The New York Herald Newspaper, December 4, 1873, Page 6

NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1873.—TRIPLE SHEET. NEW YORK HERAL BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR Volume XXXVIII.. ‘AMUSEMENTS THs EVENING. SEUM, Broadway, corner Thirtieth st.— Brisraopr’n Fauexny fee -Afteruoon abd evening. BROADWAY THEATRE, 728 and 790 Broadway.—& ra's Daxam. GRAND OPERA HOUSE, Eighth ay. and Twenty-third 6t—Humrry Dumrry AsRoap. PARK THEATRE, Brooklyn, opposite City Hall.— ‘Naw Macpaten. FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, 23th st. and Broadway.— Pourunn. LYCRUM THEATRE, Fourteenth st—Sti, Waters Rum Dane. BOOTH'S THEATRE, Sixth av. and Twenty-third st.— ‘Troxxr or Leavis Max. METROPOLITAN THEATRE, 585 Broadway.—V anierr Erentatnment. MRS. F. B, CONWAY'S BROOKLYN THEATRE.— Gunxva Cross. wa! TARATRE COMIQUE, No. 514 Broadway.—Vanierr BNTERTAUNMENT. GERMANIA THEATRE, 14th street and Sd avenue.— ‘Dua Everuant. OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway, between Houston and Bleecker sts.—Tux Mansix Heart. ‘ NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway, between Prince and Houston sts. —Tux Buack Cxoox. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway and Thirteentn etreet—Tux Liar, UNION SQUARE THEATRE, Union square, near lway.—Tax Wicksp WORLD. TONY PASTOR'S OPE. ‘Vanuery EXteeTainaent. BRYANT’S OPERA HOUSE, Twenty-third st., corner Sixth av.—NiGuo Minstxsisy, & HOUSE, No. 20 Bowery.— HARLEM MUSIC HALL, Harlem.—Uncis Tom's Canin, THE RINK, 8d avenue and 64th street.—MrxaGenim AND ‘Museum. Arternoon and evening, TRIPLE SHEET. New York, Thursday, Dec. 4, 1873. THE NEWS OF YESTERDAY. To-Day’s Contents of the Herald. “IRELAND AND THE IRISH QUESTION! WHAT IS THE SITUATION ?’—LEADING ARTICLE— SixTH PaGE. 410ME RULE FOR IRELAND! HOW THE GREAT MOVEMENT HAS BEEN FORWARDED! AN IMPORTANT REVIEW BY A _ LEADING IRISH NATIONAL JOURNALIST—Fovnr Pas. , GERMAN-SPANISH WAR CLOUD IN THE PaCIFIC! GERMANY PREPARING HER WAR SHIPS FOR ACTIVE SERVICE! THE ARBI- TRARY DOINGS OF THE HAUGHTY DONS IN THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS—SEVENTH PaGs. THE BELLICOSE SLAVEOCRATS IN CUBA STILL “SPOILING FOR A FIGHT WITH AMER- ICA! A PEACE MANIFESTO! THE POLO- FISH NEGOVIATIONS—SEVENTH Pace. CLOSE OF THE BOURBON CAMPAIGN IN SPAIN! DON CARLOS RETIRES TO WIN- TER QUARTERS AND DON ALFONSO TO PARIS—SEVENTH PaGE. THE LITTLE BUTCHER OF SANTIAGO “IN HIGH FEATHER” AT MATANZAS—MINISTER SO- LER’S DECREE ANNULLING SEQUESTRA- TION—DIVERSE OPINIONS OF THE AMER- ICAN PUBLIC AND THE SPANISH ORGANS ON THE BURRIEL SLAUGHTER—Fovurru Pace. NO NEWS FROM THE KANSAS! FEARS BE- CAUSE OF HER NON-ARRIVAL AT SANTI- AGO—SEVENTH PAGE. EFFECTIVE PEACK ARGUMENTS! A 460-POUND SHOT DRIVEN THROUGH 15-INCH SOLID IRON PLATING—HURRYING UP THE WAR SHIPS—THE SPRAGUES—FourtH Pacs. THE TRAGIC DETAILS OF THE LAST ATLANTIU STEAMSHIP HORROR! THE SAD FATE OF THE FAMILIES! VIEWS OF PILOT COM- MISSIONER BLUNT! WHERE IS THE LOCH EARN ?—S8VENTH PaGE. PIQ NONO AGAIN IN POOR HEALTH—THE ARCHBISHOP OF POSEN DEFIES THE GER- MAN GOVERNMENT—SEVENTH Pace. DIPLOMATIC CHANGES IN THE FRENCH MIS- SIONS AT THE BRITISH AND AMERICAN CAPITALS! PROPOSED INTERNATIONAL TRIBUNAL FOR ARBITRATION IN OCEAN COLLISLONS—SEVENTH Pace. LOUISIANA AFFAIRS AND THE FINANCES UNDER THE HANDS OF THE CONGRES- SIONAL DOCTORS! BUTLER AND MORRLLL LEADING THE WAY—Turp Pace. PRIZE RING BRUTALITIES! THE ROOKE-COYNE “MILL” FIZZLES OUT THROUGH THE COWARDICE OF ONE OF THE PRINCIPALS! THE OTHER DRIVIWN FROM THE RING BY ROUGHS—Tentu PaGE. BON. GEORGE H. WILLIAMS HANDLED WITH- OUT GLOVES BY THE PR. GENERAL SURPRISE” AT THE APPOINTMENT—Firta. PaGE. THE PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE AND THE MONEY MARKET! THE GOLD MUDDLE! THE BASIS OF ALL BUSINESS IS INCREASING VALUE! YESTERDAY'S: FINANCIAL TRANSAU- TIONS—THE HIGH BRIDGE TRAGEDY— EIGHTH PAGE. EQUITY BETWEEN MONEY AND REALTY! FREE BANKING! THE CURRENCY—A WHALING HELL—FOOD AND WORK FOR THE PUOR—NinTH Pace. TOE Warne Is rue Kansas ?—The United States steamer Kansas, which left this port for Santiago de Cuba beiore the Juniata, has not yet been reported as having reached her destination. Some anxicty is felt here by friends of her officers as to her safety, but we trust that their fears may be speedily dispelled by the news of her safe arrival in Cuban * waters, Mr. Disraeui’s Lavpation or Soctan Mian Lirz ww Eneoxann is very curious, though his reference to other countries is not quite exact. In his versatile speech at the University ban- quet at Glasgow, on the occasion of his instal- lation as Lord Rector, he told a little story relative to the attendance of a distingnished diplomat at one of Lady Palmerston’s parties while this diplomat was not on speaking terms with Lord Palmerston. The diplomatist him- self expressed surprise or admiration at the fact, and said, ‘‘what a wonderful system of society you have in England.’’ Now, while this might have served Mr. Disrael# for an illustration of his remarks and to flatter British pride, we do not think. political differ- ences on the Continent of Europe separate peo- ple in social life generally, and in America they never do unless there be some other and Greater cause for hostile tecling. Gentlemen in public life and their fam‘dies mingle to- gether socially in Washington, irrespective of party or political differences. Mr, Disraeli is rather disposed to assume a good dea: when he wants to make a point or to tickle British Yenite. | Iretand and the Irish Question—What Is the Situation} Many of our readers have seen with anusual interest the correspondence which the Hxraup has published during the last few days from Ireland. It is difficult to enter upon a sub- ject of this kind in a city like ours, which we believe is entitled to the rank of being the first Irish city in the world, and where any question concerning the happiness or the politics of Ireland is sure to be considered with passion and prejudice and from its bear- ing upon our own local and social affairs. There is no problem that enters more into a large portion of New York society than the Irish question. There is none which is so frequently discussed, about which there are so many opinions, and upon which we receive so much conflicting information. In all Irish questions our people are not judges, or critics, but partisans. A citizen of New York whose recollections go back to the days he spent in Connaught or Kerry, or who came here from Belfast or Londonderry as an industrious emigrant, with canny Scotch ways and opin- ions, is certain to luok upon any Irish subject with the traditions that come from his youth. Ireland is his home probably in a higher sense even, because absence gives home asso- ciations a tenderness that increases with exile, and when we consider that thore are proba- bly no two men “upon the face of the universe who would have opinions more opposite on the same question than an Irishman from Connaught and his fellow countryman from Derry, we can understand the difficulty which any journalist must have in endeavoring to present an impartial view of the politics and agitations of that unhappy country. In following the reports of our correspond- ent, who was sent into Ireland some time ago, with instructions to investigate tis ques- tion and give us the fullest and most impar- tial information, we observe that, no matter what the cry of the hour may be, the ‘Irish question” to-day is substantially what it has been since the time of the English occupation. Whether the agitation is a movement for re- peal, the rebellion of Emmett or Catholic emancipation, Fenianism or home rule, we notice that it is the same revolution, with a new life, new names and new leaders. | The Irishman who would have gladly wel- comed the French in the time of the Republic and Directory is the same man as the O'Connell who addressed the monster meetings for repeal, as those of our own time who would gladly invade Canada or burn a prison in London. ‘They go by various roads to the same pur- pose—the purpose of independent national ex- istence, separation from Great Britain. Itisa not weakened it; that no concessions on the part of the English government have dimmed its intensity; that whereas the leaders of the Trish party have compelled the Catholic eman- cipation, the disestablishment of the Irish Church, the passage of the Ecclesiastical Tithe act, and other measures, some of which almost imperilled the administration of Mr. Gladstone by the distaste excited in the minds of English- men, and that while the political result of this agitation has been to compel from the govern- ment of England one concession after another, Ireland is to-day as dissatisfied and restive in her allegiance as she was when Cromwell was invading her soil, or when General Hoche and his French expedition were hovering round her coasts. This may come from many reasons that our correspondent has not as yet presented to us. The great difficulty in the way of any settle- ment of the Irish question is the strong religious animosity that pervades the people. In one part we have a population industri- ous, resolute, thrifty and spirited, who have no memory more sacred than that of Londonderry and William Prince of Orange. and who feel it a duty to drink perdition and shame to Irishmen who believe in the Roman power. In another part there is a population, chivalrous, high spirited, with a genius for poetry and war, who look upon Cromwell and the Prince of Orange as the enemies of the human race; who long forthe time when Drogheda and Derry will be avenged, and who cling to the Roman power with a stead- fastness that is seen in no other Catholic people of the globe. So, between the Orange and the Green, there is a civil war raging that time and statesmanship have never appeased. The thought has often occurred to us that if there were to be a separation between Eng- land and Ireland—if the English government were to concede all that is demanded by Mr. Butt, Mr. Sullivan and their friends—the Orange and the Green could not exist in Ire- land without instant and atrocious civil war. We attribute this animosity to that ignorance which, in other countries and at other times, has given rise to similar animosities. For centuries the bitterness between the English and the French, as seen in the old novels, the comedies of the eighteenth century, the cari- catures about the times of Napoleon, the books, pamphlets and broadsides published during the reign of George the Third, was as fierce and unwise as these dissensions in Ire- land. Even in the observations ot a philosopher like Johnson, as keen an observer as Smollett, or the pictures of a master kind, severe, genial, like Hogarth, we note a deprecating and vindictive tone towards the French, which went far towards educating the minds of Englishmen to many generations of bitter and unnecessary war, which loaded France and England with stupendous burdens of debt, and which is only beginning to die away under the influence of education aid inter- change of thought. Even as the French and | English have come to understand each other, | to know what is good and bad in each, and to have alliances of commerce and literature and trade, so we may hope that, whether Ireland the same influence of education permeating her people will take away the animosities which so long have burned under the Orange and the Green, and make her sons as united in feeling and patriotism as the people of Germany or France or America. Mr. Sullivan, whose views are presented by our correspondent—a gentleman well known in America as leader among bis fellows— seems to think that the Irish question will be settled by the organization of Ireland upon our federal American system, and that he and his friends will be satisfied with an inde- pendent autonomy such as New York possesses in its relations to the United States, We are {not sumeised at this fooling, which is simoly an expression of the communistic federal feeling which we observed in France dur- ing the Commune reign, which animates the leaders of the Spanish revolution, and seems to be a panacea in the minds of the advanced thinkers in Europe for many of the evils in the older countries. There are many things to be said in favor of the federal sys- tem. We think it would be wise for Spain to adopt it, for in Spain there are distinct nation- alities and divisions of parties, language and tradition, which make it easy for the realm to subdivide itself into cantons. If the leaders of the Irish movement wish to make their country a part of the English Empire, as New York is a part of our Republic, it will be necessary for them to go still further, and, in- stead of making Ireland one State, subdivide it into four or five States or provinces. Wo cau understand how a subdivision based, let us say, upon the old provincial distinctions of Ulster, Leinster, Connaught and Munster might give the English Empire four independ- ent and powerful States, inhabited by people different in religion, tradition and custom, and tending, we hope, to extinguish the animosities which have retarded the prosperity and happi~ singular phase of this agitation that time has | should become an independent Power or not,¢ ness of this beautiful land,- oS The Public Progs’ on the President's ~ Message. New York Sun (independent) :—‘A weak effusion for a President.’”” ‘A rambling, dis- jointed affair.” New York World (demo- crat):—‘Clumsily written document.” New York Times (administration): —‘It would be easy to write a more striking message.’’ Now York Tribune (opposition):—‘‘His notions (about finance) are not such as will com- mend themselves to the judgment of Congress or the good sense of the people.” New York Evening Post (republican):—‘‘Though much mixed in character, is to be generally com- mended for its tone and the propriety of many of its recommendations.” Now York Commercial (republican):—‘Is a practical document, but more or less mangled by the telegraph.’’ Philadelphia Ledger (independ- ent):—‘‘His usual plain, concise and straight- forward style."’ Philadelphia Record (inde- pendent):—‘Will amply repay a careful perusal.” Philadelphia Press (republican) :— “Sensible and satisfactory."’ Boston Adver- tiser (republican), after recapitulating the chief points of the Message :—‘‘These are al] practical questions, upon the decision of which the President’s decided and frankly ex- pressed opinion will have the weight it is on- titled to.’’ Boston Post (opposition) :— “There is nothing in messages of this stamp that tend to exhaust their author’s powers to the extent of necessitating recreation trom the very day on which Congress ad- | journs."" Providence Journal (administra- tion): —‘It would be idle to disguise the diff- culties in the way of a sound solution of some of the more fundamental questions; but if Congressmen are as apt to learn as the people and endorse in act the sound propositions of the President as to finance as heartily as the country does, in feeling, we shall have great occasion to congratulate the nation upon the present ses- sion of Congress.’’ Baltimore American (administration) : — ‘‘We cannot see that there is anything new or striking in the Message concerning a resumption of specie payments.” “There is no telling whether the ‘elasticity’ plan will work until it is tried." “On the whole it is an excellent document.” Albany Argus (democratic) :—‘‘A stale recapitulation of the events of a dying year.” ‘Nota word is said of the salary grab, nor a recommenda- tion made with regard to the imbecile course of the Attorney General (now Chief Justice), in his conduct of the Crédit Mobilier suits."’ “Evidently the President is still confident of his ability to delude or defy public senti- ment.’’ Worcester Spy (republican) :—If not & great statesman, Grant “‘is at least a saga- cious, candid and inflexibly upright man."’ Boston Journal (republican) :—‘It may not be a document of great literary finish, but it grasps its subjects well.'’ Hartford Courant (republican) :—‘‘While open to severe ecriti- cism in some parts it is in the main excel- lent."" The Courant thinks the financial ques- tion “not thoroughly comprehended by the Chiet Executive.”’ And s0 on are the gist of the comments of the press so far as they have been received. The stanch republican or administration organs regard the Message as a model docu- ment of the kind; the liberal republicans hesitate to express a decided opinion, but wherever they do it is adversely to the spirit and recommendations of the President ; while the democratic and thoroughly opposition press denounce it upon its intrinsic merits as a state paper. The Pope and the Kaiser, We have a report from Rome this morning that the Holy Father is sick. It is also an- nounced that the Emperor William is seriously indisposed. The Pope and the Kaiser—how long the names have been associated! It is now well nigh two thousand years since Leo Lil. placed on the head of Charlemagne a precious crown, hailed him Emperor of the Romans, and so established the Holy Roman Empire, which lasted until 1806, when the Emperor Francis IL of Austria abdicated the imperial crown and brought to an end | an empire and an arrangement which, through many vicissitudes, had endured from the Christmas day of the ninth century. It was the dream of the Papacy that the Empire would yet be re- vived, and that the Empire and the Church would yet be one as in the days of the golden past. It was the dream of Germany, on the other hand, that the red-bearded Frederic would yet arise and that the Father- land would be one. The latter dream has almost been realized. Under Emperor William Germany has become all but a unit; but the | hopes of the Church have not been fulfilled. New men may bring about new conditions; and it is not impossible that under a new Pope and a new Emperor the present antagonisms will pass away, and that something like the old Holy Roman Empire may be revived. What lies in the womb of the future we know not. But the possible carly passing away of the two most prominent rulers in Europe is not with- out deep and suggestive importance. Tux New Outer Justice. —We publish in | another column the opinions of a number of | our contemporaries in regard to the nomina- | tion of Attorney General Williams for Chief Justice. They constitate a remarkable com- mentary upon the action of the Executive in | the premises, i To Whom Should the United States Surrender ?—The Real Rulers of Cuba. Five yeurs ago the Cuban revolutionists in the district of Yara, numbering some one hun- dred and fifty men, rose against Spanish rule in the island. Before many days had passed the small band had received such liberal additions that the insurrectionists were counted by thousands. From that time to the present moment the power of the Spanish government, whatever form that government may have taken, has been unable to sup- press the rebellion. Monarchy, dictatorship, provisional government, imported king, re- public, each in turn bas held authority at Madrid, and under each the condition of Cuba has remained unchanged. The reason of this is that a second rebellion followod that of 1868, a rebellioy which has Jong held power at Havana and,’ruled the rulers of the island. There is a triple authority in Cuba—the shift- ing head at Madrid, the insurrection of the, “Casino Espaiiol and the insurrection ofthe bush. The power of the home govern- ‘ment is merely nominal; it must be oxercised in accordance with the wishes of the Casino Espagiol and its tools, the volunteers, or it cannot be enforced. The Casino did not like General Dulco as Captain General, and so it drove him back to Spain. Tho Casino did not like the action of the council of war which acquitted the boy students of the Havana Uni- versity of the alleged offence of injuring tombs in the cemetery, and so itsent the volunteers to clamor for their lives and to murder eight_of the children in defiance of the law. The impotency of the Madrid government has been acknowledged in the debates in the Spanish Legislature, On the 14th of October, 1872, Sefior Diaz Quintero, in a speech in the Spanish Senate, said, in relation to the ex- pulsion of tho Captain General, “If there had been any sense of decorum in the gov- ernment General Dulce would have returned with a squadron at his back to force him upon these rebels, for in plain truth the real Cuban rebels are the slave volunteers of Havana.” A few days later Sefior Benot, an- other Senator, said, ‘Spain does not govern in Cuba. Authorities in Havana have ceased to exist. Cuba is groaning under the scourge of arbitrary power; there is no law, no code, no constitution; the principles of _modern law are trampled in the dust, and the ancient laws are disregarded. Children are immolated, judgment is passed on tho dead, the innocent suffer for the guilty, human ears are fried and eaten, the only power is brute force, the vile greed of bad officials and the infamy of pirates and slavers."’ Inthe Spanish House of Representatives, only one year ago, Sefior Payela said: —‘‘The government is asking us for soldiers to send to Cuba as if it really commanded in the island. I can tell you, gentlemen, that the power that commands in Cuba now are the volunteers ot Havana; and they command there because, for some reason which I do not know, they fear for their lives and fortunes, and they believe i better to think and act for themselves in the matter of Cuba. The proof of this is that we send them generals and they send them back to us again. The volunteers of Cuba hold councils of war of their own accord." These plain words, spoken by Spaniards themselvés in their national Legislature only a year ago, prove that the gov- erment at Madrid was then power- less in Cuba. It is as powerless now. The little swashbuckler, Burriel, who openly defied the orders of his superiors in the murders at Santiago de Cuba, is féted and lauded as he parades through the island, ex- hibiting himself as the hero whose first bloody victory over the enemies of his country was won over the bound victims of the San- tiago slaughter honse. Tho terms of settle- ment agreed upon by Secretary Fish, dis- honorable as they are to the United States, are repudiated by the | Casino Espafiol, notwithstanding the rose-colored official reports from Havana, and the volun- teers will, in all probability, prevent the ful- filment of the conditions. The ‘pirates and slavers’’ of the Casino Espafiol and the revolu- tionists of the bush divide the authority in Cuba between them, and both are in rebellion against the government at Madrid. How ab- surd, then, for the United States to treat with Castelar for a settlement he is powerless to make! How degrading to volunteer a sacrifice of our national honor, when our humiliation only draws down upon us, fresh insult and outrage! How idle to patch upa disagraceful paper truce, in fear and trembling lest its compromises should be scattered to the winds before they are carried out, and in the certainty that the atrocious acts thus insuffi- ciently atoned will be repeated by the offend- ers on the next opportunity! If Secretary Dish is so eager to surrender our national honor he should treat, not with Sefior Castelar, but with the head of the Casino Espaiiol; not with Madrid, but with Havana. The high flown compliments he now showers upon Admiral Polo should be paid to the butcher of Santiago, the truculent Burriel. He should laud the valor of the bloodstained volun- teers and ring in their ears hia contempt for the Cuban revolutionists. It is from the casinos he should solicit the return of the Vir- ginins and the prisoners who have not yet been slaughtered; it is from the casinos he should seek for information as to the char- acter of an American vessel; it is to the casinos he should pledge the United States government to punish those who may be shown by Spanish proof to have violated our own laws; the easinos should give him to “understand” that Burriel and his fellow assassins are to be tried under Spanish laws for murders authorized by Spanish laws; it is with the casinos he should arrange for the consideration of the question of ‘reciprocal reclamations’’ at some future day. If he did this he migat successfully carry to s consum- mation his disgraceful surrender of the honor of the American Republic to the demands of the ‘pirates and slavers’’ who rule in Havana, As it is, while he displays his willingness to submit to national humiliation, he is in danger of having his terms thrown back in his teeth by the lawless ruffians in whose interest they are offered. German Navan Derrto The German government is preparing to rec tity, or avenge, an action which was com- mitted jast lately by the Spanish naval au- thorities against the commercial flag of the ompire, Maria Louisa and Gazelle, were seized by a Spanish man-of-war in the waters of the Sooloo Archipelago. The commanders and crews were held in peril of their lives for an alloged infringement of a blockade said to be maintained by the Spaniards off the Phi- lippine Islands. British and Prussian subjects, serving on the German traders, are still held in captivity, although they assert that there was no declaration of a Spanish blockade. The imperial government in Berlin has taken the matter in hand. The powerful frigate Kronprinz and the corvette Augusta have been ordered to be made rendy to sail for the Sooloo at a moment's notice. The fiery Dons are getting themselves into hot water all round. Exploration in North America as Prosecuted by the United States Government. President Grant states no more salient fact in his Message than that twenty-five thousand miles of railway have been built in the last four years. The locomotive is the mercury in the glass tube; the advancement of the rail marks the approach of the Union to a heaith- ful political and commercial temperature. When we consider that those four years—and four years almost immediately following an exhausting war—have been signalized by the construction of more than one-third of all the railways on tho Continent—for the sum total ia less than seventy-five thousand miles—one | of the principal causes of the recent.panic comes to the surface. We have been building railways too fast. We have shown incon- siderate haste. Yot they area fact, and the fact is not displeasing, that, ip the forty-two years that railways bave been an insti- tution in the Western Hemisphere, we have in fourteen years achieved tho progress previously accomplished during the lifetime of one administration. When the dark cloud of our latg financial disaster first desconded on the country we were told that all grand enterprises must cease—that we should turn around and put our backs against “Westward the course of empire takes its way,”’ and concentrate our industrial and commercial forces for a grand armistice, We believe that President Grant touched the truth when he declared that the recent crisis was a “blessing in disguise;’’ and, further- more, the evidences are about us that what we took for a fierce storm has expended its force in an empty squall. There is no reason, then, why we should abandon tho developments of the Continent so vividly portrayed in the brief paragraph of the Executive Message. “During the same period (four years) * * * the population of the country has largely in- creased; more than twenty-five thousand miles of railway have been built, requiring the active use of capital to operate them. Millions of acres of land have been opened to cultivation, requiring capital to move the prod- ucts. Manufactories have multiplied beyond all precedent in the same period of time.” To what, we may inquire, has all this advancement been due? The answer is simple. Among the few objects long successfully carried out, and which have distinguished our government above all others, has been the employment of the army in exploring our unknown Western country, in delineating its topography, in surveying for the laying out of geological maps, in using the navy for the exploration of the bed of the ocean and the accurate cartography of our harbor and coast lines; and no less need we add the invaluable ser- vices performed by the army in exploring the air—in determining air currents for our daily use at our breakfast tables. We do not be- lieve in Fourth of July rhetoric; but when we remember that England has not a respectable map of her own little island we can look to these labors with pride, Exploration, then, is the avant courrier of the rail and telegraph, of the harbor and marine station, and, there- fore, of civilization in its highest type. We no longer find it necessary to rely upon the citizen traveller starting out with o dictionary of the Indian dialects, a belt of gold around his waist and @ generous supply of fire water in his kit, for our knowledge of the Western wilds. That day has gone by, thanks to the departments and Congress. Expeditions are now equipped in scientific style, with all the latest instruments used by savans acquainted, not alone with their use, but with ‘roughing it’ in the field. The close of the year 1873 finds the ablest body of explorers our country has ever known gathered at Washington, busily engaged in condensing their observa- tions and elaborating their notes for the eluci- dation of the physical geography of the West- ern States and Territories. We do not propose now to notice especially the results accom- plished, but simply to bring to the notice of Congress and the people the fact that, while we are living among Cuban agitations, finan. cial disasters and sad episodes like that of the Ville du Havre, a silent corps is doiug work, the value of which will not be vitiated cen- turies hence. Monsieur Tonson Come Agat and in a New tote, Buenaventura Baez is on hand again, sup- ported by his three faithful Ministers, Del- monte, Santier and Curiel, to dispose of St. Domingo and his hundred thousand mulatto and negro seris to the United States; or rather, we presume, to resuscitate the collapsed Samana Bay scheme and to give value to the stock. This time he does not propose an out- and-out sale, for he tried that before and failed, but he pleads fora protectorate. He is in distress because, os he alleges, the black Republic of Hayti is not friendly and threatens the integrity of his mulatto Republic, or rather, of his government. The cunning Baez must have smiled in his sleeve when he penned this pathetic appeal to General Grant. He will laugh outright, no doubt, when he sees that the President actually referred in his Message to Congress to this precious document. No one has heard of a war or con- templated war by Hayti on St. Domingo. It isasheer bugbear. As to the farce of a civil war by Cabral, Luperon or any other Domini- can, fostered by Hayti, as has been alleged and is here intimated, that would not amount to as much ag a street fight in New York. Every ono acqnainted with the affairs of St. Domingo knows that Falstaff's war- riors were respectable in might and num- bers compared with the dozen or s0 breechless ragamuffins of the Dominican insurgents, even when thero were any. All this suppliant trash, which Genesal Grant Two Prussian trading vessels the | was fooliah anongh to mention in his Mossave. a is intended to bolster up the exploded Samana Bay scheme and company, to give, if possible, some value to the stock and to put money into the pocket of Baez, There is no evidence that Hayti intends to make war on St. Do- mingo, and if there were, in what way would it concern the United States? Of the two Republics the Haytian is the most respectable and vigorous. Baez is a mere political gam- bler, and the less our government has to do with him the better. The Protestant Episcopal Sccessionists. It has long been known that there was great discontent in the Episcopal Church, and col- lision has been not infroquent between the bishops and incumbents of particular charges; but it was scarcely expected that matters would be pushed so far by the ecclesiastical authorities as'to necessitate secession, or that the disaf- fected wero so spirited and plucky as to take the final step which was necessary to organize a new and independent Church. ‘The troubles in Jersey a few years ago; the unjust and cruol persecution of Dr. ‘Tyng, Jr., which grew out of the Jersey troubles; and, later, the Chicago affair, in which the Rev. Dr. Cheney and Aw sistant Bishop Cummins acquired notoriety-— the Bishop particularly suffering persecution— these things have at last brought forth fruit, and that fruit is now before us in the shape of a new Church organization, which has begun under auspices by no means unfavorable, and has before it, to all appearance, a future the very reverse of unpromising. On Monday all these doubts were set at rest by the meeting which was held in the rooms of the Young Men's Institution. This meet- ing, it .will be seen, though not large, was highly respectable. The new Church, it was agreed, should be called ‘The Reformed Epis- copal Church.” ‘The clergy were fairly ropre- sented, considering the circumstances, and the laymen who were present and took part in the proceedings were of the right sort. Tho work was gone through in an orderly and business-like manner, and it is quite evident that Bishop Cummins is a man who knows what he is about, The new Oburch is to be based on tho Prayer Book of 1785, which, ac- cording to the Bishop, is the ‘most acceptable Prayer Book yet prepared, and the one most in conformity with Scripture.’’ This Prayer Book, however, is not regarded as perfect; and the right is reserved to amend, alter, enlarge or abridge the book, as “the Lord may guide by His Holy Spirit.’ The Declaration of Principles, drawn up by Bishop Cumminsand approved by a committee appointed by the meeting, if looked at from tho standpoint of what is called Evangelical Protestantism, will be generally pronounced satisfactory. If looked at from the standpoint of Catholicism or Ritualism it will be generally condemned. As against what is called Romanism and Rit- ualism the line is drawn clean and sharp. The new Church isa thoroughly Protestant Church. It is more Protestant than the Church of Luther, more Protestant than the Church of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth. Bating Episco- pacy it comes very near to the Presbyterian standard, For the present Bishop Cummins is sole Bishop of the organization. It was the opinion of the Bishop that he was not equal to the task. He had received letters within a few hours from Baptist, Methodist and Pres- byterian clergymen, offering to join the move- ment; and he thought that a bishop should be appointed to tako charge of the Northwest. A strong effort was made to have Mr. Cheney, of Chicago, appointed to this office; but he de- clined until he could have an opportunity of consulting with his congregation. As we have said already, the new Church has a fair pros- pect of success, What effect it may have in begetting reform inside of the Episcopal Church remains to be seen. It is already, we notice, creating alarm among the Episcopal leaders. It will now be necessary for men like Dr. Tyng to define their position. Spanish Inhumanity in the Patriot War in Cuba. While America is watching her government making a shamefaced settlement on paper of the bloody Virginius outrage the Cuban pa- triots in the field are taking vengeance for the murdered by redoubling the vigor of their attacks on the Spaniards, even in the fortified towns on the coast. The success attending these movements is highly encouraging to the friends of free Cuba. The Henaxup corre- spondence from Manzanillo, published on Tuesday last, faithfully describes tho opera- tions of the patriots in the Eastern Depart- ment. To General Vicente Garcia the credit must be given of obtaining astonishing results, The Spaniards seem reduced every- where to the defensive, and as the Oubans fight or avoid a conflict at will the victory is nearly always to them. Tho feature which will strike every one with pleasure in these Cuban successes is the fact that the turning of tho tide of battle in favor of the patriots finds them disposed, even anxious, to be merciful to the defeated— that is, to carry on the war with humanity. Success to the Spaniards meant a hideous aftereourse of horrors which should be name- less. In the desperation of the hour tho Cubans, in self-defence, adopted the savage tactics of their enemics—not giving quarter, which they never received. That the Spaniards have paid no attention to the overtures of the Cubans for an exchange of prisoners, and have rejected contemptuously the appeal to carry on the war according to the rules of civilization, afford strong reasons for the necessity of putting an end to the war alto- gether, by driving away the brutal people who cannot preserve order nor attempt to sustain their power without the aid of atrocities which are a stain to civilization. Crry Trars ror Lire anv Lims.—Now that frost and snow are with us once again it is time that we should make another effort to get rid of those dangerous traps for life and limb, the smooth iron sidewalks and cellar traps of the city. Last year over forty doaths were reported in the bills. of mortality occa- sioned by falls in the street. The larger part of these fatal accidents and others attended by serious and sometimes permanent injury are due to these iron traps, which, in slippery weather, can scarcely be trodden on without occasioning a fall. A resolution lies in the Board of Aldermen reqniring the Public Works Department to inquire as to the mont desirable substitute for these iron traps and sidewalks, The resolution should be followed by an ordinance compelling, under heavy penalties, the removal of all the amooth iron trans aa soon as a gubsti«