The New York Herald Newspaper, September 16, 1874, Page 8

8 NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 16, 1874—QUADRUPLE SHEET. NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET, —-——— JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR THE DAILY HERALD, day in the year. Four cents per copy. gual subscription price $12. All business or news letters and telegraphic | published every An- despatches must be addressed New York Hera. Car AUR paki aks LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 F ‘T STREET. Subscriptions and Advertisements will be | received and /orwarded on the same terms as in New York. Volume XXXIX EATRE, seo M Sara Jewett, FIFTH AVENUE T: THE SCHOOL FOR -CAN DAL YM. Miss Fanny Haveuport, James, Charles Fisher. LYCE Fourteenth street ana DB TREBIZON DE. w Aimee, Mile. Minelly THEATR COMIQUB, No, $14 Broadway, —VARIETX, ac P.M, and at SP. M.; closes at 10:00 closes at Lewis THEATRE wt -LA PRINCESSE PM sat lls) P.M. Mile. j closes at 4:30 ri PARK THE ATRE, Broadway, between Twe streets GILDED AGE, ato. Boor corner. ot Twenicthird Vi PRESURVED, at John Mec ullough and Miss Panny NIB! Broadway, between DBLUGE, at 8 P. a. ; Family. M. The Kiralty ROPIN ON HALL, Sixteenth street, between Broadway and Fitth ayenae.— VARIETY, at 8 P.M, BRYAN West Twenty-tnirt MINSIRE Lol, ats THEATRE, Y, at 82. M.; GLOB Ko, 798 Broxdway.—V. closes at 10 BAN FRANCISCO MINSTRE Broadway, corner of iwenty-uimth sireck—NEGRO MINSIRGLSY, ata P.M. METROPOLITAN T:i\BATRE, No, 58 BroadWay.—J’arisian Cancan vancers, at? and 8 P.M cE: Fifty ninth str. * CON. CERI, ats P.M. ; ch Third avenue, treets.—INDU ATLE Y's CIRCUS foot of Houston street, Hast iver, at i P. M. and 8 P.M. \ TONY PASTOR’ OPFRA HOUSE No, Wl Bowery.—VAKIE1Y, at SP. M. oO! M, Broadway, corner of ih ui street—PARIS BY NIGHT, aU7:49 P.M. WALLA Broadway and ‘ini LIFS, at oP, M.; closes 5 THRATR E, DEARER THAN L. tole, woo Broadway, corner Thirt —UNDER THE GAs LIGHT, at 2 6. M.; P.M., and at 8B. M.; closes at 10:20 P.M. ‘Louw: and Miss -ophie Miles. No. 624 Broadway + closes at 4:45 P.M, and al8 PM. xa From our reports this morning the probabilities are that ihe weather (o-day will be cool and clear. —Stocks were Wau Srzzer Yesrenpat. active and maintained a firm front, notwith- standing the decision in the Wisconsin rail- way cases. Gold advanced to 109] upon the tailway troubles. Grant isa general again and is ready to take the field. He will fight revolution ‘‘on this line it it takes all summer." Tue Scenz or Civm War in the unhappy capital of Louisiana is admirably illustrated \n the map we publish on the fourth page to- day. The various points of interest in the tiots of 1866, 1873 and 1874 are carefully marked, and wil! enable our readers to follow the graphic pictures placed before them in our correspondence. Ouver Wenpew Hous in 1861 said of the South: — God help them if the tempest swings ‘the pine against the sia Tux Goon Trarrars had a | grand demon- stration at the Academy of Music last night in the cause of temperance, at which the crusaders, total abstinence politicians and other champions of the cause were lauded to the skies, and wine bibbers, male and female, denounced. The yood work seems to go on with encouraging success, and many recruits from the ranks of the bibulous toe have been | secured. Tue Navan Forces are under orders for the Mississippi. Tb sthat the Union will be preserved—in spite of revolution, no mat- ter how righteous. $11 Spraxer Brame to Presipenr Grant.—On the night of the Maine election Speaker | Blaine telegraphed to the President at Wash- ington that the all respects satisfactory, added, especially in reference to the Speaker. As their representative in Congress and in the Speaker's chair Mr. Blaine has proved unquestionably sutisfactory to the people of Maine, and they are desirous of his promotion. But he, too, must learu to await in patience | the settlement of this knoity little problem | of a third term. its of the election were in and, he might have at Appomattox | The President | WHEN secession surren' revolution surrendered also. will exact this bond. ‘| Tre Lona EXPECTED Raw commenced ata | late hour last night, and it is to be hoped that | it will not be given to us grudgingly or in homeopathic fashion. The terrible drought | hes bad such an effect t prayers for rain have been ottered up everywhere. The parched earth will drink eagerly of the precious ele- ment, and not only the farmers but all classes will rejoice. Toomes want to n command of Dors tm Mapman General Butler a.ain leans? see New Or- Tax Isevitapte Caartey Ross turns up again, or rather the boy 5) ipposed to resemble him. This time it is in Columbia county, ii this State, and the detectives have had other fit of excitement. But the boy, predecessors, turus out not to be Ross. ‘The police must try again. had an- a like his | | Charley | Geant shows us how Lincoln conld have suppressed the rebellion before Surater fell, Civil War—The Revolution in Loui- slana. The startling events which have taken place in Louisiana, and which absorb so large a part of the Henaxp this morning, will form an ex- traordinary chapter in our history. A long series of crimes, misfortunes and misgovern- ment have resulted in civil war. The mad- man Toombs has made a speech at Atlanta, breathing the worst spirit of the rebellion—a speech that is calculated to infiame the pas- sion of the North, to summon into life tho spirit that awoke with the fall of Sumter and swept through years of fire and blood to the surrender of Lee. Kellogg and Penn, chiefs of the contending governments, address us letters of explanation and pretext, which will be read with earnest feeling. The President bas taken the promptest measures to meet the crisis. He has sent military and naval torces to New Orleans, and declares he will take the field to suppress the Penn revolution. General Sheridan has been ordered to be ready tor the fie!d, and he will command all neces- sary operations. Sheridan in the field means prompt, unpausing war. Those who have studied this Southern volcano and the phenomena of the past few months will not be surprised at the eruption. The surprise will be that it did not come a long time ago, and that the government of a Commonwealth supposed to be in possession of all the re- sources of the State and sustained by the power of the federal government should have fallen at a touch like a toy house built of cards, We are accustomed to South American revolutions, when a General makes a pronunciamiento before breakfast, to be Pres- ident at dinner time only to be shot at supper by a more successful General. We have seen governments suddenly pass away in Spanish and French countries before pavement mobs, but generally there was a contest, or the threat of contest which could only be avoided by the combatants’ magnanimity or severe and bloody contests. In Saxon countries revolutions are not made in a day, and men of our sturdy nature do not surrender power without a struggle. But in New Orleans there has virtually been no struggle. The Kellogg government {ell at the touch. Even as brave and enterprising a soldier as Longstreet could do nothing but surrender to the armed bodies of citizens. So far as we comprehend the affair it had all the elements and all the dignity of a revo- lution. It was a coup d'état, made not by an ambitious soldier to serve his ends, but by a people against constituted authority. If the vote of New Orleans were taken to-morrow we have no doubt a Jarge majority of the citizens would sustain the usurpation. Nor do we doubt that this majority would embrace the wealth, the social standing and the character of the Crescent City. The riots in New York on the occasion of the conscription were the work of the ignorant classes, who had been maddened and betrayed intocrime. But here we have the intelligent classes uniting in an outbreak against the law. It may perhaps not belong to the argument, but we cannot fail to see in the revolution the re- vival of the old Confederate spirit. In the brilliant letter from a correspondent, printed elsewhere, he shows the extent and ferocity of this spirit, What are called ‘White Leagues’ have been formed—that is to say, associations of white men who would have no relations with any but those who had served the Confederacy or sympathized with its purposes, and who especially intended that the negro should have no position of social or even industrial equality. We find women commanding husbands, sons and brothers to join these leagues. The members armed themselves and assumed military dis- cipline. They made war upon the Northern- ers, and implacable war upon any one of their own faith who did not aid them. The case of Longstreet is cited as show- ing the fury of this sentiment. Longstreet, next to Lee and Stonewall Jackson, was the most accomplished and efficient General of the Confederate armies. His genius, his valor and his fortitude were alike conspicuous. When Lee surrendered at Appomattox Long- street stood by his side, his chief and trusted lieutenant. When the war was over, instead of lapsing into the sullen and, as history will be apt to say, selfish seclusion of Lee, he took ground in favor of reconstroction, arguing that the strife was ended and that it | was the duty of every Southern man to accept that fact as forever determining the issues of the war. From that hour he became a marked man, and our correspondent describes him as living ao shunned life among the men and women who deemed him their hero and their leader. In this we see the root of the feeling which has gerri- nated into one of the most extraordinary rev- olutions in our history. And it is only an- other form of the spirit of secession. Unlike the secession movement, however, the revolution in New Orleans is not without a cause that commends itself to the sympa- thies of mankind. We have had occasion to dwell at length upon the character of the Southern governments, and we shall not re- peat arguments familiar to our readers. American history has no more painfal chap- ter than that of Louisiana since the war, | and there has been no government so shame- less as the government of Kellogg. We have done all in our power to bring the States into convention to discuss the fact that under our | Republic such governments are possible, for we see their monstrosity and their evil results. But when we consider the manner in which | this government has been overthrown there arise other questions. Is a republican form of government possible where the barricade supersedes the ballot? Can we allow armed citizens to undo in a night the sol- emn decision of the ballot? If it is said and believed that any special | form of governmeut is illegal can we decide its illegality except by legal process? If we support the principle of revolution, even in as flagrant a case as Louisiana, how can we deny it to the negroes in South Carolina, to the grangers in Wisconsin, to the protectionists in Pennsylvania, to the freetraders in New York? What is the revolution of Penn but secession in its worst form? For, while secession was the solemn act of public conventions this revolution begins in midnight clubs | and ends in street massacre. However | much Louisiana may be bencfited by the removal of Kellogg, do not the ways and means of his removal constitute a fatal violation of the constitution? Whatis revo- Jution bui disintegration? If it begins in Louisiana, and is tolerated or condoned, where is it toend? Why may not the inflam- mable South burn like a midsummer prairie fire? Why may not the success of an isolated movement like that of Penn so arouse the war spirit of the suspicious, dissatisfied and dom- inant North that in the end the Southern States will suffer greater and greater evils? These questions General Grant answers by his proclamation commanding the Penn government to separate and to respect exist- ing authority. We do not see how the Presi- dent could have hesitated about his course. He has made many mistakes in re- construction, and especially as concerns Louisiana, He has encouraged and is in many respects the responsible author of this revolution, especially by his course in Arkan-* sas. He acquiesced in all the iniquities of the Kellogg administration, and shares with Con- gress the sin of having turned away from the entreaties of the suffering State, even when championed by the eloquent voice of Senatcr Carpenter. A year ago he had a great chance to do right, and in doing right to redeem Louisiana. But through his Attorney Gen- eral he spurned the prayers of the State. The logical result of that selfish apathy is written in the painful history we print this morning. The revolution has been nourished by the President and it is his work. We do not see how the President can do otherwise. However much we may sym- pathize with the revolutionary movement, and however anxious we may be to overthrow Kellogg and all phases of Kellogg domination in other States, the Union must be preserved, there can be no union without law, and there is no law where we see successful revolution. In this case the moral right is with Penn, the forms of law with Kellogg. The followers of Penn, those who belong to white leagues and other organizations, made the mistake of revo- lutionists—precipitation. They should have waited. They should have trusted to public opinion, to the softening influences of time, to the sure growth of generous sentiments in the hearts of Northern men. They should have triumphed by moral suasion, for every hour of their misery was an eloquent appeal to the North. They should not have invited the sure and swift answer of the sword. We see how sad and deplorable it is for the ad- ministration to be in a position where by its own follies it will make the right wrong and the wrong right. But it is a dilemma which must be firmly met. We can under- stand the difficulty and delicacy of the Presi- dent’s situation, arising, as we have said, from his own acquiescence in the disgraceful Lou- isiana rule—by clothing with the forms of law this infamous régime. But the constitution prescribes and the courts have written his duty. The late Chief Justice Taney, in the Dorr rebellion case, decided that when a conflict arose between rival State governments the President should decide which Governor was lawfully in power and sustain that power by the federal authority. It is unfortunate that the President should be committed, as he is, to the Kellogg usurpation. But the die has been cast. His proclamation commits the government to the suppression_ of the revolution. Our hope is that the peo- ple will accept the necessity and duty of the hour, and, for the sake of the whole country, to suffer and wait a little longer, trusting to the constitution and the peaceful methods of the ballot for their final deliverance. As it is we must sustain the President. It is his duty to preserve the Union. The Union cannot be preserved without law, and there can be no law with revolution. In this he speaks the voice of the American nation, which will respond to him as it responded to Lincoln when Fort Sumter fell. Tue Union Musr and shall be preserved— and there can be no union in the presence of revolution. A Lesson from History. Much interest has been felt in a telling article from the Sun on the Governor- ship question, which shows an _ anti- quarian’s knowledge of the hidden his- tory of New York politics, and is so keen a diagnosis ot the condition of parties that it might come from Weed, Dix, Seymour orsome one of the veteran practitioners of politics, who read public opinion with as unerr- ing a glance as that with which the physician reads a fever. We congratulate the Sun upon the independence and courage it has shown in wheeling into line with the Hrnaup against the ambitious claims of Tammany, who, to serve its immediate selfish aim, would ruin the democratic party in the State and country and throw Mr. Tilden into the abyss. Tae Sun, like the Hrraxp, does not care to see Mr. Til- den smothered with Tammany roses, The Sun reads history well, and shows how ‘wise Mr. Weed’ and ‘‘bluff, clear-headed, stout-banded Dean Richmond” managed ina crisis like the present, and how they put away ambition for the good of the party. “Nobody,”’ says the editor, with pregnant em- phasis, ‘‘is better informed in respect to these historic incidents than our venerable fellow citizen, Samuel J. Tilden. Will it not be wise of him and his friends at the Syracuse Conven- tion to emulate the prudent example of Thur- low Weed and Dean Richmond?” Tur Sare Burcuany in “Was hington, which has created such a stir in the capital for some time past, turns out to be an untortunate piece of business for the parties concerned. The Grand Jury have found a true bill for con- spiracy against them for endeavoring to rain an innocent man. As some of the conspira- tors have been prominent men in the secret service of the United Sta‘es Treasury Depart- ment the case has excited general interest. took place at le an event in Tue Starii0n Race which Mystic Park yesterday was q the annals of the turt. was Smuggler, who } champion of the The su s thus won his title of od States. Wuen tae Mapman Toombs was in Washing- ton he declared that he was in favor of Grant fora third term. His Atlanta speech is a bold attempt to carry out that idoa. Tue Catcaco Exposrrion, another feature of our columns to-day, has opened under the most favorable auspices, There is a marked improvement in the art gallery, and pictures representing the American, Buglish, French, German and Italian schools are on exhibition, It speaks volumes for the progress of art mat- ters in the West, sful horse | Let Mr. Tilden Retire. The democratic nomination for the Gover norship will not be made until after this num - ber of tbe Heraxp reaches Syracuse; and Mr. Tilden must find his strength in the Conven- tion so much less than he anticipated before the delegates assembled that we would fain hope the advice we have heretofore tendered lim from the most friendly motives may at | last be listened to in the kindly and consider- ate spirit in which it is offered. Mr. Tilden is o gentleman of too much sa gacity and breadth of view to mistake this foran ordinary election. He knows as well as anybody can tell him that it is of vital con- sequence to the success, and even the exist- ence, of the democratic party as a national organization, If the democracy lose this election it is the knell of a great and once powerful party which has done more than any other to make the history and shape the policy of the country. But if it wins this election bya handsome majority against 6o strong and popular a candidate as Governor Dix, the rejuvenating effect of such a victory will be incalculable. ‘ It will operate as an electric touch on the nerves of democratic organization throughout tho United States, recalling the proud mem- ories and prestige of the party in the palmy days of its greatness and historic splen- dor, and inspiring fresh hopes of an equally brilliant career in the future. Ought these possibilities to be sacrificed to any man’s per- sonal ambition? Ought any claims, however just, for the reward of long party services to be put into the scale and weighed against the chances of a solid triumph which would be like the magnificent dawning of a new day after the long and cheerless night of demo- cratic depression? If this were ™ mere or- dinary State election, involving nothing be- yond the possession of the State offices in one of the thirty-seven membors of the Union, Mr. Tilden’s ambition would be perfectly legiti- mate and he would be justified in refusing to surrender his claims in favor of a more popu- lar candidate. But his claims to official recognition by the New York democracy seem almost an impertinence when pushed, in a crisis like the present, against the deliberate judgment of a large and influential portion of the party leaders. It is to be regretted that old friendship and personal ties should have led Governor Seymour to defend Mr, Tilden’s canvass on this low and narrow ground. In an interview with him, printed a few days since in the World, Mr. Seymour reasoned as if the coming election had no wide national bearings; as if it wero a mere contest for paltry state offices of no value except as badges of party recognition; as if this all-important contest, on which the whole future of the democratic party is staked, were a mere question of rewarding in- dividual men for party services. That inter- view was almost as great a blunder as the previous one with John Kelly, published in the same journal, unless, indeed, Mr. Sey- mour wished the democracy of the State to understand that Mr. Tilden’s candidature is indefensible except on the sordid ground of a personal claim for party reward. The sub- stance of what Mr. Seymour said was that he had himself been repeatedly honored by the party; that Judge Church’s party services had received similar recognition; that the same was true of Mr. Ganson and the other demo- cratic gentlemen who have been talked of as candidates tor Governor, and that it would be bard and inequitable if Mr. Tilden, who has faithfully served the party for so many years, were alone to be denied the honors and re- wards which attest the appreciation and grati- tude of the party. Mr. Tilden’s worst enemy could not have placed his candidacy at this supremely critical conjuncture on more inde- feasible grounds. It is subordinating the great interests and permanent welfare of the party to the personal claims of an indi- vidual —-a mode of reasoning to which a statesman of the high standing of Governor Seymour could not have descended if his mind had not been biassed by personal triend- ship. And yet Governor Seymour defended the aspirations of Mr. Tilden on the only ground upon which they are defensible at all. But the only valid claim of any candidate in such a crisis as the present consists in his ability to rouse publio enthusiasm and make a victorious canvass. 2 should be a leader of such assured popularity that the very an- nouncement of his name would inspire the democratic ranks with perfect confidence of suc- cess. Mr. Tilden is not such a candidate, for two-thirds of his own party do not believe that he can be elected. Mr. Tilden’s com- parative weakness is coniessed by his own supporters. The World has published an in- terview with Allen C. Beach. former Lieuten- ant Governor, in which he gives one of the strangest reasons for preferring Mr. Tilden that could be imagined. Mr. Beach says that it Judge Church were the democratic candidate the administration would beso alarmed that it would pour all its resources into this State to defeat him, whereas it would not deem it necersary to make such exertions against Mr. Tilden! Truly, no candidate ever got such a queer backing from his friends as Mr. Til- den. Everything they say in his defence is an argument against his popularity. His friends, no doubt, think they are befriending him in publishing such interviews, but other people can see nothing in them but damaging confessions of his weakness. Mr. Tilden will have learned by the time to-day’s Henan reaches him that he has been fed with false hopes, and that the friendly warnings we have been giving him were dic- tated by the surer judgment of disinterested spectators. Now, at last, when our opinion is reinforced by his own experience and he sees that he cannot go on without a bitter contest in the Convention, we repeat our advice that he gracefully withdraw in the interest of harmony and success. Even if he peace, | could extort a nomination he would ruin the party. The delegates who oppose him would go home dispirited and hopeless, and a drenching wet blanket would be spread over the democratic canvass in the raral districts of the State. He has no chance of an elec- tion even if he gets the nomination, and his success at Syracuse would only lead to a new personal mortification. He cannot wish to run and be beaten, and he has really no pros- pect betore him but an inglorious defeat when so large a portion of his own party believe him the weakest candidate that could be presented for the suffrages of the poecple. If he has the good sense, patriotism and mag- | naniqaity to withdraw before a vol is wken the |. in the Convention all the animosities which have grown out of his canvass will be in- stantly forgotten, and he will be greeted with a universal burst of honoring applause and hearty gratitude, in comparison with which official distinction is of small account to an elevated mind. Even in the lower view he should recollect that there are two great official prizes involved in this election, and that the Senatorship is a more important office than that of Governor. By standing aside now he will put both in the gift of his party, and nobody's claim will be equal to his for the valuable office, which would be more congenial to his tastes and habits than the Governorship, even if he could get it. if Mr. Kelly is truly his friend, and does not merely wish to use him to subserve the aims of Tammany in the city election, he ought to consent to his withdrawal, both in the per- sonal interest of Mr. Tilden and in the larger interest of the democratic party as a national organization, Tue Mapman Toomns sings the German song: — We have all had more than enough of love, So now for @ song of hatred, A Lesson from Louisiana—Peace and Reconstruction. There is a lesson underlying the painful transactions in New Orleans that comes to us with painful emphasis. The kettledrum newspapers, which lie before us, fresh and damp from the press, have a painful irony in their denunciations of the Herarp’s plan for reconstruction. They tell us that the Southern States are at peace, that order reigns, that all classes of the people are contented, that the negroes are patient, the white men resigned to the domination of the carpet-bagger and the Southern adventurer, that any proposal fora convention is simply an appeal to the rebel sentiment of the South to give its sup- port to the democratic party, that the rebels should feel that they were nobly treated when we did not hang them, and that our duty is to march on inexorably in the path we have so long followed. While we read these angry comments the news comes that Louisiana is in the throes of civil war, that a successful revolution possesses her government, that the President has issued a proclamation com- manding peace and submission, that men have been slain in the streets of New Orleans, that armed troops threaten new conflicts, and that President Grant is ordering all the military and naval forces of the country to New Oxleans. The effect of these events is to anger the Northern people, to lead to precisely the results that camo after the fall of Sumter, the assassination of Lincoln and the New Orleans massacre in 1866, Re- construction, which should be a question of the coldest policy on the part of the ruling powers, now becomes a passionate political demonstraiion, All the war feeling of the North wiil be aroused on behalf of the repub- lican party. The democrats will be held re- sponsible for the acts of every Southerner who disturbs the peace. The wily politicians who have been organizing fora third term wi!l find tremendous argument in favor of the contin- uance of Grant in power. It will be said that the rebellion is not ended, and that Grant alone can preserve the peace. Grant, who rose by the sword, will again rise by the sword. We shall have the swell- ing of that tide which came when Sumter fell. The republican party will return to power in moment of panic, The men who control the Southern States will remain in power, and these noble Commonwealths, once sorich and proud, will drift along in their ulcerous condition—the prey of adventurers who rob the treasury and who preach the gos- pel of repudiation. The genuine sentiment of friendship for the South, which rests in no breasts so strongly as in those who made the greatest sacrifices for the Union, will be pow- erless. We shall have a short season of pas- sion and hatred, the continuance of the repub- lican party, the probable re-election ot the President—in itself a blow at democratic in- stitutions more vital than would have been the success of the rebellion. These signs which we saw clearly in the heavens, but which wer2 not manifest to the kettledrum newspapers, have cylminated in the revolution in Louisiana, The ‘“Heratp sensatioa’’ has again proved to be a Heranp prophecy. Only yesterday we called upon the people to look carefuliy at the South, for mischief was brewing, and now we see what we see. Who shall say that the followers of the Penn movement wer not perfectly justi- fied in their protest against the rule of the Kellogg usurpation? And who can deny that all this might have been prevented had we met the Southern people in a proper spirit? We were silent when they complained. We heeded none of their complaints. We put away their sorrows. We saw nothing of the executive and judicial infamies in Louisiana, nothing of the treason. able schemes which ripened almost to the verge of bloodshed in Louisiana. If ever a people were justified in resisting the rule of the authorities it is the people of Louisiana. Beginning with the close of the rebellion, we have had a dynasty of scoundrels in the Ex- ecutive chair of Louisiana. It speaks well for the patience of the people that they have sub- mitted so patiently. For they are not prone to submission. ' In former times, when the Know Nothing excitement swept over the country, during the war and since the war we have had outbreaks. There is in New Orleans the same restless spirit that we have seen in Paris. Nor should this surprise us when we remember that a large section of the people are descended from Frenchmen. It is as nat- ural for a Frenchman to take to a barricade as | it is for a terrapin to take to the stream, and we can aimost fancy when we read the narra- tives of this revolution that we are reading of the Freuch revolutions of 1830 and 1843, But we cannot have a barricade republic, However righteous the cause of Mr. Penn this will never do. It is terrible to contemplate a St. Domingo war of races and the policy of repudiation that threatens to attend the acces- sion of the carpet-bag adventurer to power. It is far more terrible to contemplate the triumph of the barricade over the law. Once admit into our politics that any party, no matter what the provocation, may take up arms, and, if successful, receive unquestioned recognition from the general goverument, and our Ameri- can Republic will rest upon a foundation as sandy as that upon which the French and Spanish coytrivances have been buildgd. Law and order underlie all true republicanism, and the grave error that honest democrats and ree publicans have committed in the South is in ignoring the exact condition of affairs and not seeking the true basis of reconstruction in 9 national convention. It may be that events in New Orleans will assume a shape that wilE make this policy impossible. For it is a pol- icy inspired by wisdom and calmness, and not welcome to armed and angry men. What we see now—the scandals in Louisiana, the shame, the suffering and death, the outrage upon law, the slaying of citizens, the overthrow of authority, the appeal from the ballot to the barricade, the terrible example that is now set to the people of the South, as well as the hardening of heart that will surely come to the friendiiest Northern man at the first sign of war—all might have been avoided had the people seen that the true way to solve all troubles was to meet in a national conven- tion and there consider the questions of peace and reconstruction. It is bard, with the outlook before us im Louisiana, to dwell upon this point But we seo in all the painful events there happening only so many arguments in favor of such a convention. The revolution in Louisiana would never have occurred had such o cone vention taken place. Let our patriotic citi- zens see in it only another argument, terrible in its emphasis, in favor of such a conven- tion. When there are family heartburnings what is better than to come together around the hearthstone and talk them over and make peace? When there are political heartburn- ings what is nobler than to gather in council as a national convention of peace and recon struction, to hear all complaints, adjust all grievances and move on to a more harmoni- ous and happy union? Ane we to have again the rising of tha Sumter tide? A Mopen Pourticran 1n New Jerser.—Tha. Democratic Convention at Trenton, N. J., presented one anomalous feature that must have astonished the assembled wisdom of our neighbors considerably. They fixed their eyes upon Judge Bedle, of Jersey City, as an appropriate standard bearer for the coming campaign, but were rather taken aback om learning trom him that he was utterly indif- ferent on the question, that he would take no part in the canvass and that if the people elected him it would be without any election- eering on his part. The braves in council, however, nominated him, and the new feature in politics will be presented of a gubernato- rial campaign in the hills and valleys, swamps and farms of New Jersey without stump speeches, brass bands, fireworks or cannon. This will be a reform in politics with a ven- geance. Suenrpan is ‘under orders’ for New Or~ leans. This means business. ‘Tue Apsrsisrration Poticy—A word and a blow. But when revolution comes the blow first. Tne Mapman Toomus said in 1861 that the Southern men did not need muskets to fight the Yankees—riding whips were sufficient. He now wants the Georgians to oppose the movement of troops to New Orleans, Surely madness rules the hour. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE. The President left Washington for Long Branch last night. Ex-Congressman W. C. Smith, of Vermont, is as the Fiith Avenue Hotel, General Joho &. Frisbie, of Calilornia, is stop- ping at tue Windsor Hotel. General Gordon Granger, United States Army, ts quartered at Baroum's Hotel. Senator S. B, Conover, oi Florida, has taken up bis resideuce at the St. Nicholas Hotel. gin the Vie Puris‘enne wt 1s held that all women are eqnal before the sun, jove and death. Commodore John KR. Goidsborough, United States Navy, has quarters at the St. Dents Hotel. Ex-Governor Alexander H. Bullock, of Massa- chusests, is residing at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, bx-Governor Ulaiin, of Massachusetts, and Gep- eral Beauregard, of New O:leaus, are in Moutreal. Captain Jono Mirehouse, of the steamship City of Montreal, is registered at the New York Hotel. Hon, Montgomery Blair has been called to Mis- sourl by the dangerous illness of his brother Frank. Some of the directors of the Brighton aquarium have eaten an vctopus, and they compare it to lobster. Judge J. A. Campbell and Mr. John J, William- son, of New Orleans, ure sojourning at the Futh Avenue Hotel. Mr. J. D. Cameron, son of Grandfather Simon, of Harrisburg, is among the receut arrivals at the Brevoort House. Mes: Max Fourchow and J. de ta Bouliniere, of the ci Legation at Washington, are at the Brevourt House. Senator Roscoe Conkling arrived in this city yesterday from its home at Utica and is at the Furth Avenue Hotel, Mr. Joseph Hickson, Managing Director of the Grand Trunk Katiway of Canada, has arrived at the Brevoort House. Woodhuli and Clafiin ave in Paris and are written up by the Figaro; but itis not yet clear who they have selected for a victim. The Paris Opmion Nationale says the Parisians did not make much tuss over the King of Bavaria, Bat then, as the King was there incognito, the Parisians didn’t have much of a chance. Colonel Mauuel Freyre, Peruvian Minister at Washington, Wuo has been spending a portion of tue summer at Saratoga, arrived in this city yes- terday with nis family and has taken apartments at the Clareudon Hotel. At the beginning of the present year the urder of Jesuits numbered 9,104 members. Of these 2,803 live in France to Italy, 1,080 in England and Englisu colon 1,583 are on missions, and 2,706 in the United States, in Kome tuey have the skull of St. John in sev- eral cuurclivs, but they say the finest ts the one in tie Lateran; and now they @re wondering it France wether the Leonardo da Vinci just ound is finer than the one they found in 1864. M. Rolland, member of the French Assembly, has uot oveupied tus seat for tw8 years, and lus constituency demands the report of a medical commission on the state of his health, as tt would like to be represented by him—or some one else. Henry IV. went around to the cities, 48 Mace Mahon has done, ana a Mayor Intended to infect He began;—“Hannibal, on leaving At (his pout the King said:— Carthage be had dined, ” an address. for Carthage—" “When Hannibal left tor Let us go and do the sam |} London papers enron the capture of two un- | doubted specimens of mosquitoes in Hyae Park. Notwithstanding the Juss that Englishmen make avout Mosquitocs when they come here this insect ig as pleutiful in some of the subuarvs of London as on the Jersey fats, but they bite rather lesa fiercely. ‘Thirty per cent of the population of Glasgow is Irish by birthor origin, and at the meeting of the British Association a philosopher had the effrontery to say that Unis infusion of Irish blood in the Scotch city had “undoubtedly produced deletert- ous res , particularly in making necessary airicters ovlice and aanitary regulations.” “«