The New York Herald Newspaper, May 16, 1874, Page 6

NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. THE DAILY HERALD, pudlished every day in the year. Four cents per copy. Annual subscription Price $12. All business or news letters and telegraphic despatches must be addressed New Yorr Hamar. Letters and packages should be prop- erly sealed. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. ees atalino, LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. Subscriptions and Advertisements. will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. Volume XXXIX.... eeeeeeeee +++-M0. 136 AMUSEMENTS THIS AFTERNOON AND EVENING THEATRE COMIQUE, No. S14 Rroadway.—VARIETY ENTERTAINMENT, at8 P.M. ; closes at 10:30 P.M. Matinee at2 P. M. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway and Thirteenth street—SCHOOL, at 8 P. M.; closes at li P.M. Mr, Lester Wallack, Miss Jedreys Lewis. Matinee at 130 P.M. OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway, between Houston and Bleecker streets. — VAL LLE and NOVELTY ENTERTAINMENT, at 745 P. M.; closes at 10:45 P.M. Matinee at2 P.M. BROADWAY THEAT) Broadway, _ opposite , Washington Dumpty AT HOME, &c.. ats P.M. G.L, Fox. Matinee at 2 P.M. BOOTH’S THEATRE, Sixth avenue, corner of Twenty-third street.—SPAR- TACUS, ats P. M.; closes at lu:45 P.M. Mr. John MeCul- Matinee at 1 30 P.M. AT ace—HUMPTY .; Closes at ll P.M. lough, METROPOLITAN THEATRE, No. £85 Broadway.—VARIETY ENTERTAINMENT, at 745 P. M,; Closes at 1030 P, M. Matanee at 2 P.M. ‘WOOD'S MUSEUM, orner of Thirtieth street.—THE FRENCH closes at 4:30 P. Same at 8 P. M.; . M. Sophie Miles, Marietta Ravel NEW PARK THEATRE, BROOKLYN, THE SECRET MARRIAGE, and AMERICANS IN PARIS, at 3 P.M. J, H. Stoddart, Ringgold, Rockwell. Matinee at 2 P.M, Broadway, SPY, ate? closes at ly DALY’S PIFTH AVENUE THEATRI Twenty-cighth street and Broadway.—DIVORCE, at 8 P. M.; closes at 10:30 ¥.M. | Miss Ada Dyas, Miss’ Fanny Davenport, Bijou Heron, Mr. Fisher, Mr. Clark. Matinee etljuP. M. TERRACE GARDEN THEATRE, Fifty-eighth strect, between Third and Lexington ave- mues. —LUHENGE. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, No, 201 Bowery.—VARIETY ENTERTAINMENT, at 2:30 ER iciomessom ru; also at 8 P.M; closes at il BRYANT’: ‘Twenty-third street, ne: \STRELBY, &c., at 8 P.M. 3PM ERA HOUSE, xth avente.—NEGRO MIN. closes atlU P.M. Matinee at CENTRAL PARK GARDEN. THOMAS’ CONCERTS, at 8 P. M. ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Fourteenth eg’ corner of Irving place.—SOIREES (MAGIQUES, atSP.M. Professor Herrmann. Matines at2 P.M. COLOSSEUM, Preatway, corner of Thirty-titth street.—LONDON IN be 3 . M., closes atS P.M. Same at7 P. M.; closes a ROMAN HIPPODROME, Madison avenue and Twenty-sixth ‘street.—GRAND oe OF NATIONS, at 1: P.M. and TRIPLE SHEET. New York, Saturday, May 16, 1874. From our reports this morning the probabilities are that the weather to-day will be cloudy, with rain. Wat. Street.—Gold sold to-day at 112} and 112, closing at 1123. Stocks were firmer. Money 3 and 4 per cent. Tue Brrrish Prorectorate over the Fiji Islands gives the English sovereignty and the wretched Fijian King fifteen thousand dollars ayear. The King evidently knew British am- bition for empire and determined to drive a hard bargain. Tux Ovrrace on the British Vice Consul Magee in Guatemala has beem quickly fol- lowed by an offer of indemnity by the Guate- malan government. This is the result of that excellent policy which Great Britain con- stantly practices, of protecting the rights of her subjects. Governor Sxrymour.—The Utica Observer, referring to the proposal to nominate Horatio Seymour for the Governorship, makes the | official announcepent that he will under no circumstances accept the nomination. ‘The Governor,” says the Observer, ‘‘insists that he has done his share of public work and that he must be left now to the undisturbed enjoy- ment of private life.”” Tae Rvsstan ScanpaL.—It now turns out that the Grand Dake arrested in Russia was not the brother of the Czar, but his nephew, the son of the Grand Duke Constantine. He stole his mother’s diamonds to bestow them upon an actress. He was a splendid young fellow, no doubt, and thought it primcely and genérous to bestow mamma’s baubles upon an exponent of art. Had his mother known the excellent uses to which her diamonds had been put she probably would not have hastened to inform the police of the theft, As it is, itis best, perhaps, that the Prince should feel the rigors of Russian law, while it would be interesting to know what is to be done with the actress. If she does not visit Siberia she will certainly go to Paris, where she will be adored as the modern Cinderella, for whom the Prince, not being able to find ® glass slipper, quietly cribbed his mother’s A Conarrssman’s Great Sprexcn is as neces- sary toa politician at Washington as a “hit’’ is to an actor who would attain eminence in his profession. It is seldom nowadays that leave is asked to print speeches not actually delivered, and when it is done the act generally brings its own punishment. There should be a rule, however, preventing the publication in the Record of speeches not delivered on the | The Arkansas Insurrection—Proclama-~ tion by the President. Attorney General Williams has advised the President, in an elaborate and sound opinion, that the evidence presented in regard to the appe.ts from Arkansas establishes that Mr. Baxter is rightfully the Governor of that State; and the President has, consequently, issued his proclamation, recognizing Baxter and calling upon all persons who oppose his authority to disperse within ten days. This settles the case, and will, we believe, give peace to the State, In the Attorney General's opinion on the Arkansas case he states an important objection to Brooks’ position, forcibly and simply, in saying that if that position were assented to, “® person who had been installed as Gov- ernor, according to the constitution and laws of the State, after an undisturbed incumbency of more than a year, would be deposed by a circuit judge and another person put in his place upon the unsupported statement of the latter that he had received a majority of votes at the election.” There, very clearly, is the whole case. Brooks, or any other man, goes before a judge and swears that he received a larger number of votes for Gov- ernor than the man recognized as Governor, and therefore claims the office. He may never have received a single vote; he may never have been heard of by the public; for the case is not before the judge on its merits. No examination is gone into, no testimony is taken, and, without an opportunity for the occupant of the gubernatorial chair to be heard, without any consideration of the rights of the public in the case, a judgment is given that this upstart claimant is the Governor and that the other man is a usurper. Can any country be governed if its whole political ma- chinery may be set aside at any moment in this way upon the oath of any political adven- turer? Or if government could exist at all in the face of such possibilities how long could it continue free, or how long could the people have any part or share in the determination of its character? Elections would become an idle superfluity. Perhaps that is in a great de- gree their character already ; but we are not forced to recognize it. They continue as good substantial forms, and we may yet be able to make them more honest. But if o judge who is the creature of some corrupt combination may at any moment put into office the tool of that combination the very form becomes a farce and a public delusion. Moreover, if Brown, Jones or Robinson may be thus put in office to-day, who will be put in to-morrow? It is clear enough that if we once drift away from our political anchors in this loose style—if we permit our political forms to be superseded at the option of acci- dental judges holding court in the back rooms of Arkansas groceries—we cannot establish any limit to the operation of such a change in our system. Nominally such power is in this case exercised in the name of the people, and that is a handy name that may always be used in just the same way ; but there is very little security that the cause of the people would be regarded in the proceeding, and it is certain that the enemies of the people are the persons who have most to gain by such modifications of the usual mode of making governors. Our opinion is that this country cannot be governed by the chamber orders of judges— not, at least, to the general satisfaction or wel- fare of the people. In this neighborhood we have had some experience of the operation of the system that results from the popular prej- udice in favor of any scrap of paper with a judge’s name written upon it. Judges caught and stopped under a street lamp at night or waked up from their slambers, or taken in any other altogether unofficial condition, have signed orders in this city in interests of great moment, such as in any other country would scarcely have been issued by judicial func- tionaries after full hearing of the cases in court. Weare not at all proud of that por- tion of our judicial history, and the result has been to purge our courts in great degree of that class of judges. But all this happened in regard to property rights which only exist under the laws of which the judges are in fact rightfully the interpretera; and if the result was not satisfactory, but was mischievous, demoralizing and even alto- gether scandalous in that sphere, what shall be said of its application in the sphere of strictly political rights, where the functions of the judiciary are indirect at best and are sub- ordinate to the higher authority of the politi- cal sovereign? Government by the people is possible and government by judges’ orders is possible, but they cannot operate together in the same State, and we do not doubt that the country at large will favor government by the people. Senator Clayton, of Arkansas, is reported as saying in Washington that the Brooks men will resist to the bitter end. We have very little faith in these bitter enders. They are like the last ditchers of the Southern Confederacy, who were generally persons that never got into any ditch at all from one end of the war to the other, but contented themselves with sitting on sofa cushions at Montgomery or Richmond and giving way to a dreadful disposition to be rhetorical. Senator Clay- ton’s dreadful people in the present case have the same taste for letting other people get shot, and the only end they want for them- selves is a very sweet one indeed. It is the end where the public plunder may chance to | be, All this Brooks movement, from one end to the other, is, of course, a mere raid for spoil. Men of this class of Southern agita- tors are now thoroughly used to looking upon the Southern States as mines to be worked for gain, purely and simply. In their view Southern politics have no other aspect. They have observed that in the State machinery there are many offices not only with good salaries, but with opportunities for 8 man who has no scruples, that \are worth the salary fifty times over. floor. The Senate resolution to this effect was taken up in the House yesterday, but it was killed by an amendment limiting all speeches in either branch of Congress to one hour. There is no necessity for any such rule, for even now it is impossible for any member of the House of Representatives to make a More than that: the lawmaking power | of these States can legislate for railroads and | similar enterprises and tax the people to pay | the bills, and the proceeds of that taxation will fill many pockets. Stimulated by such observations they organize their plot to obtain possession of these magnificent money mills. speech at all, except by the favor of the Speaker | They make themselves agreeable to the negro or of the gentleman entitled to the floor, upon a bill under the rales. Jobs cannot be killed except by debate, and all efforts to shorten de- Late, though they may seem to be in the inter- est of economy, are really most beneficial to the lobby, voters, and lest they should fail on the vote they get the counting machinery into their hands; they take judges into their scheme as partners, or they put some of their original partners on the bench as judges. It will go bard with them if they cannot got their men in by voting or counting, or by the orders of some one of their judges, and when they have got them in we get the full proportion of such political glories in free government as the recent history of Louisiana, of Texas and of Arkansas. 7 And the fact that spoil is at the bottom of this whole pretended revolt against the Bax- ter “usurpation” is all that needs to be pre- sented, as an answer to the notion that the fight will be continued despite the decision of the government against Brooks; for spoil hunters have at least one virtue—they are practical people. They can eee through the Arkansas millstone already, since the Presi- dent’s proclamation has made a tremendous hole init. If there were an atom of principle in the fight it might continue, for men who combat for principle are at once resolute and enthusiastic; but these political pot-hunters of Arkansas calculate the price of powder too closely to waste much of it on gaie they can- not kill The men who now declare that Brooks was elected and Baxter beaten at the polls, but who notwithstanding certified to Baxter's election in the hope that he would assist their public robberies, will not now put themselves in collision with the government forces in the hope of any plunder so remote as what might come by Brooks’ incumbency of office. One thing remains to be done in this case, and it should be done as if government were a reality—not a game that any and everybody may play at in the State, and as if order and law and the sanctity of human life were more than mere names. Brooks and his abettors remain to be punished. Until a good example is made in the punishment of some one of these bogus Southern governors there will be no end to insurrection. One ‘‘governor’’ well placed at the end of a halter between two stout upright posts would be a spectacle better calculated to give peace to the Southern States than any other human ingenuity could con- trive. Our lenity in regard to political offences goes altogether too far. It gives ab- solute immunity to outrages that keep whole communities in a constant condition of tur- moil and uncertainty. We sincerely hope that the murders done in the name of ‘‘Gov- ernor” Brooks will not be forgotten, and that some of the organizers of the insurrec- tion may find out there is law in the State, and be the worse for it. The Czar in London. The Emperor of Russia, as will be seen from our news of this morning, has become the lion of the hour in London. Yesterday morning he left Windsor and arrived at Buck- ingham Palace about noon. Of course, the citizens were out in crowds, an enthusiastic moultitude lined the route from the railway station to the palace, and the imperial visitor enjoyed an ovation such as London delights to give to royal and imperial personages. We can hardly think that London court life can be agreeable to the Emperor. Since the death of Prince Albert London has been practically without a court. The Queen shuns society. The Prince of Wales is, no doubt, gathering the young bloods around him; but between the Prince of Wales and his crowd and the Emperor Alexander, there cannot be much of what the modern world calls affinity. Then, again, Paris, in its present state, can hardly attract him. Napoleon is no more, and anything that MacMahon could do to make his Parisian visit agreeable would but poorly compensate for the absence of the splendor and magnificence of the Imperial Court. It is understood that a visit to Chisel- hurst is included in the programme of the imperial tour. His great namesake and predecessor, whom, in some important re- spects he resembles, was kind to a former Empress of France in misfortune. It is natural that he should visit Chiselhurst and pay his respects to the ex-Empress Eugénie. Such a visit, made at this time, will put life into the Bonapartist cause. How the Emperor may act in this particular mat- ter engages public attention, for the reason that his action will reveal the sentiment of the Great Powers towards the Bonapartes and the Empire. Unsate Buildings. The fortunate avoidance of a sad catas- trophe, by taking precautions barely in time against the fall of the dilapidated building near the corner of Broadway and Houston street, is calculated to draw the attention of every thoughtful observer towards an enquiry fraught with terrible interest, whether there are not hundreds of similar unsafe structures in our thoroughfares. The NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, MAY 16, 1874.—TRIPLE The Crisis in Spain. The intimation in the London Times that Serrano purposes to offer the crown of Spain to Don Alfonso is important, al- though it seems to be premature. Don Alfonso, the Prince of the Asturias, was born in 1857, at atime when Serrano was 80 high in favor with the Queen as to be made Spanish Ambassador to Paris. He is now in his seventeenth year, and has never shown any capacity, if, indeed, capacity for govern- ment could be expected from the most gifted human being at so early an age, When Isabella was an exile she abdicated in favor of the Prince, and he is now, therefore, the heir to the throne by the female line of the Bour- bon family, in opposition to Don Carlos, who is his cousin and heir to the male branch. The accession of Prince Alfonso would mean the regency of Serrano, his elevation to the rank of priice and his dictatorship in Spain for sometime tocome. All the influence of the great Powers of Europe would be in favor of the recall of Don Alfonso, It would be in keeping with Serrano’s ambition to take this step. He might make himself King, but it would bea perilous experiment for a soldier who has already fled from Spain, an exile and an eutlaw on more than one occasion, and who would scarcely desire to burden his next flight with a crown. The accession of Don Alfonso simply means another term of mis- government and another revolution. Much will depend upon the republicans and their attitude. As to M. Castelar, the telegragh did not correctly state his views. According to the cable the ex-President had declared in favor of a federal repub- lic—dividing up the different provinces into States like the States of our Repub- lic. But we do not so understand his declara- tion. Ina letter to a Madrid newspaper he says that the time must soon come when. the republican party will issue ® proclamation, “adding that our own convictions, our hopes, disillusions and sorrows, the very example of the most republican nations, such as Switzerland and the United States, compel us to abandon a banner and 9 policy of which the shadow en- genders anarchical cantons, and to defend the only possible republic, and that which is truly traditional among us, which considers nation- alities as entire organisms, of which the mem- bers cannot be divided, even for a time, with- out mortal danger, and which puts before all and above all that marvellous work of ten centuries—the unity and integrity of our Spain.’ The meaning of this is that M. Castelar is convinced that any federal system would be weakneas in Spain, that centralization and national unity are the main elements to be considered, and that under a federal republic they would not be secure. Our impression is that M. Castelar has made on error. Federalism in Spain seems to us to be the surest way to found a true republic. Centralization in France led to Napoleonism, and in the United States it is leading us upon dangerous ground. Summer Politics. During the ensuing three months several important events are booked for occur- rence that will no doubt shape to some extent tho next Presidential election. The West seems to be breaking away from party ties and forming new combinations, while the East seems to be awake to the necessity of a complete reconstruction of parties. The Virginia farmers meet in con- vention on May 20 to consider the political and industrial interests; Oregon elects a State ticket June 1, there being a fusion be- tween republicans and democrats; the Illinois independents will promulgate a platform and recent painful calamity in Buffalo, and the many mishaps of this kind which have taken place in Brooklyn and other cities, should serve as sufficient warnings to the authorities here to pay more attention to the enforcement of the laws regulating buildings, so that no more of those man-traps be permitted toexist. One cannot repress a shudder at the thought that the building in question, the rot- tenness of which was accidentally dis- covered, is but a fair specimen of the structures going up in many parts of the city, where criminal economy is substituted for safety and soundness, Some contractors are 80 eager to make money that they care little what kind of @ shell they put up, as long as it yields them handsome profit. It is popu- larly supposed that there is a superintendent appointed to look after the interests of the people in this department, but circumstances during the past few years have proved how singularly obtuse he can be to the most glaring outrages on the part of building con- tractors. We need a strict enforcement of the aws bearing upon this subject, else we. shall have to chronicle some day a disaster, the extent of which may be fearful to con- template, A Wett-Piacep Famiiy.—There is a rumor that the Crown Prince of Holland will marry the Princess Thyra, a sister of the Princess of Wales. This will in the course of nature make the Princess Queen of Holland. The King of Denmark, her father, is one of the poorest monarchs in Europe, and has perhaps the smallest kingdom. He has done remark- ably well with his large family. One daughter will probably be Empress of Russia, the other Queen of England. One son is King of Greece, another will be King of Denmark, and now another crown comes into his tamily. To have children. reigning over England, Russia, Greece, Denmark and Holland is a great achievement in the way of honors and power. ticket June 10; the Indiana and Kansas inde- pendents will follow their example on the same day; June 17 is the appointed time for the Indiana and Illinois republicans to hold their State Conventions; the ‘Maine democ- racy, who let the last election go by default, will, on June 23, endeavor to galvanize them- selves into a respectable party; on the follow- ing day the Iowa Anti-Monopoly Convention will be held; on July 1 the Iowa republicans will put forth a ticket and platform; July 15 is set for the Indiana and Ohio Democratic Conventions, and on July 29 will be held the Alabama Conservative Convention. The hot summer is not likely to prevent a warm po- litical campaign, especially in the West, where the financial question and the farmers’ grievances are the absorbing themes, Taz New Carrs m France.—Tho ques- tion of the formation of an Upper House, or a Chamber approximating to the House of Lords in England, bids fair to lead to a crisis with the Cabinet of the Duc de Broglie. The Extreme Rignt, or the followers of the Count de Chambord, oppose the measure, as they oppose anything that looks like the formation of any government but the monarchy. The Extreme Left, or the followers of M. Gam- betta, do not regard two houses as republican in spirit, and consequently will make an issue with the government. The résult will be that the Cabinet will have to depend upon the sup- port of what is called the Centres, or the moderate men of both parties, If the Bona- partists, who are not very numerous in the Assembly, but very effective, and under the command of M. Rouher, the most skilful par- liamentarian in the Assembly, should conclude to oppose the bill, they may succeed in defeat- ing the Cabinet and compel Marshal MacMahon to appoint a new Ministry. France is in such ® peculiar situation now that any crisis in the Assembly may lead to a revolution and the downfall of the Septennate. Unfortunately, all parties in France, except the MacMahon supporters, crave a revolution. An Ory Trick Revivev.—Assemblyman Weed, of Clinton, has discovered that the Supply bill is not in the condition in which it left the hands of the conference committee and finally became a law. Between the time of its passage and its arrival in the Executive Chamber several little jobs are supposed to have been “fixed up” by those through whose hands it passed; among others, one which fixes the salary of the Superintendent of the new Capitol building at ten thousand dollars a year. This operation of inserting matter in bills after their passage is an old Albany trick, and, no doubt, is made profitable to the clerks, especially in such a measure as o Sup- ply bill. Tue Committee who managed the Living- SHEET, The Senate Finance Bill. The bill which has passed the Senate is such a flagrant measure of inflation that it is certain to be stranded on a now veto, as appears by our Washington despatches this morning, if it should pass the House and reach the President. It is such a bold and daring defiance of the President; it discloses such an _ evident willing- ness to provoke another veto, as to indicate the settled hostility of the inflationists to Gen- eral Grant and their reckless determination to break with him at whatever cost to the unity of the republican party. We have only to ex- amine the provisions of the bill in the form in which it passed to perceive how entirely it is @ project of inflation. It releases the bynks from their present obligation to keep home reserves to redeem their circulation, and re- quires them, in lieu of such regerves, to de- posit in the Treasury of the United States on amount of greenbacks equal to five per cent of the circulation. The effect of this provision would be to unlock and pour into the channels of busi- ness the difference between a five per cent reserve and the twenty-five and fifteen per cent reserves which the banks are now required to keep. Taking the national bank circula- tion at its present legal limit of $354,000,000, and reckoning the average reserves of the city and county banks at twenty per cent of their circulation, an amount of greenbacks would be released equal to fifteen per cent, adding at once $53,100,000 to the available currency of the country. But this is a bagatelle in comparison with the inundating floodgates opened by other provisions of the bill. It permits an unlimited issue of practically irredeemable bank notes, slightly mitigated by the withdrawal of greenbacks equal to twenty-five per cent of the new bank issues. If the amount of greenbacks to be withdrawn were the same as that of bank notes put in circu- lation the currency would be neither increased nor diminished by the new bank issues. By the actual provisions of the bill every $100,000,000 of new bank notes will inflate the currency $70,000,000 up to a certain point, and that point once passed, every additional $100,000,000 of bank notes will inflate the currency $95,000,000. For the present, and until the volume of greenbacks is reduced to $300,000,000, $30,000,000 of greenbacks would be taken out of circulation for every $100,000,000 of bank notes emitted—namely, the five per cent re- serve deposited in the Treasury and twenty- five per cent retired according to the require- ment of the bill. Free banking, as it is called, would at first inflate the currency to an amount equal to seventy per cent of the new bank issues. Inflation would proceed at this rate until the greenbacks were reduced to $300,000,000, when it would advance at the accelerated pace of ninety-five per cent of the new bank issues, because the five per cent re- serve would be the sole diminution of green- backs required afterwards. Let us suppose the experiment to proceed until the $382,000,000 fixed by the bill as the maximum greenback circulation is reduced to the $300,000,000 established as the minimum. What would be the total amount of currency at that stage of the experiment? It may be correctly stated as follows United States notes...... . ° Present authorized bank circulation 854,000, Four times the withdrawn greenbacks. 328,000,000 ion of $236,000,000 to the present amount of currency, with a prospect of more rapid inflation after the limit of $300,000,000 greenbacks had been reached. No sensible man can doubt that so wild and insane © measure will encounter a new veto if it should ever reach the Presi- dent. If any simple minded citizen should imagine that the show of redemption paraded in this bill may arrest the progress of infla- tion we can easily undeceive him. Every man of sense who will consider its redemp- tion features must perceive that they are a delusion and a snare. When, in virtue of this bill, would the owner of a greenback re- ceive its. face value in gold? On the Ist of July, 1893, and not a day sooner. By waiting until the Ist of July, 1878, more than four years, he could exchange greenbacks, if he should happen to possess $1,000 of them, for ® fourand a half per cent gold bond, paya- ble in fifteen years; so that nineteen years from next July is the earliest period at which he can expect to recover in real money the debt due him by the government for which he holds its notes. On this debt, due now, he is to receive no interest at all for four years, and afterwards, an interest of four and a half per cent, though he might easily loan the money for seven per cent, if he could recover it. He is defrauded of seven per cent for the first four years and two and a half per cent for the other fifteen, making a dead loss of sixty- five and a half per cent by the misfortune of being a creditor of the government. The bill makes it optional with the Secretary of the Treasury to redeem the greenbacks in bonds or gold after four years. Butas a four and a half per cent bond will not rise to par he will redeem in bonds and not in gold. By this bill, therefore, specie payments are nineteen years distant. If it should be thought that the provision for redeeming bank notes in greenbacks will check inflation, that is also a delusion, What possible motive can there be for that kind of sham redemption? The national bank notes are precisely as safe ag greenbacks, the credit of both resting alike on ® government engagement. Ifa bank fails its note holders cannot suffer, and until it fails there is no motive for offering its notes in ex- change for greenbacks, The fact that all the national banks are compelled by law to receive the notes of other national banks in payment of their dues will always keep them at par with greenbacks, and so long as they are of equal value the pretence of redemption is a farce, If the absurd bill we have been ex- posing passes the House, the President's negative will protect the country from its mischievous operation; but what a satire it will be upon American legislation for Con- gress to adjourn leaving the currency in the same condition in which it found it ot the beginning of the session! It was the uni- versal cry of the country, when Oongress as- sembled in December, that legislation on the currency was the great duty of the session. The mountain has labored and will have brought forth—nothing ! stone funeral ask for tands to enable them to erect a statue to his memory in Westminster. Abboy. Epvucarton mt Cororavo.--We have hopes for the West when the pioneer carries his exe in one hand and @ spelling book in the a other. Not many months since and Colorado was an unknown land in many parts now oo- cupied by thriving scttlements. Here comes the story of a college in a place called Colo- mado Springs. This town is described in the Chicago Tribune as ‘‘charmingly located among the grandest laboratories of nature.” The college is under the charge of Professor Haskell, and it will begin operations in June. An actual college arising in Colorado is one of the most gratifying evidences of the march of our civilization. A Painful Difference of Opinion. We scarcely know what to make of it, Henry Watterson and Murat Halstead are two of the shining lights of Western journalism. Only a few days ago they were making a tour of New England, having their own time avoid- ing the reporters if all is truth that is told. Mr. Watterson goes to Washington and dis- covers that if the canvass should come off this year nothing could prevent Grant's electipn for athird term. To this statement Mr. Halstead makes a mocking response, with intimations about champagne and sherry bottles which'we do not quite comprehend, but ending inthis heroic style:—‘‘But should he become Presi- dent a third time, it will be by the consent of the American people, in accordance with the forms of the constitution and without any surrender of sovereignty on the part of those who would hurl from the Executive chair and grind to fine dust any man who should pre- sume to hold the Presidential office one hour beyond the time to which he is entitled to ex- ercise its prerogatives.” Mr. Halstead farther adds, as his opinion, that the third term idea never had any existence except in the columns of the Heraup, This hardly states the case! What the po- litical journalists are beginning to say now the Hznatp said about a year ago. A not un- common fact, by the way, in the Hmzaup’s history. But we are concerned to witness this difference of opinion between journalists so eminent and hitherto so fraternal as the editors of the Cincinnati Commercial and the Louis- ville Courier-Journal. The Tribulations of Geary. History, it is generally admitted, repeats itself, and any one who has read the veritable history of Gil Blas will be astonished to find that it is not at all uncommon for persons in this free and enlightened capital of a great Republic to experience adventures similar to those that befell that worthy gentleman. For example, a Mr. John Clark was arrested on the 1st of May. At the time this germMleman had on his person jewelry to the value of sixteen hundred dollars. This he deposited for safety with the doorman of the police station, and, strange to say, that officer of justice never thought necessary to return the valuables. It appears Mr. Geary, the doorman in question, not having over- much confidence in the officers charged with the administration of justice, hid the jewelry in order to prevent his comrades from stealing it. History does not say whether he told any of his pals where they might find what he had so hidden, but whether he told them or not the valuables sud- denly disappeared and have not been seon since by the owner. The over-careful Geary has been charged with robbery, and it remains to be seen how the disappearance of a prison- er’s property can be explained away. We like old customs, but the bringing ot a prisoner into a police station and robbing him .is a tradition of the times of Gil Blas we should most willingly allow to become a merely his- torical reminiscence. - Is there not something wrong which the Police Commissioners would do well to set right in the organization of the police stations when it is possible for robbery to be committed in these strongholds of the law? - Tae Ente Ramwat reached o new dignity yesterday in being made the subject of debate in the British Parliament. Now that the sub- ject has been aired in the House of Commons the investigations of Captain Tyler may be made with increased dignity. A New Port or Law.—Judge Brady's re- marks in sentencing ex-policeman John Doyle to imprisonment for life for the murder of Mary Lawler seem to give a new mean- ing to our laws concerning homicide. evidence is that Doyle went to see the girl at the place where she was working, called her out and then shot her dead. Instead of trying Doyle for the offence of murder in the first degree the District Attorney permitted him to plead guilty of murder in the second degree. The case seems to us to have been as flagrant an act of murdor, and as deliberate in its perpe- tration, as ayy for which many men have been executed. Judge Brady, in sentencing the prisoner, alluded to the fact that Doyle was intoxicated when he killed Mary Lawler as an indication that he had no deliberate intention to kill. If that is » sound principle then Foster was unjustly. hanged, and if Doyle could plead guilty to murder in the second degree then the grade of murder in the first degree is practically abolished. It would not surprise us to see, as the result of the trials of King and Doyle, that convictions for murder in the first degree and capital punishment have become obsolete. generis PLE RL Tae Atpznmen Rampant.—The Board of Aldermen at their meeting on Thursday adopted a preamble and resolution sctting forth in very intelligible language their opin- ion of the present “‘reform”’ city government, and instructing the President of the Board, as a member of the Board of Estimate and Ap- portionment, to present to the latter body the objections of the Common Council to any ap- riation of money for the purpose of com- pleting the County Court House at this time. ‘Mr. Vance has not hitherto taken any active part in the proceedings of the Board of Esti- mate and Apportionment except to vote whem his name is called, If he desires to represent the sentiments of the Aldermen, who repre- sent the people, he certainly cannot agree to any appropriation to complete the Court House. Indeed, while the rate of taxation is 60 Righ it seems unfortunate that the Mayor should have deemed it necessary to fill the commission at all, THE MENEELY INJUNOTION, ALBANY, N. Y., May 16, 1874. The Injunction heretofore obtained by Messrs. B. A. & G. K. Meneely, deli founders of Weat Troy, re- straining the use by Meneely & Kimberiy, bell founders of Troy, of the name ‘“Meneely” in the bell business, has been sot aside by the Supreme Court at tne weneral ‘Term at Kimira. Ouret Justice Miller wrote the oninion. The ~