The New York Herald Newspaper, April 6, 1874, Page 6

YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR, THE DAILY HERALD, puvitshed every day in the year, Four cents per copy. Annual subscription Price $12. Rejected communications will not be re- tarned. Letters and packages should be properly sealed, LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD—NO. 46 FLEET STREET. Subscriptions and Advertisements will be received and forwarded on the same terms as in New York. Volume XXXIX. . No. 96 | AMUSEMENTS THIS AFTERNOON AND EVENING Pr ok OF MUSIC, rata 2 ‘Fourteent and Irving place.—Italian Opera ’ pO ade BONWAMBULA, aveP. M.; Closes arly, tina oppeite fet youll. Brook! Ce WOMANS WRONGS, | ity Hal n.—A WO tb P. M. ; closes at’ P. M. Cites ¥, 8. Chanfrau, BOWERY THEATRE, ENT. Pescappe icloses at Li P. TROPOLITAN THEATRE, No. $85 Broadway VahieiY ENTERTAINMENT, at T:45P. M.; closes at 1030 P.M. NIBLO’S GARDEN, Broadway, between Prince and Housion streets —DAVY gROCK Berets P.M; closes at Wav P.M Mr, Frank ayo. LYCEUM THEATRE, Fourteenth street, near Sixth avenue.—Grand Parisian Folly, at 8 P. M. ; closes at 1! WOOD'S M Broadway, corner Thirtieth closes at 4:30 P. M. wae M.; closes a 10:0 P. 3 LEWILD, at 2 P, CAPED | PROM BING SING, ‘Y's FIFTH AV AVENUE THEATRE, Benty ein erp aged Becsewa ee ee rt SP. ; cloves at 10:30 P.M. Miss Ada igs Pann; Davenport, Mr. Fisher, Mr. Lewis | J THEATRE COMIQUE, No. $14 Broadway.—VARIETY ENTERTAINMENT, at 8 P.M. j closes at 10:80 P.M. GERMANIA THEATRE, Fourteenth street, near Lalas place.. —LOHENGELB, at OP. M. ; closes at Il P. ey anOoTH’s S THEATRE, avenue and Twenty-thirdjtreet.—ZIP, 4 ‘loses at 10:45 P.M.” Lotta. ay chan WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway and Thirteenth street —THE VETERAN, ats + closes af . ste Li Sago r. Lester Wallack, Miss MRS, CONWAY'S BROOKLYN THEATRE, “Washington street, near Fulton street, Brooklyn.— THES FAIRY CIRCLE, at 8P. M.; closes at ll P.M. Mr. and Mrs, Barney Williams. E Qh MPTC THEATRE, Pane: een Houston and Bleecker streets. — AU. DEVILLE gad NOVELTY £NTERI N TMP. M.;closes atl PM.” vate oS GRAND OPERA HOUSE, be yay avenue and rrenty thy -third streeL-EILEEN OGE, P. M. ; closes at Ul P Mr. and airs. Florence. et BEDADWAY FRBATRE, | Broadway, opposiie |New York Hotel._HUMPTY DUMETY’ ‘ar°HOME, ac., at 8 FM; closes alll PM TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, No. 201 Bower py RARIETY ENTERTAINMENT, at 8 P, BM. ; closes at 1 P. third BRYANT'S 0! A HOUSE, street, near avenue, gq NEGRO MIN- Y, dc.,at 8b. M. ; closes at lor. ‘Twen' ‘STRE! » TWENTY-SECOND REGIMENT ARMORY, | ourteenth street, near sixth avenue.—Concert of Gil- ore’s Band, at 3 P. M. ; closes at 10 P. M. con OSSEUN | oa ie. of birt, firth street,—PARIS OONLLGH at TP. me ato POM. Same at7 i closes at tu P, M. ‘TRIPLE SHEET i mow York, Monday, Aprit 6, 1874. From our reports this morning ‘the probabilities sare that the weather to-day will be stormy. | Ir Kive Korrer had listened to the sum- smons of Sir Garnet Wolseley and had returned ‘to his palace instead of quitting Coomassie in ‘fright the prize auction sale of his valuable | effects, which we publish elsewhere, might mot have taken place. Tae Prayrc Women at Mount Vernon, | Ohio, have been interfered with by a sensible “Mayor, who enforced a city ordinance requir- ing them not to obstruct the sidewalks, and ordering the destruction of a praying booth. When this interesting ceremony was about to be performed by the authorities the fanatics, male and temale, resisted and thwarted the officials, causing intense excitement. Are there any Bloomingdales in Ohio? | A Lrrazy m tHe Tomps.—Miss Linda Gilbert has, in a spirit of true philanthropy provided a library of one thousand volumes for the use of the prisoners in the Tombs. She sends them a letter written in excellent spirit and couched in beautiful language, which will be found elsewhere. Donations of this character can have no other than the best possible effect, provided the class of reading furnished is neither too heavy, on the one hand, nor too sensational on the other, bively whether the news we publish this morn- | g from Cheyenne is encouraging or not. bout six thousand Indians have registered at he Red Cloud Agency, and about four thou- nd are ‘‘expected’’ to register at the Spotted | Agency. The Commissioners, who aver | hat they have examined the situation, but rho, according to others, have only been g the ration-eaters, allow that the situa- n has been critical, while exaggerated by press. Later on we are promised hostili- We hope they will be brief, interesting Tae Canusr Wan.—The telegraph in- us of the renewal of active op- before Bilbao. The army of Ser- nsive operations, but this time with more paution. The republicans are reported to be helling some of the Carlist positions, which nay only be a ruse to gain time for reinforce- ents tocome up. The position is certainly nother unsuccessful attack the consequences ~his army might be very serious. can be little doubt that the my of Don Carlos is receiving as ong reinforcements as that of Serrano, as the supporters of the pretender seem olved to maintain the blockade of Bilbao, may expect the most important struggle of war within the next few days.. It would, , bea mistake to imagine that a vic- ‘on either side would prove decisive. The even if victorious, could not venture Castile, and, if defeated, they will simply among their mountains and carry on operations until the wheel of fortune | them to-become formidable once more. Bowery BUFFALO BILL, and VARIETY xtEn. | ery critical, as the Cailists are evidently | trongly posted, and should Serrano make | NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, APRIL 6, 1874.—TRIPLE SHEET, Our Political Easter and Its Problems. The Easter holidays make a break in the year. The winter has gone and spring has hardly come. Business rises to its flood- tide, even as the rivers respond to the melting of the snows from the moun- tains, It is the season of life and growth— preparation for the fruits and the fatness of summer, The year may now be said to enter upon its manbood. Society arranges for its | summer hegira, The sudden burst of joy after Lent gives place to yearnings for the sea- shore and thesprings—Newport and Saratoga. The long session of Congress drags along and limps its way to a barren and ineffectual close. We pass from the period of activity and effort to the period of speculation, for summer is the time for thought. And the summer that is now ripening will probably be one of the | most important we have known in our politi- | cal history. We are well into the second year of Grant's Presidential term. Whether we prefer the discussion or not, we must accept it. There | has been a coyness in our consideration of present political circumstances which argues | an unusual modesty in our American charac- | ter. In other days the sixth year of any ad- ministration was one of exceeding activity. | Phe political philosophy of the country was | in a state of high excitement. If the party in | power retained its life and commanded the country we found ourselves discussing two points—the new policy and the new candi- | dates, Either the party was preparing for a new departure, strengthening the ranks, sum- | moning recruits, undergoing a process of re- form and purification, or drifting into defeat and oblivion, The “war of the succession” assumed a personal and a zealous form. The captains of fifties | and hundreds summoned their followers, and the political atmosphere was filled with the | busy note of preparation. With our fond- ness for these combats and for every form of intellectual political activity we now find ourselves awe-stricken and abashed. The two parties have fallen into a con- dition of inanition and atrophy. The democracy have neither a policy nora pur- pose. Their leaders look longingly at the green pastures of power and are uncertain whether or not to climb the fence. All the energy of the party seems to have gone with Tweed to Blackwell’s Island, and it would not surprise us to see the red flag run up at any | time announcing a forced sale of Jackson's clothes and Jefferson’s principles. The re- | publicans are greedily crowding about the troughs of power, animated by the desire to eat while it is day, before the night cometh | when no man can eat. In vain we look for any generous principle of action or discussion. If we dare to say a word about the | future the republican leaders throw up their hands and cry ‘‘Hush!” lest it may offend the silent Majesty in the White House. If we ask the democrats what ethey propose, | their answer is that they have no definite policy except to see the republicans fall into | bankruptcy and administer on their estate. | Some of the comic-vocalist statesmen, like Cox, of New York, or Phelps, of New Jersey, who never rise without setting the House in a —— | Tose, have views about ‘third parties” or | special “doctrines’’ for existing parties; but | Congress always regards these suggestions as an oyerflow of humor from gentlemen whose business it is to amuse and not in- | struct. In New England we have a knot of earnest and somewhat pedantic | gentlemen, mainly professors and be- | lievers in temperance and the water cure, who think the country is enseamed and efoul, that there are no virtuous citizens left except themselves and perhaps Mr. Bowles, of Springfield. At the head of this learned, but not very wise body, we have Rich- ard H. Dana, who teaches us that the only way to purify the country is to destroy Gen- eral Butler. The republican party 1s very well in its way, with fine principles, rather old and musty, perhaps, but well preserved, only it is affected with Butlerism. Butlerism, as defined | by as accomplished a professor as George William Curtis, a forlorn, abandoned follower of Mr. Dana in his isolation of New York, is a kind of rinderpest or epizooty, which has broken out all over the country, like the cattle disease in England or the horse dis- ease in America. It is probably m- asmatic in its origin. But when we ask, how does Butlerism differ from Mor- tonism, or Conklingism, or Freylinghuysenism, or Shermanism, or Brownlowism, or, in fact, dominant republicanism generally, the answer | is that there is something in the air—that if only General Butler were thoroughly buried, or consigned to a white-heat political crema- tion cylinder, at two thousand degrees Fahren- heit, all would be well again. ‘We must con- Tar Ixpuns.— It is difficult to state posi- | fogs that this explanation of Butlerism and its | connection with the republican party reminds us of Mrs. Nickleby’s explanation of the ten- dency of French shoemakers to commit mur- der. It was, according to the dear old lady, because there was something in the leather ! The Mrs. Nickleby party in Massachusetts propose to destroy Butlerism by electing Judge Hoar to the Senate. There is a thin, silvered thread of attenuated respectability that looks for the coming of .millennial glory by the election of Mr. Adams. But neither the friends of Judge Hoar nor Mr. Adams | have really made any contribution to the po- | litical thought of the hour. They do not lead, | they simply groan. As a prophet Jeremiah When it was necessary to lead the hosts to battle he was not summoned to command. If these superfine gentlemen in New England | mean to reform the republican party they must destroy it. To our minds nothing is more dishonest and pedantic than to open @ ew campaign’ by making war upon an imaginary element called | Butlerism. The country, which gees with clear eyes where there is really anything to be seen, has not responded to the appeal simply because nothing is plainer than that Butlerism, Grantism and republicanism are synonymous terms. Butler is simply a pro- consul under the military rule of the party, | Morton in Indiana, Cameron in Pennsylvania, and by those spotless children of triumphant the South. The republican party has identi- | fied itself with Grant to follow him as Ruth | followed Orpah. ‘(Where thou diest will I D | had a certain effective, if morbid, influence. | seems to have again entered upon | who does in New England the work done by | Carpenter in Wisconsin, Logan in Mlinois, | | war, Kellogg and Spencer and Brownlow, in | die, and there will I be buried ; the Lord do | 80 to me, and more also, if aught but death | part thee and me."’ There can be no honest political discussion that ignores this fact. There can be no reform in republicanism that begins by an attempt to separate Grant from thé party as “a reformatory process."” Great as the party is and has been, clever as these leaders have shown themselves during twenty years of power, the President is the greatest of them all. He has impressed the party as strongly as Jefferson did the early re- publicans or Jackson the later democrats. The party bears his impress as the republican and democratic parties bore the impress of the great men who founded them. What we see, therefore, in republicanism is a drilled regu- lar army of office-holders, ruled by a West Poigt manual and commanded by a man who is regarded by his enemies as the great soldier of the age, and who in peace and war has never kndwn defeat. Therefore there cap be no dishonesty more flagrant than that which proposes to compass reform by an Oriental obeisance to Grant as a sacred, supreme in- fluence, unhappily tainted with Butlerism, and then to destroy his friends as an act of kindness to his administration. We cannot postpone this discussion much longer—not even our Blaines ‘or Mortons or other timid protesting souls, who ‘“haye no views to express on a subject which is prema- ture.” Itis certainly not too soon to think of a storm when the clouds come rolling up black and ominous and tinged with lightning flashes. In the East we see the professors in revolt, with capacity for effectiv’ speech if for noth- ing else. In New York many honest mer- chants, and a great many whose honesty would command a high underwriter’s premium, are scowling over Sanborn and Jayne transactions and reminding us of the money they paid for “the cause’’ and of their rough treatment by the Custom House. In the South there are graver symptoms, The gallant spirit of Chancellors- ville and Fredericksburg now and then breaks out, showing that the volcanic flames still burn under the earthquake ruins of war. All that we see of the South in Congress is a phantom like Stephens vainly endeavoring to recall the House that once obeyed him, an un- easy, squeaking, gibbering ghost of the Southern Confederacy, who speaks to silent benches. New men have come who know him not, new men in the seats of Carolina and Alabama and Tennessee, representing the crimes of the conqueror and not the mis- fortunes of the conquered. In the West the spirit of sectionalism proposes tq dominate the country in the interest of repudiation and bankruptcy, as the South once sought to dom- inate in the interest of slavery. Amid all these phenomena, with cares, strifes, mad- ness, despair secking an uneasy mastery, Grant and his party stand unmoved, undis- mayed—strong in their discipline and their power. Will they rule the storm or be destroyed by it? The answer to that question is the one political Easter problem. The Dramatic Season. Notwithstanding the existence of widespread public distress the present dramatic season will be memorable in the history of the New York stage for the number and excellence of the entertainments offered to the public. The theatre has become a necessity to our feverish and overworked population, and even hard times cannot induce them to forego their favorite recreation. This love of theatrical amusement is rapidly making New York the great dramatic centre of the world. Here come the greatest living actors from the European stage, and here they meet that welcome and appreciation which could only ‘greet them in a city so cosmopolitan as ours, offering a field free from the narrow prejudices of school or nationality. The stage is here truly sacred to art, and whether the actor speaks to us in the soit, languid speech of Italy, the precise and graceful tongue of France or the rugged language of the Fatherland he meets with appreciative welcome. The mellow brogue and the English drawl are equally welcome as interpreters of whatever is poetic or droll or pathetic in the life of races more nearly allied to our own, and thus we see the shadows of the human family pass in panorama before us even as on the world’s stage, and so we are taught constantly the sublime lesson of the unity and brotherhood of humanity. The lesson is perhaps not always pondered upon, and too many look.on the stage as a mere minister of amusement which helps us to while away the time ; but even this class uncon- sciously learns to sympathize with unfamiliar forms of life and so to feel the bond of a com- mon humanity. The tendency of our stage is to widen its influence; and, though we havo | more theatres in proportion to our population than any other city in the world, others are starting up to fill some void in popular taste. | The activity of our stage and the enterprise of our managers partake of the character of our commercial life, and hence the variety and constantly succeeding novelty of our enter- tainments leave the cities of the Old World far behind. Wallack replaces his old comedy series with the favor- ite ‘Veteran.’ A spectacular folly takes the place of opéra bouffe at the Lyceum, and the Grand Opera House opens with an Irish drama. The Broadway Theatre, which has been closed for some time, opens to-night in order that Mr. Fox may appear as Humpty Dumpty under his own management, and on Thursday night the theatre of the period, | under Mr. Stuart's management, will renew the memories of the Old Park Theatre, Under ordinary conditions the production of a play like ‘‘Charity’’ at the Fifth Avenue, and the addition of a thoroughly American play like “David Crockett’’ to the dramatic ‘yépertoire, would ot themselves be sufficient to make the season memorable, but in our present state of advancement they are mere incidents in the history of the season. Nor have we yet quite done with novelties. ‘‘Mon- sieur Alphonse’’ has been patiently waiting to make his bow to the New York public, and will probably be presented by Mr. Daly next week as the latest sensation. These are some | of the most noteworthy. events of the dramatic season, ‘They furnish ample proof of the energy of theatrical development in New York and the generous support given to the stage by our public. | A Srors broke over the country yesterday, | rendering Easter a poor day for the display of | spring fashions, In the city it was cold, with Inflation as Considered by the Fathers. We are well aware that, in these breezy days of modern statesmanship, few things could be more inappropriate than an inordinate de- votion to the past. While many of our think- ing men are striving to discover some conven- ient system of cremation, so that we may be- come dust and’ ashes with the utmost despatch and at reasonable expense, it may be deemed ungracious to disinter the opinions of the fathers, in the hope of their influencing in any way the opinions of the statesmen with spontaneous genius who have come up in a night in Washington. A Senate and a House that find nothing in the teachings of the history of every successful Commonwealth and prosperous commercial capital, in the mature experience of cities like London and Paris and Frankfort, will hardly, be expected to listen patiently to the old fogy ideas of a Washington anda Jefferson. It is with no such hope that we print this morning the most instructive and interesting letter from Washington upon paper money and what the fathers of the Republic thought about inflation, At the same time plain people may find these opinions full of interest and in- struction. In the first place we have a text from the learned Montesquieu, whose mind was ripened into exquisite culture by a scholarship that seemed to embrace the wisdom of the ages, that “it would be an excellent law for all countries to ordain that none but real money should be current.’’ Coming to our own peo- ple, we see Washington hoping never to hear a serious mention of a paper issue in Virginia. Washington evidently had not anticipated the wisdom of the Western Logans, for such an issue ‘‘would be productive of much mis- chief” and could only come from “ig- norance and design.” On another occasion he called it a “‘very foolish and wicked plan.” Thomas Jefferson regarded the issue of paper as a policy with ‘a train of evils, moral, po- litical and physical,” and he warned his countrymen, in a spirit that must have excited the withering wrath of the Mortons of the time, that such a policy would bring the days of the Mississippi bubble, that business would be crushed, and the end would be “execrations on the heads of those function- aries who, from ignorance, pusillanimity or corruption, have betrayed the fruits of their industry into the hands of projectors and swindlers.” It will rejoice our Rocky Mountain states- men to learn that the wise Franklin wrote an essay in favor of paper money in Pennsylva- nia. But this was when in his twenty-third year, and we find him later in life ‘“‘wash- ing his hands” of the evil of paper money by warning Congress of the mischief, the in- justice and the corruption of manners that would come from a depreciated currency. Richard Henry .Lee, whom even Mr. Senator Sprague may know was the President of the Continental Congress, publicly expressed his fears that the issue of paper money would ruin Virginia, and earnestly called upon “every friend to his country, every honest and sober man’ ‘to repudiate so nefarious a plan of speculation.” James Madison, it will vex Senator Came- ron to learn, regarded the issue of paper money as .a folly, as ‘unjust | a biting wind in the morning, and the even- | ing brought ns sleet and rain. Canada, and even Chicago, were visited by snow. unconstitutional, anti-federal, unnecessary and pernicious.” Mr. Madison deemed the matter important enough to discuss in the Federalist, where he discussed ‘‘‘the pestilent effects of paper money’on the necessary confi- dence between man and man, on the industry and morals of the people and on the character of the republican government.’’ John Adams lamented from his inmost soul the ‘lust for paper money,”’ speaking of it in the words of Swift, as ‘the madness of the many for the profit of the few.’’ We are atraid that when Adams had sincere convictions on any subject he was given to plain speech, for he actually spoke of the blessed paper money as “a “theft of great magnitude.” Alexander Hamilton, even in an American Senate, will be regarded as an authority upon matters of finance, and we find him de- nouncing the issue of paper as ‘hurtful to public credit.” He lived in a benighted time, when national debts were not deemed national blessings, for he saw ‘no danger more threat- ening to the country than the progressive ac- cumulation of debt.” It is interesting to observe how these views entered into the de- bates of the Constitutional Convention. The issue of paper money was carefully consid- ered, and when the motion to refuse States the power to make such issues was considered -it was defeated by w decisive vote. This sentiment ruled the Convention, and we see it everywhere in the writings of the fathers. Then we were a poor, struggling confederation, sparsely settled, with limited population and revegues which had been exhausted bya long pro- tracted and enervating war. Now we are rich, prosperous, with new wealth ooming to us from other lands to swell the marvellous richness of our own. But our fathers took the severe and manly course, and, in spite of their weaknoss, redeemed and sustained their credit. We, their children, through our Sen- ators, seem to prefer the more easy and ignoble course of averting a stern and immo- diate duty by pandering to the spirit of infla- tion, repudiation and bankruptcy. M. Beule. In the death of M. Benlé, announced as having occurred on Saturday, one of the first scholars and political potentates of . France passes away. He came into great prominence in Europe during the first Ministry of the Duke de Broglie, in which he held the port- folio of the Interior. Although his political antecedents were republican he did not hesi- tate to declare, in language which shocked the liberal thought of the world, that the safety of society demanded Cwsarism of the most rig- orous kind. Hardly had he aroused the in- dignation of France by this declaration, which was made as an official, than he came into .power and issued a cular to the prefects of all the depart- ments, commanding them to subsidize the press. This document soon came to light. Gambetta flourished it in the face of the Assembly, and its publication cafled ‘forth the denunciation of all journals of an independent character. This audacious attempt at corrupting the public mind was not condemned, because then, as now, skilful politicians were able to override the popular will. It simply proves in what strange gym- nastics a French publicist baving the first ’ cir- | claims to renown may indulge when called upon to exercise the functions of an office in France perhaps the most important in the State. M. Beulé was only one of a type. He was a classical scholar of more than ordi- nary culture. He was an academician who won that high distinction by his archseologi- cal attainments, having assisted to clear up mysteries concerning the site of Carthage. Yet with these qualities and accomplishments nO man was ever a worse failure as an execu- tive officer of the French people. Of Ollivier we might say the same. If, then, we can draw any lesson from bis life and from the lives of the class of men to which he be- longed, it is this—that practical statesmanship | was never born of the French Academy. Lit- erary qualifications and political dexterity rarely coalesce in France. We might examine the record cf any French publicist of this cen- tury, and we would find that, when elevation toahigh post has been a compensation for the renunciation of the professed principles of his life, he has generally preferred post to prin- ciple, The usefulness of a French publicist’s life is hardly to be measured, therefore, by his devotion to any fixed principle of political conviction—rather by the skill with which he serves the cause of which he is an ephemeral exponent; but, judging M. Boulé.by either standard, his record is not worthy of an academician. The Connecticut Election To-Day. To-day Connecticut elects State officers and members of the Legislature, and, while it is impossible to accurately calculate upon the result, it is very evident, from the tone of the press, that the republicans are not very san- guine of success. The canvass has been an ex- citing one between the adherents of the tick- ets headed respectively by Mr. Harrison, the republican candidate, and Mr. Ingersoll, the standard-bearer of the democracy, and the lat- ter calculate upon securing a sufficient liberal republican vote to elect Mr. Ingersoll. The prohibitionists are also running a ticket, and the republicans of the State hope that they will poll a number sufficient to neutralize that of the liberals, and thus throw the choice upon the Legislature. The Hartford Times estimates that the republicans will fall fully three thousand below a majority, and declares that, in anticipation of a defeat and the prob- ability that the Legislature will be called upon to deoide the issue, they are bending all their energies to elect a majority of the Legislature, and thus secure the same results as the de- mocracy did in New Hampshire. The following are the tickets of the demo- crats and republicans :— DEMOCRATS, ave Governor—Charies K. Ingersoll, of New laven, For Lteutenant Governor—George G. Sill, of Hartiord. For Secretary of State—Marvin H. Sanger, of Canterbury. For Tre « ‘easurer—William A. Raymond, of New Canaan. Comptroller—Alfred R. Goodrich, of Vernon. REPUBLICANS. For Governor—Heury B, Harrison, of New Haven. For Lieutenant Governor—Joun ‘I. Wait, oi Nor- or Treasurer—David P. Nichols, of Danbury. For Seoretary of State—Joun Q A. Stone, of ‘or Comptrolier—E. Perry Packer, of Coventry. The contest this year in the State is not alone for the patronage to be secured by electing State officers and a Legislature, but also to secure the United States Senatorship. The Legislature to be chosen to-day will have the election of a successor to Senator Bucking- ham, whose term expires next year, and hence the item of federal patronage is an additional incentive to the politicians of the State. Can Tweed Escape at Will? The Commissioners of Charities and Cor- rection are at loggerheads, as will be seen by our report to-day, about Tweed. Mr. Laimbeer professes to have discovered a manifestation of too much kindness to the prisoner at Blackwell's Island and the possible danger of Tweed’s escape. No one will blame this Commissioner for being vigilant in his duty, in seeing justice properly executed and in carefully avoiding any censure to himselt in ‘the event of Tweed’s escape. But the other two Commissioners, Bowen and Stern, do not think Tweed is too kindly treated or that there is any ground to apprehend that he might escape. Looking at the piebald char- acter of this Commission—Laimbeer being a radical republican, Bowen an old democrat and Stern a reformer, of a mixed political stripep—we are not surprised at their quarrel over the caged tiger, or that one of them should feel nervous about the bars, Then there is a bill pending in the Legislature to legislate these Commissioners out of office, and that would’ be sufficient to call forth unusual zeal ina political partisan of the same character as the majority of the Legislature. He might save himself in that way, though the Commission were to be changed. However, the law should be exe- cuted in the case of Tweed as well as in that of any other criminal, and Mr. Laimbeer may be right But let us have all the facts. Mr. Stern has spoken," and assumes all the responsibility for the treat- ment and safe keeping of Tweed. Now let Mr. Bowen speak. Let us have the truth. The Famine in India. Our cable despatches from India show some improvement in the famine stricken districts. We have also an official state- ment from the Marquis of Salisbury, the new Secretary of State for India under Mr. Disraeli, as to the probable extent of the famine. High hopes have been entertained that the Marquis, who, in addition to being one of the great nobles of England, possesses ex- ceedingly fine parts ds an executive officer, would be able to grasp this horrible and appalling question, and save India trom the dreadful fate that threatens so many millions of its people. The,general opinion is that the Duke of Argyll, who preceded Lord Salis- bury in the India Office, had too technical a mind and was too much governed by prece- dent and custom to grasp entirely a question of the magnitude of the famine. Lord Salis- bury says nothing of what the Duke of Argyll did, but he speaks in the highest terms of Lord Northbrook, the Viceroy. The main trouble thus far has been, not the want of money nor the want of food, but the paucity of the means of communication. There is no way of reaching the seat of the famine. In some parts of Bengal there are surplus crops of grain, but no method of carrying it to the starving population. We are happy to learn from Lord Salisbury that, while there has been great want and privation, the mortality has been confined to very few casea, Tha famine will, trom the Intest advices, be limited to a country of about seven or eight millions of people, and the number who will subsist upon the government will, at the most, be not more than three millions, This is a gratifying cir- cumstance, as earlier advices had prepared us for a much larger number. As an immediate measure of relief the government will issue a loan of fifty millions of dollars, of which not more than fifteen millions will be neoded at the present time. Lord Salisbury says that no “fine calculations” will be made in dealing with India, The amplest powers will be given to the Viceroy, and the resources of the Empire will be strained to rescue millions of Hindoos from the despair and misery which have overtaken them. As to the future, Lord Salisbury believes the best plan to avoid famine will be the con- struction of a more extended railway system and the foundation of a plan of general irriga- tion. If this could be attained the railways would enable the authorities to send food to any point, and the irrigation would secure crops whether the rain fell or not, Lord Salisbury promises to bring a comprehensive measure covering these two points before Par- liament at an early day. Few things are cal- culated to appeal to the imagination more vividly than the spectacle of a Cabinet Minister on an island in the cold Western seas govern- ing an empire on the other side of the world, and the extreme anxiety of the Anglo-Saxons to save their Oriental fellow subjects from this sudden and extraordinary calamity. We might criticise English rule in India harshly, and never with so much proprietyas now ; but we prefer to see in what Lord Salisbury and the © English people are doing the nobl¢: side of British character. Spirit of the Pulpit—Easter Eloquence. As will be seen from our graphic and full reports of the churches yesterday, the Easter spirit prevailed everywhere, and the day was truly season of love and rejoicing. Easter is one of those feasts which appeal to all sects and sentiments regardless of minor distinc- tions of faith, For )as a corner-stone of Christianity is a belief in Christ, so the story of His resurrection is one which appeals to every heart with all the poetry and pathos of the Gospel. Old Trinity was decorated with all the Easter emblems, and St. Stephen’s was a mass of flowers and light and beauty—a new world of harmony and praise. Rev. Dr. Dix officiated in Trinity. The sermon was preached by the Rev. Mr. Houghton, who compared the triumph of Christ in bursting from the dungeons of death to the triumph of Christianity. The same sentiment inspired Dr. McGlynn, who addressed a congregation of about seven thousand souls in St. Ste- phen's, In Brooklyn Father McNamee, at the Church of Our Lady of Mercy, dwelt upon the festival of the Resurrection as one of joy and gladness. We saw that the spirit which nailed the Saviour to the cross was not so much the wickedness of His enemies as His own love for us. In St. Francis Xavier's church Father Dealy preached on the same theme, in which he made a glow- ing apostrophe to the Church which for eigh- teen hundred years was always suffering, yot always conquering. The Catholic churches especially celebrated Easter with unusual pomp and rejoicing, and the earnestness which found expression in the eloquent words of these divines was seen in all of their servicgs. Even the simple, democratic pulpit plat- form of Mr. Beecher bloomed with flowers yesterday. The eloquent and celebrated divine was in fine health, his genius and piety seeming to emerge with renewed lustre from the clouds which have lowered upon them. His theme was the Easter story of Christ's resurrection. Life was a career of develop- ment. We were not miraculously lifted up from our original state of sin to a sudden pos- session of all the blessings of piety. Christ's own earthly career was one of progress—be- ginning among common laboring people ina cow stable, and so ascending to the right hand of God. Where in the world was a drama more sublime than this history, beginning with Bethlehem and ending, so far as earth was concerned, with the resurreciion? We unfold in this world, and do not suddenly burst forth in our growths. Men of low ani- mal propensities who attain a higher life fight o harder battle than those who are blessed by birth and fortune. Let us all begin this life by éncouraging unselfishness and noble deeds. Every act of this kind will be a triumph. All such victories only lead us to the moral resurrection. The family is the foretaste of heaven, and the choir of the earth is not the monastic choir of St. Sistine or even the anthems of Handel and Beethoven, but a mother singing to her babes and the babes responding to the mother's love. The sermon of Mr. Frothingham will be read by all who admire scholarship and taste. There is a cold and classic beauty about the eloquence of this clergyman which contrasts strongly with the exuberant and luxuriant genius of Mr. Beecher. One reminds us of a snow-clad peak in the cold winter sunlight; the other of the rush of Niagara’s waters or the eternal roar of the sea. Like Mr. Beecher, Mr. Frothingham described resurrection as a process rather than an event. Spring does not come in a day, neither does resurrection, but it does come. An eloquent Swedenbor- gian writer had described resurrection as a process of excremation. Mr. Frothingham criticised the Gospel stories of the resurrec- tion as confused and doubtful. At the same time he saw Christ‘as St. Paul describes him— a sinless man, and the sinless man is immor- tal. The true doctrine of resurrection was a doctrine of spiritual and mental growth, and the time was coming when the power of the will over the body would be properly re- garded. There were tremendous issues in- volved in the treatment of the body, and modern education was teaching us how to dress and eat and sleep, This was the physical resurrection, But there came also the social resurrection, the cre- are for instance, of a man like Theodore Parker, the piece of New England granite; of John Brown, who was a bit of Mount Sinai; his father the Adirondacks, his mother the old Bible. In these men there had been a resurrection just as we see it in the efforts to educgte this generation—the imperative do- mand for honor and honesty and truth io our public servants—the call tor nobler public ser- vice, “The reverend gentleman carried this thought through his sermon, which, apart from its peculiar religious views, was of un- usual depth and power, and will be studied with profit and pleasure. ‘ a