The New York Herald Newspaper, November 18, 1873, Page 3

per tee “VOX POPULI. [eae SE Se ES The Insulted People Demand Re- dress for Spain’s Outrage. THE NATIONS SPIRIT ARCUSED, Overwhelming Assemblages at Steinway and Tammany Halls. a READY AND EAGER FOR WAR. ‘The meeting last evening at Steinway Hall, the ebject-or which as get forth in the call was ‘to protest against the recent atrocities in Cuba and the outrage upon the American flag,” had some- thing of the old patriotic fire and ardor character- ‘sing those memorable gatherings of our leading titisens succeeding the news of the attack upon Port Sumter. The public pulse that then throbbea with such terribly feverish excitement has, through the massacre—and such is the mildest term ‘ur American people.apply to the wholesale execu- tions of those captured on the ill-fated Virginius— been again quickened into the same rapid beating, Bow, as then, our leading citizens met in grave voncourse—a concourse upon whose results, as all felt, depended questions of the most vita! national Importance; questious involving national honor Bnd the lives and liberties of American citizens; questions underlying the whole matter of the protracted struggle for Cuban independence, and ‘whether it is not time that our government shoula interfere to put an end to the barbarous atrocitics perpetrated by the Spanish authorities upon this poor Cuba, whose only crime has been an unyield- Ing Give years’ struggle to free herself from the Batetul tyranny o! the Spanish yoke. The scene in the street outside, despite the gloom bi the weather, was equaily animated. Before eight p’clock the crowds gathered around the entrance to Steinway Hall and eagerly awaited the opening ofthe doors. The sidewalk from Union square to the Academy of Music was thick with men and boys, crushing and elbowing each other as the mass of people was disturbed at any point. As eight o’clock drew near carriages wept flying by toward the Academy, bearing their loads of opera goers, and less fashionable ladies and gentlemen on | a similar mission bent, but treading the streets on | foot instead of being borne along on silken | tushions, came trooping to Fourteenth street, | where they might be seen standing in dismay as | they beheld the crowds blocking up the sidewalk, | preventing further progress. for these people to | pursue their course in the middle of the street was | Bn act which would jeopardize their lives, | yo the only resource left for them was to crnsh ! Mhcir way through the crowds along the sidewalk, Bided by the lurid light of a calcium which was amxed to a post attache: to @ wagon im front of Bteinway Hall. The rain had been coming down ‘with great vehemence for a considerable time, and bad now been succeeded by a fall of wetting flaky now, which forced its way almost under the num- ‘berless umbrellas which formed a kind of con- mected canopy for the assembled multitude. At deast three out of every five persons had umbrellas, Bnd the admirable order with which these were held aloft was a good indication of the anxiety of the crowds in behalf of Cuba Libre or the Ameri- fan flag. But no amount of breakages or twistings ‘pf the umbrellas could deter the crowds, and in Bhe rain or under cover they held their ground ‘Until the doors of Steinway Hall were thrown open, when, with umbrellas still spread, some few thou- Baud persons rushed into the hall and got Beated, leaving the staircases and the hall- Way blocked with as resolute a few hundred Men as ever meant to attend a meeting. The Wrowds still continued to come pouring in j @round the hall, and in @ very short time he places of those who had been fortunate enough %o gain admittance were (lied with others not less ager and not less patient. Aster a short time the Btate of affairs:in the street became known to some of the managers of the meeting, and with praiseworthy promptitude they at once engaged Tammany Hall for the evening. The word that a meeting was to be heldin Tammany Hall quickly e@pread among the expectant waiters, and imme- diately a rush was made down along Fourteenth street to Tammany. The doors once open, num | dreds of men rushed madiy up the staircase in the dark, and having gained the large hall, which was not yet lighted, a rousing cheer was given in the dark for suffering Cuba, and as the Nght suddenly burst from the jets another cheer was given forCuba Libre. The hail was ‘now one- hall foll of those who had been unable to gain admission to Steinway Hall, and the audience patiently waited for several minutes, until some of the spegkers from the otier meeting arrived. The prudent action in engaging Tam- many Hall relieved the streets and the corridor and staircase of Stesnway Bail of the numbers who had been in those places, vainly hoping for a chance of admission, and in a very ehort time there ‘was scarcely any one out in the rain except a lew Jads, who might by this time have despaired of selling their Cuban flags. At few meetings tn our great city has such en- thusiasm shown itself as at both those’of last night, and especially at Steinway Hall, where certainly, mid the vast sea of faces, rising wave above wave, ‘there has rarely been witnessed so many of our prominent citizens—men drawn thither, not to harangue the populace or to give to themselves notoriety, but drawn there simply by heartfelt devotion to & common cause. On the platform were our representative men of business, commerce and the professions, There were no banners, no mottoes, none of the hack- weyed incentives to enthusiasm marking most great public meetings. The occasion demanded no such outward demonstrations, The meeting meant business—a business of most serious, solemn import. If there was any doubt of the pent up enthusiasm it showed itself when Mr. William M. Evarts was introduced as President of the meet- ing. He was greeted with a perfect ovation of cheers, But the heart and feeling of the assem- blage were shown in tho hushed siienee with which he was listened to at times, and then the wildness of enthusiasm greeting portions of his Speech, And so it was throughout most of the succeeding speeches. From the beginning to the end of the meeting the enthusiasm increased, in- stead of lessening. There was unanimity of thought, impulse, heart and purpose, THE STEINWAY HALL MEETING. + Speeches by William M. Evarts, Con- greseman Cox, William A. Darling and Wiliam E. Robinson, Upon the meeting being called to order Mr. Wil- diam M. Evarts was nominated, and amid great en- thusjasm was accepted as chairman, SPEECH OF WILLIAM M. EVARTS. Mr. EVARTS, a8 chairman, in coming forward to address the meeting, was received with enthu- silastic cheering, Which lasted several minutes. He said:—Gentlemen and fellow citizens, when I had the honor, on Saturday last, to receive the invita- tion of the committee under whose auspices this meeting has been called to take part in the repre- @entation of the leelings of the people of this city and of this country on the grave situation pro- duced for us against our will by the extra ordinary transactions of the Virginiuns and her crew [ could not hesitate; 1 could not bot feel that every one throughout the lana would bear his share of tho representation of the American people in this situation so import. @nt to the nation and to their own feelings, (Cheers.) We need give no reasons—we need present no apologies of all the earnestness that belongs to us as men—for we are all men and noth. Ang bupan js foreign to us, We are citizens of the WEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 18, 1873.—TRIPLE SHEET. THE VIRGINIUS OUTRAGE. Map Showing the ‘Chase, Capture and Carrying Virginius, from the Report of the T ere omy Sv aindvie SY Batne Feta of, Viamones| United States, and everything that touches the honor of our sountry and of our flag, reflecting upon the rights of even the humblest of our fellow citizens, is Our cause as much as it is theirs, (Cheers.) I will not detain you long from atten- tion to the emipent speakers who will follow me and who will enlist your interest and instruet your judgment to-night ButI must be permitted to review rapidL the various steps and the public transactions which have now brought those in- serests face to Mee with our final and responsible duty. (Cheers.) The Cuban insurrection, as 1t was called, first broke out in the last year of President Johnson’s administration, but it had not then shown itseif in a man- ner to attract much attention from our public men or thereafter in any of our national re- lations till the first year of General Grant’s admin- istration, Then the administration early ad- dressed itself to deal with the question, and then entertained the hope that by rendering its good ofices between Spain and its rebellious or discon- tented subjects an adjustment might be made suitable to humanity, suitable to the pride of Spain, suitable to the independence of Cuba and suitable to the interests and duty of the United States. (Cheers.) Pressed as this object was by the administration, it, nevertheless, failed, and whatever a contrary or different resuit might have ensued if the assassination of the eml- nent and distinguished Spanish statesman, Prim, had not so soon followed we cannot now dete: mine. But that plan and project of our gover: ment having failed, there at once ensued a coi respondence quite active between the two govern- ments during the years 1863, 1569 and 1870, It is enough to Say of this correspondence and of the transactions which almost al- together occupied its attention, that during all ‘lis period the same _ violence on the part of those representing affairs in Cuba and the same helplessness in the Spanish ai thority exhibited itself and wrought the disas- trons Iruits which finally culminated in the tragic transactions which we all so much deplore. During that time great injuries were inflicted upon the property of our citizens in Cuba, great insults to the American government and fag, and even the destruction by violence ana murder of some of our citizens—innocent and without guilt—and the re- sult of the correspondence which followed in the first month of 1871, was to bring about a conven- tion between the two governments, when a sec- ond and sober examination of our grievances were to be entertained and redress given for the past and security for the future. That con- vention for some time and still is sitting at Washington, and all justification and personal concern on the part of the government seems to be lulled by this convention, and the efforts to conciliate and redress are now suddenly and like a thunderbolt—I will not say trom a clear, but not from a very angry sky—dissolved, Both na- tions in fact—Spain and the United states— have been startled by this awful occurrence. L do not measure it by any of its relations to our public rights or national honor, but I speak of it now as @ shock to the common civilization and humanity of the world, (Uheers.) It seems as if now in the midst of peace—in the presence of ail humantzing and civilizing influences of which we boast—we are brourht back directly in front of one of the horrible transactions which we read of in history, and the question Sibanicu Cg ag “Cascorra ~ BNO mpinarpo. jes 08 8° \ ea , aed > se) BAY CAMP OF 7 2 F SANACON mi Jo Seen RCIA, ox Zh “ iBaiamd yore in SEN T “hes ht Ge (he ae ) 30 == ye peat etek St gS Spat ororne’. foe fy ole bs 2 anos Morantass Guia were ; ‘ Sta Catalina vatnoh\ ae eS Zar cPalma Fi ey SAS EF Psoriano, § NY Or Yok. ¢ SY CNG Sos Cruising ground ~ Of the Tornado. First, four men are condemned, taken ashore and shot, Then a larger drait is made, and some 40 meet the same tate, under the same sudden con- demnation; and then again ajter that 67 more, till at last the only evidence that all are not slaugotered is that all had not been reached to yet satiate the death dealing vengeance of these cruel men, (Cheers.) The repre- sentatives of these two Powers, at peace with Spain—Britain and America—the Consuls of either government—remonstrated in vain on behalf of those victims. The name, the power, the re- sentment of these nations go for nothing. (Ap- plause.) It is not so much that these Cubans could deal such a terrible fate upon these defence- less men, but that against this nation of ours— filling this Continent from sea to sea—proud of its dominion on the wave—these Cuba club men, frequenters of the Casino, should so declare to us that this fate we would administer to all of you if we had you in our power, (Tremendous cheer- ing.) They say, as it were, tous, These Americans that have taken so much interest tn other people's atlairs; let us see what they will do aboat it when something besides letter writing and diplomacy needs be appealed to.” (Cheers.) Let us see now many of them will come here with the thunders of their power and the resentment of their pride, when they see that we “welcome them with bloody hands to hospitable graves.” (Tremendous applause.) And now what pretence or justifica- tion of thetr cruelty, of their bloodthirstiness, is made? Was the ship, the Virginius, an armed ship—an instrument of war? Had she fired upon yon at sea? By no means, Was the ship tur- nished with an expedition that was to make a predatory descent upon Cuba, and, after burning and destroying, make away ‘with what booty she could carry of? By no means, There is not the slightest pretence of either. No, this extremity of destruction of life, visited upon per- sons engaged in resistance, however savage it might be—was it excused by hot biood or claimed in the resistance of self-defence? By no means. These men were in their power. They were within the dominion of a civilized nation, and, if they had violated tie laws of that nation or its authorities, they had jurisdiction over them. They had the power to try, to convict, to make record, to furnish the appropriate punishment. We had an absolute treaty with Spain that for every offence committed within her juris- diction every citizen of ours should be entitled to trial according to the ordinary process of law, and should be accorded the right of having bis lawyers, gis attorneys, his notaries and his advocates to de- fend him before the tribunal that was to try him. Was there, then, a war? But if there was a war then these men were prisoners of war, disarmed and without resistance, and could only be tried by the laws of war. Now we must understand that by public law there are but two situations in this connection which have their appropriate obligations and adequate authorities—one a state of peace, the otuer & state of war; and there is no intermediate state that public law deals with or that nations tolerate a8 being set up as against them to excuse, to jus- tly, or to account for the infraction of those laws of peace or war, If, then, there was peace before the crime of these men was meditatea or perpetrated, then there was no right in Spain, under the public law of nations, under her solemn treaty with us, under the civili- zation that binds the system of intercourse with nations making up the circie of our cosmopolitan communities, except the judicial right by trial upon evidence, with the proper opportunity of defence, and, if found guilty, searching the jaws for the appropriate punishment and estat it by the record, certain that when it was inflicted they Would be able to furnish their justification when- ever called to account by the government whose is in what light shall @ powerfal people regard this thing ? The question is, what will the tadignant opponents of Wrong in @ past age do now in deal- ing with the authors of wrong before our tace ? (Applause.) Here, close to us, in a port pertectiy known to us—this island of Cuba, at the mouth of our southern Gulf, in the track of our commerce, distant but a few miles from the southern capes of Florida—with immense commercial relations, scarcely to be estimated in doilara, is and has been the scene of discontent and the struggies of fac- tions, the pressure of liberty and the cohe- sion of power. the southern side of that island, some 95 miles distant, there exists an important colony, an important island, porwreey y laws and possessing liberty, Jamaica. ship of American origin, bearing all the evidence of American ownership, accredited by the Amer- ican flag, starts trom that port of Jamaica, cheered and caressea by the honest sentiment of the people of that isiand, and while yet on the high seas, and yet distant irom Cuba, she is visited by a “Tor- nado,” not of the natural element, but of the pride and revenge of the Spanish power, Turning from her pursuer, #eeking Safety in flight, and offering no violence, she is ovortaken, our flag hauled down, and all on board, without threats or armed resistance, Made prisoners. all, whether they be Spanish, Cubans, Englishmen or Americans—all are taken beyond any power and without any desire of re- sistance, and while safe within the harbor, even then on board a detailed by some selection, izeps may lave marauded. If there was war, and ships were in the port of a foreign nation, en- gaged in aiding one of the belligerents by carrying cargoes of arins or troops, whatever might be the rights of the power seizing them at sea, modern civilization admits of no severity, except that of coersion and Bs Pea not of vengeance. Now it might be said that there is another ciass of ships to be found at sea that comes under the head of neither peaceful, honest voyagers, pro- tected by the flags of their respective na- tions, nor under the regulations of the 8 m of war; these are called pirates, But what @ pirate? Spain has no power to determine who are the pirates, and who should be punished as Dirates, The United States bas no power to deter- mine who are pirates. and who are to be punished as pirates; England has no such power, none has the power except as each nation deals with its “own ships, its own subjects, and its own citizens, and punishes them as disobedient to its laws, and responsible for their violations, But @ party by the law of nations 1s an Lk d of the hue man race has no flag, has no vouchers and no defenders, and he is exposed to the justice of every Nation that pursues to punish as the violator may Present himself, of be compelled to yteld to su- perior power, ‘This involves the crime of plunder upon the sea or plunder upon the land, and Wherever that crime, thus defined and anderstood eg the law of nations, is committed, there the law of nations gives "the justification and allows the riehé of punishment to whatever Sybase eet Off of the American Ship ornado’s Captain, Costillo. nation undertakes to infitcs it. But in this case there was no pretence of this sort put forth in the defence of the flag or the national authority, There is no force imthe pretence that the voyage of the Virginius was intended to make plunder upon the land. Whatever the Virginius was doing, for which t% might be amenabdie, it does not fall under that head. If our citizens or parties of our citizens were on board the Virginius and coming under this d¢finition of the law of nations, and it was admitted that they were liable to punishment, we do not admit the right to nunish without trial, without conviction, and without a court. (Ap- plause.) We may recognize the necessity where apart ing been overpowered the captor may sometimes justify @ summary “execution at the yard arm,” as it is called at sea, be- oause the power that has him in charge ts* not adequate to bring him into a court or subject him to the ordinary process of law. But what would you think of a pirate capturedgin the Indian Océan or the Carib- bean Sea by an American ship of war and brought to New York, where our laws give us supreme dominion, and that pirate being taken ashore and tried by his captors, as they might be gathered to- gether by a dram-head court martial, and at once shot at the Battery or in the City Hall Park? (Ap- plause.) Away, then, with any of these justiiica- tions that this cruel dealing with our citizens is to be excused or submitted to on our part on that they were engaged in ma- rauding, But ail of this is aside from the real question, The true position of the Cuban authorities 18 this:—That as they conduct their mode of suppressing the rebellion, or insurrection, as they call it, everything is law agatnst rebels, and everyvocy that actively sympathizes with the hopes, the eifort# and the aims of these rebels shall be subjected to the violence of Cuban power, as. if they were subjected to the law of Spain. (Loud cheers.) Against such a position as that all civilized nations must cry aloud. If our citizens in peace violate the laws of Spain they are to be dealt witn according to treaty and inter- national obligations; if they in time of war aid that war against the government of Spain they are to be dealt with according to the law of na- ttons and the laws of war. Andif any of them become enemies upon the high seas and scour the seas as pirates, no summary execution of any one of them is to be justified, except itis on the sheer necessity thas there is no power to deal with them otherwise. Now, geutiemen, 1 do not doubt that the President and his aavisers—the government of the United States—its Congress and magistrates and allmenin authority, have the same feelings that this assembly now manifests. (Tremendous applause and cheering.) And, do not fear but that this country, ablaze with excitement as it is, will, notwithstanding, respect tne rights of others while we have’ such strong reason to deplore the contempt whch has been shown to us. (Cheers) We, among our other national characteristics and traits, are a law-abiding people, and we insist upon it that other nations shall abide by the law in dealing with us. (Oheers.) We have no mode of resent- ing in kind such acts of barbarity and cruelty as we are called here te-night to deprecate and to de- plore, and while the rage of the American people— red hot as it is—denounces the outrage inficted upon its citizens, we would scorn to take vengeance upon helpless victims. if they Were thrown into our hands, We shail deal with Spain, and we intend to have redress, (U roarious cheering, during whjch the whole audi- shouting and waving hats.) We intend ress and security—absolute security that no such outrages shall ever again bo repeated during the future life of our na- tion, (Great cheering.) This we shail receive from the government of Spain in good time We sympathize with the present government o/ Spain, We desire that the Republic of Spain may be up- held. We desire that the sentiments of justice and honor which the Spanish Repubitc embodies shall succeed and that it stall be made efficacious and influential in the restoration of good government in Cuba, And if Spain cannot succeed in this without our help we are willing to hear and ready to grant her request when she makes it.= (Cheers.) Now, we are in a difficulty, because there exists neither a state of peace Nor a state of war; nor is Spain in that con- dition a8 @ nation where public law and civilization has been accepted and maintained auring this resent Struggle in Cuba, We understand per- fectly well the right of a government dealing with a rebellion to exert the Wont, and proper Methods of war to repress it, e demand respect from other nations for our own rights of repres- sion when we exercise them; but when we have successfully repressed a rebellion, we understand that vengeance and bloodthirstiness are not neces- sary exiivitions of @ nation’s triumph or power, (Cheers.) We do not believe in any unauthorized interierence by other nations with our own right+ ful exercise of sovereignty in suppressing rebel hon, and we know how, after our rebellion is sup- pressed, to deal with any neutral nation that we think has trespassed on or interfered With our rights, (Cheers.) We know how to do it without passion, without vengeance, without war, and it will gy hard with ne jf *tuug dominating re- | which—red and yellow—is a river” of ———— | between were no belligerent rights to make the cas¢ Siteptional. Grin Adams ave pesitive instrug tions in the case of the Good Return—in the fin: stage of which, before Sir Frederick Bruce, I wi of counsel—to this effect :—'The high seas area eral jurisdiction, common to aii, qualified by a cial jurisdiction of each nation over its own vew Webater laid down the same doctrine tq ‘Ashburton in 1842, He held the vessel to be terri, tory, and the entry into it, oeing @ neutral, by @ belligerent {s an act of iorce, trespass and wrong. Every writer of authority holds to the amert doctrine—that she rights of pareoh, Broreas sovereignty are viol a of the Virginie, a ship is overhauled, searched an seized, Gentiemen, I am toid, high in auth , are walts Ing for the facts. We are advised by them not tad go into hysterics over the fag until the facta are known, ‘How long, Oh Lord! how long!” are wa to wait apon our diplomatic jugglery ? Tne fac are patent. Newspaper enterprise has adv ~j and confirmed them, 1 propose to into @ fe hysterics on the faith of the unquestionable truths. ‘This question is one which concerns our govern- ment and flag. It does not go to the emiranchise, mentot Cuba. Thatis incidental and consequen< tial. It has in it none of the elements of sympathy. What, then, is the reparation? Is the loss of the vessel only to be made good? Are the lives of the butcher Burriel and bis mob of volunteers to be demanded? Will that restore the life of Fry or of Ryanor of the men wo were sacred under our Sag? Is not the remedy one which reaches further? I< our flag nothing? Nothing to commerce. I it only a dish rag? or an emblem of power? ‘This inquiry is one that turns us back to thé peculiar rule of Spain in Cuba. Nor is that Spanish rule peculiar to Cuba, The power of 3) had been for @ century dying on our Gongaeaet but as ¢he has letreated from the hemi: phere her skirts have been bedragged and clothed with gore. The last massacre ‘ts but the horrible and damnable iteration of thousands of other buteheries, Since October, 1868—when the insurrection began—Spain has waged relentless war. in 1869 we had the record them of 107,000, Spaniah troops sent out to conquer 3,500,000 ple, ‘Ihere were infantry, cavalry, artiliery, en ers, marines and volunteers; not to speak of 50 vessels- oi-war with over 200 guns, and since then probably as many troops more. In such a warfare, $0 exten- sive and prolonged, one migit have supposed thas the laws of moderation and humanity, as laid down by Vatcel for such cases, would obtain, But it has been a war, without pity, without remorse. Ra- pacity and despotism, confiscation and butchery, have added daily significance to the flag of 8 ood margins of gold! are no prisoners in bis war. Whether takem on sea or land, death—sudden and horrible; death with mutilation, death without even tha consolations of religion to the condemned, These volunteer fends would not even allow the bishop nt from Spain to land at Havana, because he be- lieved 1 giving to the dying patriot the yee ment, Look at this book of blood which I hold in my hand—“Martyrs of Liberty in Cuba!” See the numbers of those executed irom 1568 to 1871. There are 1,528, whose names and residences are given, and from the Spanish official record, Here are 2,650 names whose fate is unrecorded. Sixty-one dedicated in death to the garrote! The rest of tue list are of the condemned and transported, Bloody annals! How much of terrible suifering do these victims represent? God knows! Nearly 6,000 persons not killed on the battlefield! Others condemned who are absent; amomg- them of both sexesm, any of them upom the chain gang. Do you wonder, then, at such Atrocities as those the other day at Santiagot Wonder no more wren you ay the sanguingr, orders of the various Captains General. On Mar 24, 1869, Dulce orders all vessels ‘in Spaniso waters or upon the high seas near the island’’ to be seized and the men on board to be treaied aa pirates, and, without regard to their number, to be immediately executed. In April following the Tiger of Jiguani, Valmesada, at Bayamo, issues an There ; order that every man above 15 years of age away from home, and without a justified motive, shall | be shot, The habitations are to be burned and the women to be forcibly ejected if found away irom their homes, and what not of brutal despot- ism. it curdies the blood to read or ponder over these diabolical orders, so infernaily executed, And here let me tell you what bas come to my knowledge. It is known within the last 24 hours in this city that this butcher, Burriel, of Santiago, received the order remanding further executions Of prisoners On the Sth, and that notwithstanaing this he butchered 57 more of them on the 10tn, (Hisses and groans.) & t } i spect from other nations, if we do not pay respect | to this Spanish nation and all its dependencies. But we also pay respect to ourselves—to public law, to humanity, to civilization, and we are de- termined taatin the future that this example of } Spain in regard to the Virginius shall not forma precedent and shail nave no followers, (Tremen- dous cheering.) And now, Whatever may turn up by this voyage of the Virginius, her ownership and our flag, of this we are certain, that all of that ship’s company Who were American citizens have been sacrificed by no law of nations and by no law of Spain that we are bound to respect, (Cheers.) Our duty, then, is plain, If affairs, as it seems en- tirely probable, show that the power of Spain no longer controls tne action of the Cubans, if it be true that the people have all the responstotlities of irregular warlare, we will see to it that they have not all the immunities of regular autnority. We are not to be driven from one recourse to another, but we are to obtain such amends for the present and such protection for the future as will ma the people resume their quiet and renew their proud progress, so that neither shall ever again be disturbed in the future forever, VICE PRESIDENTS. The following, with a large number of other notable and influential men, were appointed Vice Presidents :—Governor Dix, A. T. Stewart, Mayor Havemeyer, General Patrick H, Jones, George CO. Barrett, General Sigel, Henry E. Davies, General J. H. Wilson, Samuel J. Tilden, John K. Hackett, Parke Godwin, Thomas Murphy, Whitelaw Reid, Charles F. Blake, Peter Cooper, General Slocum, Charles Dononue, Thurlow Weed, Theodore Tilton, E. D, Morgan, Henry W. Bellows, Moses Taylor, | John Jacob Astor, Cornelius Vanderbilt, L. P. Mor- ton, Dougias Taylor, Edwin W. Stoughton, Judge Charles P. Daly, Henry G. Stebbins, Marshail Lefferts, Salem H. Wales, Oswold Ottendorfer, General Anson McCook, General J. T. Owen, Philo T. Ruggles, Wheeler H. Peckham, Joseph Choate, Ethan Allen, S, V. R. Cooper, General Horace Porter, Clarksou N, Potter, Noah Davis, General Burnside, General Kilburn Knox, A. D. Vanderpoel and Jenkins Van Schaick, SPEECH OF 8. 8. COX. Mr. Cox, who was received witb loud and long- continued cheering, said:— LADIES AND GENTLEMEN—the eminent publicist who has preceded me has in his own mas- | terly way laid before you the law and the factS in relati on to this great question. I also propose to lay before you the law and the facts, butim @ much more general way, and to state to ou What las always been understood, as [ be- lieve, to be law in reference to this seizure, What is the law of nations with regard to the seizure of the Virginius? Was there a breach of that law? And ifa breach whatis the remedy for the outrage? Perhaps it would be wiser to leave the interna- tional question to such ‘publicists as the honored chairman of this meeting. But as @ premise for my conclusion, and without chopping legal logic or quoting too many authorities, | may hint at the nature of that seizure. Ifthe seizure was right it does not follow, however, that the brutal conse- quences at Santiago can be justified in any form of consctence or justice. One thing is beyond doubt, The vessel was duly authenticated by ourgovernment. Oar flag, right- fully, was at its mast, It had our register and clearance. The seizure was on the high seas; not within ay waters; not within the marine league. There was no recognition by Spain of be- lgerent rights to the insurgency in Cuba, Then what was the legal status of the vessel? Pre- cisely your right to walk the city parks or streets coequal with that of any otner person. No man, except by warrant of law, can obstruct your loco- motion, “The sea isa common. It is no ordinary progress of human thought which has made this the doctrine, not of America, but of the world. The fetters which stronger nations have imposed on commerce, and Mada ef Ve neutrals, have melted away under the civilizing influences of time, This country has been the chief agent in that amelioration of maritime relations, In the Trent case, La oe under our doctrine re- claimed Slidell and Mason, and mitigated her own laws and admiralty decisions—her own attempts to make the sea a British highway. Upon what prin- ciple? Precisely on that laid down as early as 1785 by Franklin tn his treaty with Prussia, Washing. ton approved of it. Quincy Adams, followin; Grotius, elaborated it {n 1823 to Colombia, Olay di the same to our Panama commissioners. Pierce and Marcy clinched it. Indeed, although we ended the war of 1812 Without settling the question in favor of “sailor's rights” and a@ free sea, yet time has done what our army and navy failed to do. The doctrine, broadly stated, is that the vessel is the floating ‘territory of the nation under whose flag it satls, and no power can rightfully question or curtail its privi- leges, Every prominent American statesman has insisted on this doctrine, Monroe, when Min- ister to London, in 1804, heid that @ neutral flag on the high seas was a safeguard to those sailing under it,” Madison, in his Message of May 25, 1813, held that “each Stato had exclusive jurisdiction over its own vessels, Its laws govern In them, and offences against those laws are punishable by its tribunals ouly,” In the case of the Yirgipius 4 all soils and the beau! Were there no protests made by our government! Yes. In the following August General Grant tn- structed our Minister to say to Spain that the time had come when the struggle should be carmed on in amore humane mauner. in October, 1869, Mr. Fish told the Spanish Minister that on the score of {humanity and neighborhood foreign intervention was justifiable! So,‘too, there was special protest against seizure on the high seas, emphatic and cogent, on paper! What is the remedy, } pray you? ‘(Cries of “War,” “War” and vociferous e J ee in the face of its own protests, let our government fulfil its own prescript. Then there Inay be an end of this savagery. ‘The act of July 27, } 1868, gives the President power to demand the prisoners whoare American citizens, and ff refused jor an unreasonable time, to use such means, not amounting to acta of war, as will effectuate the demand, O tora fortnight of General Jackson or Governor Marcy! Our protests were written in water—the defiance of them in blood. Five thou- sand victims have suffered since these publio protests. in defiance oi the treaty of 1795, ye proyjdes (yr fair trial of our citizens by pain, with advocates and all the para- phernalia of justice these deeds are done, which make “earth sick and heayen weary.” It is all protest, now is the time tor action, (Cheers and cries of “War,” “War.” But how can I bring these indescribable horrors home to you uuless I particularize? I mention three or Tour instances, Nor will these include thage who were incuipated in insurrection, In Feoruary, 1872, Mr. Voorhies, member of Congress trom sn- diana, in his seat, after mentioning many cases of Americans mutilated and shot, referred to the case of young Seakman, Of Indiana, a sailor bound for Janiaica, whose ship went ashore in Qua. Utterly innocent, he was seized at nightfall and av sunrise shot. “He cried out,’’ said Mr. Voorhies, “with his dying breath, that he was an American citizen, His appeal died out on the air. The soli drank his blood,” This, too, was at Santiago! Albers Wyeth, of Pennsylvania, fell at the same time. No wonder Americans, doing jaw!ul basivess in Cuba, provide British passports. Four young Americans in Ha- vaua, innocent of the emblem or its meaning— wear blue neckties. They are set upon, One is done to death by Valmaseda’s butchers, Is there any redress? Dr. Houard was relieved after a long debate in Congress, He had sold some medicines to those who lad become patriots. He was am American citizen, In defiance of treaty and de- cency he was iniprisoned 13 months; thea drom- headed into an African colony, and only resoued ab the last moment by the action of Congress, Bo jor the eight scholars butchered in the winter ge 187L there Was no reliel, no appeal, Do you regaik their fate? The facts are painfully ‘an- thentic. A Spaniard, Castafion, Was “killea by @ Cunan at Key West, fis body was removed to the Taya Qtmetery, and place® in one of the niches, behind a glass plate. Some: students frollickig inthe graveyard marked the giass with adiamond, Says our Consul, “the glass was nat broken, the wreath nut touch Re insult. was intended; no one was injure Thirty of, these students were condemned to the chain gang 5 eight shot! At nightfail thay were arrested; at dayiight they Were in line, and the fatal bullet sealed their life’s roseate morning in biood! The eldest was but 20; the youngest but M4, and that bright, harmiess boy, sobbing his heart away—even crying in his agony Jor the mother who bore him— was butchered, to make @ volunteer Cuban holi- day! Sutter little children to come unto me, said tue Spanish butcher, that I may strangle their precious young lives! God is now, I fear me,wreak- ing his divine Vengeance upon that country and that island, where such things are possible—where such barbarities are unredressed. ‘The recent butcheries ut Santiago are the fit, be- cause horrible, sequence to these deeds without a name. Do you ask me for the remedy? (Cries of “War? and “Charge bayonets.”) I answer, the intervention of civilized nations to stop such atrocicies. The great Powers intervened ta stop the Ottoman in his barbaric war upon Greece. Is not this a case of similar aggravation ? But if not that, then a recognition of belligerency; nay, both. We could sell 90,000 Remington rifles io Spain, aud send ous 30 gnboats to suppress the atriots, We strained a point for the oppressor. ‘ow let us do something for the oppressed. Spain was quick to recognize our rebellion. Sumter was fired on in April. Spain recognized = it in June, Ah! but it is said, we have conceded. to Spain the right of search by the treaty of 1795. But this right is only to a belligerent, and Spain does not yet recognize that actual war exists in Cuba. If Spain is at war then there is more than one belligerent. In that case let our people go to atid come from Guba, at their risk, if you please, to help liberty and de feat oppression, Let them beat their ploughshares into swords and their pruning hooks into muskets, and we will be both honorable and courageous be~ fore the world. These are the sort of hysterica that make credit and commerce, uonor and glory. tor @ nation. Then Cuba will be free and independent. (Cheers and loud applause.) Then she will be to us a friend and neighbor, Then our commerce and our siips may be safe from all European aud other complications, Them her oppressive export duties will stop; then her vast resources will do 4 then, jn good time, under @ law higher than’ the lex gentium, Cuba will vitate ward our federal system, aud become incorpo- rate with our interests and destiny. There is law higher than that of Guagress or Of treaties itis that the weaker and disorganized nationg and peoples must be absorbed by the strong and organized, Nattonalities of inferior grade musk surrender to those of superior civilization and olity. Whether Spain like {t or not, whether she boa republic or @ monarchy, whether ruled by a Castelar or @ Charles, this irrevocable will drive Cuba, by her position, her interests, her suf~ ferings and her history, to the greater and more illustrious state for protection and contentment and advancement, — Under this law nations, hke men, are mutable. As surely as the decay of autumn is the herald of spring, si surely will that island— of man, y of all skies wor cot tribute to endless production; wh vern e the blooms are ever fresh and the breezy dee surround her are fragrant with nA ‘ufadiag CONTINUED ON TENTH PAGE