRIPLE SHEET. ing government is, then, the thing to be sup- pressed. ” There isa pertinent analogy suggested, we believe, by Chief Justice Taney, drawn from the President's recognition of foreign govern- ments, The Chief Justice stated that ques- tions of this kind are political and cannot be brought under judicial cognizance. He af- firmed that the courts are bound by the action of the political department recognizing such foreign governments as valid and such domestic State governments as valid as are recognized» by the President. It has always been the settled rule to recognize a de facto foreign government without going behind the fact that it is proper to inquire into its title. Mr. Webster's ideas follow this analogy in respect to the State governments. There cannot be a safer or sounder rule in those sudden emergencies in which the Pfesident is called upon to put down domestic violence in a State. Mr. Curtis thinks the President is bound to find that a threatened State government has a_ per- fect title before he can lawfully interpose. Bnt suppose that, after Kellogy’s inaugura- tion, McEnery had resigned ali his preten- sions, and that the de facto Kellogg government had been assailed by a mere mob, without any claim to be a government, would it have been the duty of the President to withhold assist- ance and surrender the State to mob rule and anarchy? It seems to us that merely to ask such a question is to give it a conclusive answer. | rhe Anti-Tammany Movement—Is ‘‘Re- form” Really Reform? The air is fall of rumors in reference to the city campaign. Tammany has made its nomi- nations, The same spirit of unrest and dissat- isfaction which in former years defeated Tam- many, which was noticeably seen in the success of the lamented Miles O'Reilly when he ran alone for Register against the Tammany nomination, with Peter B. Sweeny and Fer- nando Wood combined against him, and de- feated tbat powerful combination, is now seen. | argue, and with force, that there is no real difference between the rule of Tweed and that of Kelly; for, while Kelly hasnot been found guilty of the robberies that sent Tweed to prison, in his whole political system he has It is only Tweed- ism in one form, and no one can tell when we may not have Tweedism in all of its forms, The nomination of Jimmy Hayes, a rich politician, who does not need the office of Register, is distasteful. The Germans are dissatisfied. If as good a soldier as Sigel is going out some one equally %s brave and famous should come in. The Irishmen say also that Tammany now, as before, has no use for them except to vote. The mutiny assumes shape. John Kelly runs the machine; but machines have been broken, and these tides of popular feeling are sudden and capricious, and when they rise not even John Kelly and all his bosom friends can check them. The pity of it is,'and this all true democrats now feel, that Mr, Kelly did not use his power for the general good of the party, for victory in the State and ultimately in the nation, and not to gratify his own fondness for Mr. Wickham and enable Mr. Morrissey to realize out of his investments in Jimmy Hayes. But in looking impartially at these reform movements the question arises is ‘reform’ really meant to be reform. We can under- stand how the merchants and business men would naturally unite to defeat any bosom friend candidates of Kelly and Morrissey, or any mere ring nominations, no matter who form the ring. There comes this question, “Does any reform movement mean that all the phantoms of the Tammany Ring shall arise out of their graves like sheeted ghosts and flock to Delmonico’s as ministers of a reform?” Are these the men who come to usas re- formers, with all the odors of Tweedism upon them, and who have been in burrowing seclu- sion since the dishonored chief went to the Island, who think they can solicit William Butler Duncan or Royal Phelps to be their “candidate’’ for Mayor? Are we to leap trom one ring to another—or the remnants of another? Mr. Creamer is a handsome man, as much of an Adonis as Mr. Wickham, and we should not think he would care to muster a regiment of soreheads as ragged and disappointed and eager as Falstaff’s recruits, some of whom really come within the tat knight’s criticism, and walk with widely stretched legs, as if they were still wearing gyves. What we expected and what we want is such a movement as was seen in 1870, when the merchants and citizens and honest men arosé and overwhelmed Tammany. If “re- form’’ is to mean reform this is what we should have, and Mr. Creamer should look to it that his ‘“‘movement”’ embraces no other elements. If the real reformers mean to act their course is clear. It is said the republicans will insist upon a straight ticket. This would be mad- ness, and would recall the time when a Tam- many candidate ran for Mayor and paid tho expenses of his republican opponent. It would also confirm the belief that the repub- lican leaders will sell out the city offices if they can have some aid in carrying the | point | Assembly districts. The objective of the republican canvass is to make Mr. Morgan Senator, and little is cared about the Mayoralty or even the Governor- ship. Ifthe republicans mean to make an honest canvaes they should combine with the | reformers, accept their candidate for Mayor and strive to elect him. Tho triumph of Kelly and Morrissey means that there will pass into their hands the Mayoralty, the Reg- istership, the Comptrollership and all the vast resources of municipal patronage, larger and more important for election purposes than the available patronage of the general government. Abovo all things, the ragged battalions should not be brought to the front by Mr. Creamer. It is proposed to present a certain number of names irom which to select a candidate for Mayor, among them Oswald Ottendorier, Royal Phelps, William H. Neilson, R. B. Roosevelt, William Butler Dancan, and a few others. In the proposed list there are a half dozen good mayors, either one as capable and respectable as Mr. Wickham, and with the prodigious ad- vantage of not being a bosom frieud of John Kelly and a vassal of the Tammany Riag. If Tammany is to be beaten this is the way to do it. Honest men of all parties and all who wish well for the metropolis should join hands in the work and beam at once The Burden of the Canvass—Let Us Hear from Centennial Dix. Considering that the third term idea is simply a ‘‘Hgraxp sensation” it has taken an extraordinary shape. The administration has now two organs in New York—morning organs—whose relations to the incumbent and wandering Washington remind us of the famous Mrs. Gamp and Mrs. Harris of Dickens. We mean the Times and The Re- public. Which is which we have too much respect for our comfort and peace of mind to say. But on the third term “sensation,” or “bugaboo,” or ‘‘ghost,’’ or whatever it may be called, there comes a serious misunder- standing. The Times makes a public an- nouncement, which we print elsewhere, to the effect that it will not accept the third term. And this notes one important fact worth re- membering in these days of the decline of the republican party, that there are two factions in the organization—that one supports the third term and the other rejects it. We infer that the editor of the Times—a dis- tinguished author now in America studying the institutions of the country—has had his attention called to the recent elections in Indiana and Ohio, and has had their meaning fully explained to him. This declaration would have had value before these eléctions ; but we do not despise it now. There have been also one or two whispers from Washington recently to the effect that the President has ‘spoken on the question of athird term.’’ Probably he bas spoken to Mr. Robeson, whose anxiety to become the next New Jersey Senator seems to have made him anxious to hear from the President. The rule adopted for his administration by the inscrutable Washington makes his Cabinet @ staff, not independent statesmen with opinions and the sense of direct responsibility for their actions, only clorks, whose daty is to fashion in proper phrase the Ex- ecutive authority. Furthermore, any ex- pression of opinion on the subject is unwelcome. Vice President Wilson the other day made some remarks to a newspaper correspondent to the effect that the third term idea was a serious injury to the republican party, and that, unless there was some posi- tive expression of opinion from the President disavowing the purpose of accepting another nomination the republicans would lose the Northern States. This was, of course, an in- Rocent sentiment, and one proper enough for @ Vice President to express. But evidently it disturbed the father of his country for the time being, as a declaration was at once made that the Vice President's remarks had been “misunderstood,"’ and he ‘‘regretted’’ them. With this deterring example we may not expect much conversation from the Cabinet on the subject. It is not an especially talk- ative body. As for the reigning Washington himself, his views are as variable as our weather reports. Some months since the Hon. John | M. Francis, of Troy, formerly Minister to Greece, and a solemn, serious statesman of the old Websterian school, sought audience of the “ruler of the freest and greatest," and learned that the third term was ‘‘distasteful’’ to him and made him “impatient.” Mr. Francis left the refulgent presence convinced that he had solved the riddle of the Sphinx. The other day, as we read, a daring statesman ap- proached the President opon the same theme. “He smiled, and said nothing.” Here are two indications, probabilities, tokens. Tho Sphinx frowned on Francis, and now smiles. The theme which was once ‘distasteful’ has become amusing. The wise Plutarch tells us that when Antony the Consul offered Cxsar the diadem wreathed with laurel there was a shout of approbation: when he refused it, universal applause. Upon the secund offer very few cheered, and upon the second refusal all again applauded. He was testing public opinion, and no one knows what would hav® come had Crsar not been interrupted in his career. Our Cesar, who once frowned on Francis, now smiles, And as this administration is famous for its domestic virtues, for its marrying and giving in marriage, the President has gone West on a wedding tour, to see his son mar- ried, leaving the third term issue unsettled. In New York and Pennsylvania there is mach distress. Ohio and Indiana have fallen under the burden of a question which Mr. Wilson well regarded as the heaviest load the republican party had to carry. . The organ now rolls out its loud discordant music, and Mr, Nast ex- presses his contending emotions in a brace of cartoons. Centennial Dix is carrying Crédit -| Mobilier and other rings, bearing on his vener- able shoulders all the burdens of the adminis- tration. But even he becomes restless under the new burden. From hard-headed, iron- backed Pennsylvania we hear moans, The Philadelphia Ring is heavy enough, but what of this added care? It is enough to carry Grant's mistakes and misfortunes, instead of his ambitions. Henry Wilson spoke truly when he said that the third term idea would seriously cripple, if not destroy, the republican party. We might ask, Why does not the President interfere and save the party ? This is a natural question, but when we come to consider it what claim has the republican party on Grant? Did he not do the party essential service when he became its candi- date? Could he not have become a democrat and beensure of supreme honors? Has he not always been stroager than the party? Why, then, should he shear himself of his natural advantages and prerogatives to gratify politi- cians who, without him, would now be shiver- ing in the cold and lonely isolation of the opposition? Clearly this is a logical view. The third term is a phantom that har 0 the canvass. But it is plainly not 8 business to putitdown. If the republican party is too cowardly to lay the ghost why should the President care? Let Centennial Dix accept the long-given advice of the Henatp, the reluctant admonitions of the Times, and, taking the responsibility of laying the ghost, give the canvass the immense ad- vantage of a declaration from himself repu- diating all idea of a third term as a violation of the spirit of the constitution, Just now such a declaration would have as electric an effect as his famous order to shoot on the spot any one who might attempt to dishonor the American flag, Tuzen Anz Strum. Hopes that the com- promise proposed in Louisiana will be effected, Several of the radical members of the Election Board have consented to resign to allow @ fair volitical reconstruction, 1 representative of Spain, waciana Jerome Park Races. The fall meeting of the American Jockey Club closes to-day at Jerome Park. Now, when this lovely season of the year is in its most attractive toilet, and the changing hues of the autumn foliage lend fresh charms to the Park and to the long stretching boule- vards and roads beyond; when the keen, bracing air makes the blood tingle with do light; when fashion displays her daintiest treasures, when the equipages are more re- splendent than ever, and when the year lin- gers on the threshold of winter, such an ocea- sion as that at Jerome Park to-day must have special attractions, There are six events on the programme—a free handicap sweepstakes, distance one mile and five-eighths; a race for two-year-old fillies, a consolation race for three-year-olds, a fourth race similar in some respects to the first, a race fora large purse, distance two miles anda half, and a hurdle race. The admirable management and regu- lations of the club insure the most perfect order and prevent the occurrence of aught calculated to mar the complete enjoyment of the races, The best equine blood in the coun- try is represented generally at Jerome Park, and strict sense of justice and absence of all unfairness give the meetings of the Ameri- can Jockey Club a prominence above all others in this country. The only serious drawback to the success of the present meeting at Jerome Park has been the unaccountable blunder of spreading the races qver the present month. One good, lively race week, as they have in England, would have excited more general interest. Whena race meeting is so spasmodic as the present one it is all but hopeless to draw attention toit. The small- ness of the attendance should he a significant hint to the management of the club for the future. Home Ruiz om Arsace.—There is a ramor that Germany proposes to get rid of the troublesome Alsatian deputies by granting the conquered provinces a local Parliament. This is a wise movement on the part of the Prussian government, and will do more to con- ciliate the good will of the conquered’ prov- inces than any possible display of force or absurd appeal to the sentiment of Father- landism, which has no existence among the German speaking Frenchmen. This solutiow of an awkward question, while it opens the way to conciliation, will also facilitate the retreat of the Germans from the two French provinces, if occasion should arise to render such abandonment desirable; and unless Germany be prepared to remain in a state of armed preparation for several generations it is more than probable that the German eagles will have to withdraw sooner or later from French territory. Tue Canwists undoubtedly seem to be hav- ing the worst of the war in Spain. The cable sends new reports of additional surrenders to the troops of Serrano. Our correspondence from Puente la Reina gives the details of the recent movements of the opposing armies, and compliments the soldiers very highly at the expense of their commanders. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE. The phylloxera bas reached Switzerland. Mr. W. D. Bishop is at the St. James Hotel. In 8 railway car ladies are to be judged only by their gloves. The Duchess of Edinburgh is the better for a little gon and heir. Mr. Nathaniel Hooper, of Boston, is sojourning at the Brevoort House, Lord Borthwick, of Scotland, has apartments at the Westminster Hotel. Captain Baldwin, United States Navy, is quar- tered at the Windsor Hotel. London has had its firat fog for the season. It was the color oi green ginger. Rev. Dr. William Patton, of New Haven, is stay- ing at the Fifth Avenue Hotei. Captain Moodie, of the steamship Bothnia, is registered at the Brevoort House. Mr. E. O. Perrin, Clerk of the Court of Appeals, has arrived at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. State Senator William Johnson, of Seneca Fails, N. Y., ts stopping at the Metropolitan Hotel. Ex-Congressman W. H. Upson, of Ohio, is among the recent arrivals at the St. Nicholas Hotel. ‘The number of school and university libraries ta France 18 15,623, containing 1,474,637 volumes. “Did you ever see the Catskill Mountains, Sambo?” “No, Sah, but I’ve seen ’em kill mice.” Ex-Mayor Medell, of Chicago, arrived home yes- terday from Europe, in greatly improved health. It 18 proposed by the Memphis Avalanche that ‘Tilton’s mother-in-law shall marry Toombs, of Georgia. Spain purchased from England the recognition of her present government by paying a Virginlus indemnity. M. Michet Chevalter is writing a series of papers on the financial system of France in the Revue des The Earl of Caithness and Captain Keith, of Scotland, have taken up their residence at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. Mr. J. H. Devereux, President of the Atlanti¢ and Great Western Railway Company, is residing at the St. Nicholas Hotel. Vice President Wilson arrived at Chicago from Springfleld yesterday morning, and left immedi- ately for nome by way of New York. Bayard Taylor's translation of ‘Faust’ sells in Engiand to the extent of 300 or 400 copies a year, and ts accepted there as tne standard transiation, Dom Pedro, of Brazil, has not yet received the bat will, perhaps, now that some of the great Powers have recognized that Republic, So much noise is made in the English papers over the Marquis of Ripon’s conversion that his douple title is likely to be changed to the Marquis of Ripon and Snortin. London gossips are dealing in a lively way with the fact that Disraeli lately haa lilies and torget- me nots in hia buttonhole. They say that marriage is the least possible consequence. Mr. George Baucroft, having concluded his ‘‘His- tory of the United States’ to the close of the Revolutionary period, will now write the history Of the formation of the constitution in a series of additional volumes. Paris had a sensation, ofa few hours’ duration, yesterday, by the circilation of a report which al- leged that ex-President Thiers, who is in {taly, had been captured by brigands. The statement was subsequently pronounced to be false, Tagiioni’s fast benefit in 1844 produced 25,000 francs ($4,000), Jules Janin expressed his con- tempt for this sum and @ penurious public by say- ing it was hardly money enough to buy a bustet of charcoal with which to commtt suicide, Garibaldi’s new book, ‘I Mille,” treats of the ex. ploits of the thousand voiunteers, srom which is takes its name, It appeals to the youth of Italy tn | a long preface, reminding them that politics are every man’s concern. it conciudes with an ad dress to the 4,822 subscribers for tne book, assur. ing them that the author's active share in political events is over. Rochefort, who is stopping at Geneva, lately took: a cab in the street for a drive to Pregny, in the suburbs. The driver not knowing bis passenger and without communivating with him went bya short cut which took him across @ piece of French soll, He said io hima moment after they passea the frontier, “now sir, you are in your owe country.” Roahelort got out aafais pat nadie iri@htened,