The New York Herald Newspaper, May 26, 1873, Page 3

Be CERES SSE Cat EEE LEGON 8 WON Tew Ee WR NY SUNOCO PSN SES EOL OTT fe PaO AeT Rem Pa - THIERS’ DEFEAT. Herald Special Report } ’ from Paris. Bloodless Revolution in La Belle France. MACMAHON’S ACCEPTANCE. The Here of Magenta as a Suc- cessor to President Thiers, Peaceful Proclamations---His De- sires and Intentions. Wo Change in the Laws or Institutions. PARIS QUIET. A Change of Presidents Not Excit- ing to the Sans Culottes. SCENES IN THE ASSEMBLY. Tremendous Uproar in the Palace at Versailles. House and Galleries Densely Crowded. Male and Female Diplomats Watching Events. RIGHT VERSUS LEFT. Perier and Changarnier Creat- ing Intense Excitement. Eerdrel’s Patriotic Peroration---Friendly to Thiers, but More So to the Country. THE EX-PRESIDENT. The “Little Man’s” Ebullitions to the Last. He Styles the Duke de Broglie “Protege of the Empire.” Torrents of Blood Saved by Judi- cious Diplomacy. GAMBETTA’S PART. The Radical Commander Pre- vents the Left from Voting. ‘THE NEW MINISTRY. Latest Probabilities as to the Formation of _ the Government. , TELEGRAMS TO THE NEW YORK HERALD. The following special despatch to the Hizaatp has been received from our special eorrespondent at the French capital :— Pants, May 25—5 P. M. No fear of # disturbance in Paris is enter- tained in consequence of the change in the aspect of affairs at Versailles yesterday, and the races came off at Chantilly to-day os if nothing out of the common had occurred. The weather was splendid, and the great boulevards and avenues diverging in the direction of the Champs Elysées, as well as every promenade in the grand public breath- ing place itself, were crowded with gaily attired pleasure seekers. POLITICS TAKE SECOND PLACE. It was remarked that politics did not occupy A very.important place in conversation, plea- ware being evidently the chief aim of the populace, MACMAHON’S POPULARITY, MacMahon is generally popular and is the special idol of the soldiery, who will give him an unqualified support. His portrait can be ween to-day hanging in prominent positions in all the print shops of the city, the venders apparently endeavoring to make ‘a little capital of two kinds out of the event that has so suddenly thrust the gallant military commander into a high place in the government. COUNSELLING PEACEFUL FORBEARANCE. Gambetta’s journal, the République Fran- qaise, publishes numerous proclamations to- day, and contains, amonggther peaceful state- ments, the following paragraph: — “We adjure you to avoid everything that might be of a nature tending to augment pub- lic emotion."" The République, while devoting considerable space to the events and lamenting the result, nevertheless seizes every opportu- nity of encouraging the friends of M, Thiers in a peaceful manner, and winds up by re- ooting the old watchwords used during the | clared that he belonged tp the Conire Droile. | yerte game NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY MAY 26, 1873—TRIPLE SHEET vigil a ve pS PUBLIC ANNOUNGEMENT OF THE EXECUTIVE ELECTION. The walls of Baris are thickly placarded with bills annoumeing to the public the fact, that MacMahon? tias been called upon to un- dertake the Execwtive, large crowds in many places congregating before them, but making no demonstratious of excitement or disorder. MACMAHON's ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE. ‘These placarde@ontain the following brief address to the public from Marshal Mac- Mahon:— ‘ ° Messrrurs tes Rerresentants—I obey the will of the Assembly, the depository of the national sovereignty, in accepting the charge of President of the Republic. It is a heavy responsibility imposed upon my patriotism, but with God’s help, the devotion of our army, which will always be the army of law, ,and the support of all honest men we shall continue together the work of the liberation of the territory and the re-establishment of moral order in our country; we shall maintain internal peace gnd those principles upon which society can repose. In saying this I pledge you my word of honor as an honest man and a soldier, MARSHAL MACMAHON, 2 Duke of Magenta, AN ADDRESS TO THE PREFECTS. The following address to the Prefects of Paris has also been placarded all over the city, being also frore the pen of the hero of Magenta: — Messteuns es Prerere—I have been called through the confidence of the National Assembly to the Presidency of the Republic. No immediate change will be made in the exist- ing laws, regulations and institutions. I rely upon material order, and I count upon you, upon your vigilance and upon your patriotic assistance. The Ministry will be formed to- day. The President of the Republic, Marshal MACMAHON, Duke of Magenta. ‘VensarLuEs, May 25, 1873. THE NEW MINISTRY. The new Ministry has not yet been an- nounced, but it will probably be constituted as follows: — Minister of the Interior. ... Duke de Pasquiér. Minister of Justice........M. Depeyre. Minister of War...........General Deavaux. Minister of Foreign Affairs. .Duke de Broglie. Minister of Finance. ......M. Pierre Magne. EXCITING SCENES IN THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY. The scenes at Versailles yesterday were ex- tremely exciting. Jn the President's box were Mme. Thiers, M. le,Prefet of the Department of the Seine and others, who were gesticulat- ing quite wildty. ‘Mle Prefet was called to order once for the enthusiasm with which he applauded M. Thiers. The House was crammed almost to suffocation, every avail- able nook and corner being occupied by per- sons interested in the debates and debaters. LADIES IN THE GALLERIES. There were a number of elegantly dressed ladies also in the building, who were intently gazing upon the scenes beneath from their loges grillés in the ceiling; and the occasional movement of a fan, the emotional uplifting of a hand or the waving of a spotless handker- chief, showed how deeply interested they were in the affairs that were being enacted below. DIPLOMATISTS WATCHING EVENTS. In the diplomatic tribune could be dis- cerned, among others, Prince Orloff, the Minister Plenipotentiary of Russia near the Republican Court, having one eye as wide open as his astute superior Gortschakoff, while the place where the other eye should have been was covered by a black patch which appeared to mourn for the member lost on the field of duty at the Crimean struggle. Near him sat La Dame Pourtales, a celebrated beauty of the late Napoleon’s Court; Madame Broet and Madame Rennville. All the ladies remained till the end of the political cere- monies, which terminated at midnight, GREAT BRITAIN NOT REPRESENTED. Lord Lyons, the British Minister, was not present at the night sitting. He was engaged in a much more congenial pastime—viz., in giving a dinner and reception at the English Embassy in honor of the birthday of Queen Victoria. FLASHING THE NEWS TO ALL PARTS. All the members of the Diplomatic Corps left the box immediately after the declaration of the vote expelling M. Thiers, evidently with the view of instantly telegraphing the news to the various governments they repre- sented. Indeed, the wires in the city were laden for fifteen hours after the extraordinary event, GAMBETTA ON HIS METTLE. Gambetta was very much excited, and it was only by an occasional address in brief, in ex- traordinary language, by incessant and angry gesticulation and much “mum’’ telegraphing that he succeeded in keeping order among the members of the Left, who, between hilarité, applaudissements ayd angry non nons, created @ very respectable pandemonium, Gambetta held on firmly, however, never missing an op- portunity to’check the turbulent outbursts of the party under his command, and finally gained his chief point in getting them to ab- stain from voting in the election for Presi- dent. TEMPESTUOUS MOMENTS, There was greater outcry from the Left when it became known that M. Changarnier wished to speak, the accomplishment of such desire being anything but an easy task, con- sidering the temper of the Assembly at the moment. KERDREL AND M. THEIRS. M. De Kerdrel was taunted with being a friend ot M. Thiers. The gentleman so taunted rose slowly from his seat, and when the tumult caused by the general applause which greeted him had sufficiently subsided to permit of his being heard he said: — “I rise to accept the statement. I ama friend of M. Thiers; but before that dnd above all I am the friend of my country,’’ M. ARAGO’S DECLARATION. The Right did some frightful yelling when the invincible Arago, pointing towards them, exclaimed, ‘‘You must take it upon your con- sciences to show in the face of all Europe and before history piece of the most monstrous ingratitude.’ THIERS IN THE ASSEMBLY. The expelled President of the Republic, M. Thiers, remained an interested witness of the result of pressing the ‘‘question” too closely. With his coat tightly buttoned, as is his wont under nearly all circumstances, his arms folded and his head reclining slightly over his breast, as if deeply pained at what he saw and heard, he watched the agitated Deputies with much seriousness, constantly using the excla- mation, ‘‘Oh, bien, Messieurs!’’ He caused immense excitement on two occasions. Once, when he said :— “They have spoken of negotiations when, it hag occurred to me, they only wanted the government to be transferred to Paris; but the army would not enter there. I have re- pelled them in order to prevent the shedding of streams of blood at the expense of the army. If there isa man who counts the cost of this effusion of blood it is myself. I have fallen. I rather wish to say that we have fallen. For along time I had the hope that ‘this detestable faction—"’ Here he was interrupted by the tremendous uproar that followed the echo of the last few words. PROTEGE OF RADICALISM—PROTEGE OF THE EMPIRE. Subsequently an unwise member, in the heat of debate and amid the fury of that zealous volition known only in the legislative halls of the Republic, chargdd the ‘Little Man” with being the “protégé of radicalism.” In an instant Thiers was upon his feet, and in a brilliant peroration with which he concluded his reply to the insidious attack declared that there was something more remarkable than that in their midst ; that they had with them the Duke de Broglie, who wasa ‘‘protégé of the Empire.” GREETING THE DEPUTIES. There were immienge crowds in the vicinity of the Palace all day, and at the end of the debate the outcoming Deputies were greeted with the cries, ‘Down with the Monarchy !’’ “Vive Thiers !’’ and ‘‘Vive la Republique !"’ ADBITIONAL DETAILS. The National Troops Confined to Their Barracks—Marshal MacMahon’s Official Aceeptance of the Presidency—Another View of the New Government. Pants, May 25, 1872. The change in the Presidency has been ae complished without the slightest disturbance. Perfect order prevails throughout France. The troops have been confined to their bar- racks since yesterday morning, but all is quiet’ in Paris, and there are no signs of disorder in the Departments. GAMBETTA AND THE RADICAL JOURNALS. The radical journals to-day are calm in tone. They recommend prudence and wis- dom on the part of the republicans and urge peace and a strict adherence tolaw. M.Gam- betta has issued a manifesto calling on the republicans to respect the law. MARSHAL MACMAHON’S ACCEPTANCE. Marshal MacMahon has sent a communica- to M. Buffet, President of the Assembly, ac- knowledging the receipt of the official noti, fication of his election to the Presidency and accepting the office. THE GOVERNMENT. The formation of the new government has not yet been completed. It is said that the Duke de Broglie will have the Ministry of the Interior and M. Pierre Magne that of Finance, and that the Baron de Larcy and MM. Er- noul and Batbie will also enter the Cabinet. M. GOULARD REFUSES A PORTFOLIO. A portfolio was tendered to M. Goulard, late Minister of Finance, immediately after Presi- dent Thiers’ resignation, and he declined it. RESIGNATION OF REPUBLICAN OFFICIALS. A large number of republican functionaries have resigned. THE NEWS IN WASHINGTON. French Diplomatists Not Officially No- tified of MacMahon’s Election. Wasninoton, May 25, 1873. The French Legation is not yet officially advised of the election of Marshal Mac- Mahon as the successor of Thiers, and the official news will not probably reach here for several days, The change of administration, it is thought in official circles, will not affect the personnel of its diplomatic representatives abroad, of the Right when M, Ossimer-Porier de- President Mac Mahon. of Magenta, was born at Sully in 1808. He grad- ually rose from the position of sub-lieutenant to that of Marshal of France. He won his title of Duke at the Battle of Magenta, being named on the battle feld June 4, 1860. In the recent war hejtook @ prominent part, being wounded at Sedan, where he capitulated with the whole French army. ®Simce that time he commanded the Ver- sailles army in the second siege of Paris against the Commune. Subsequently he was offered a nomination as member of the Freach Assembly and refused, saying a military man ought not to be @ politician. He held the position of Commander- in-Chiet of the French armies at the time of his ele- vation to the Presidency, Marquis d@’ Audiffret Pasquier—Interior. Edme Armand Gaston, Marquis d@Audiffret Pasquier, named to the position of Minister of the Interior, was born in 1813. He was grard nephew of the Duc de Pasquier, who married the widow of the Comte de Rochefort during the days of the Terror, who died in 1814. The Duke having no heirs, adepted Audiffret Pasquier and made him nis heir, In 1844 the dukedom was made a marquisate, and the present Marquis was the first of the name. Pasquier belonged to the Chamber of Peers during the latter part of the reign of Louis Philippe, but did not signalize himself by any very prominent deeds. During the Empire he remained in retire- ment. After the revolution of the 4th of Septem- ber Pasquier began to appear, and was elected a member from the South. In the Assembly he imme- diately took a prominent stand as an enemy of the existing French government. He was placed upon the Commission des Marchés in the Assemlyy, a committee which examined into the sales made to the French government during the war of arms and ammunition. He did good service on this committee, and succeeded in discovering various frauds. which had been perpetrated on the government, Committee of Thirty appointed to draw up a project of law, and with which committee M. Thiers combatted for so long a time. He, indeed, from this point forward became a bit- teradversary of M. Thiers, and in his speeches showed a strong tendency towards Orleanism and @ monarchical form of government, In the recent revolution in the Assembly, which has resulted in the overthrow of M. Thiers, he threw all the weight of his influence against the President, and was one of the most active members of the Assembly in his defeat. Louis Depeyre—Justice. Louis Depeyre, who has received the apointment of Minister of Justice, was a member ef the Magis- trature of the Arrondissement of tpe Seine, and has long worn the ermine. His record is simply that of a judge, and he has never beld any premi- nent office in a political sense. General Desvaux—War. General Desvaux, who has been named to the War Ministry, was born in 1810. He went through his studies in the Military School of St. Cyr, and was made a sub-lieutenant in 1830, and subse- quently was named full lieutenant, being one of those named for meritorious service during the revolution of July by the Governmental Commis- sion appointed to report on those who had deserved well of the country, He was afterwards ent .to Algeria, where he went through the trying campaigns which ended in the conquest of that country by the French victory, apd acted on alloccasions bravely and with credit to himself, During the siege of Constantia he led a brilliant charge and was wounded. He was made captain in the Third regiment of chas- seurs, In 1845 he was created Chef d’Escadron of tle crack Algerian corps known as the Spahis, In 1851 he was created colonel and in 1855 brigadier general. He was then named commandant of the military sub-division of Bathua. In 1852 he was made Com- mander of the Legion of Honor. When the Crimean war broke out General Desvanx was sent there, and commanded his brigade throughout the war, always fighting witn credit to himself and his corps. After the Crimean war was over he re- turneg to garrison in Algerie, and in 1850 was made “géneral ef division dating the Italian war. In this campaign he was attached to the .Third Army Corps, which MacMahon subsequently commanded, and was present with him at the battle of Magenta, where his chief was crowned with honor and title. He also ac- companied Marshal McMahon on the trip which the latter made to the Berlin Court to represent France at the crowning of William I. as King of Prussia (the present Emperor of Germany), and where the Marshal-Duke conducted himself with such magnificent ostentation. Returning to France, General Desvaux was shortly after appointed to the Imperial Guard and fought therein in the Franco-Prussian war. Attached to Bazaine’s army beneath the walls of Metz, he fought valiantly at Gravelotte and was wounded. During the short war of the Commune he was again under Mi al MacMahon’s orders, and was one of the first to enter Paris at the head of the Versailles troops. Since that time General Desvaux has been quar- tered at Versailles. He ts a personal and intimate friend of President McMahon, having fought under his orders for 60 many years. While General Desvaux has not the name of be- ing a great Captain, he is known as a trusty and careful military man and personally very brave. He has had the reputation of net sacrificing the troops under him unnecessarily, but always being anxious to shield them where it was possible. He has never, during his long career, held any politi- cal position before the present, nor has he ever ex- hibited any political preferences. Duc de Broglie—Foreign Affairs. The present Duc de Broglie, who has been of- fered .the porte-feutlle of foreign Affairs, was born in 1785. His father was guillotined during the First Revolution im the dark days of '93, During the reign of Napoleon I. he was an auditor in the department of the Council of State. The Emperor offered him several small missions, and he was also engaged in the drafting of one of, the nu- merous Treaties of Peace which were made by Napoleon I, The Duc de Broglie never liked the first Emperor, however, and readily attached himself to the new government of the Restoration. He was named to several embassies by Louis XVII. in 1814, and followed his fortunes when he went into exile the second time. On the return to France after the final overthrow of Napoleon, de Broglie was petted by the King, and again received several foreign missions. In 1830 the Duke was made a peer and took hia seat in that body. After the overthrow of Charles X. inthe Revolution of July Louis Phillippe, the new King, offered de Broglie the porie-feuille of Minister of Public instruction. In 1831 the Duke de Broglie joined hands with Thiers im defending hereditary tities, and subse- queatly formed, with Thiers, Guizet, and Gerard, the longest Ministry which existed under the rule of Leuis Phillippe, de Broglie having the portfolio of Foreign Affairs, About this time he made the first treaty with England having reference to the slave trade, and it was mutually agreed be- tween the two Powers to give the right of visita- tion of suspected slavers. At length dissensions broke out in the Cabinet between Thiers and Guizot, dissenstons which it seemed could not be reconciled, and at length the King, tired of the continued wrangles between these two states- men, appointed the Duke de Broglie to draw up # new Cabinet, which he did, and was then appointed President of the Council of State in 1834, While in this position he drew up the severe laws against the liberty of the Press, but he was spared the main onus of the work owing to the fact that Thiers embraced the proposed law so enthusiastically that the main blame of the flurry rested on Thiers’ shoulders. When the Revolution of 1848 came De Brotlie retired and appeared again in the French Chamber as a Deputé from the Department of Eure in 1851. He appeared to get a revision of a pian of constitution so as toabolish the Republic and make way for the re- turn of the citizen king, when the coup d’etat was sprung, which defeated all his projects. In 1865 he ‘was elected to the Frencn Academy, and it was said to be more @ political election than aught else. In his speech he made hia last defence of the de- Patciok Mauricg de MacMahon; Duke | taroned king, aug aftes that retired from Recently he made one of the | politics, In 1861 his house was searched by the Prefect of Paris. for forbidden boeks. He was subsequently sppointed Grand Cross of the Leg.on of Honor. After the overthrow of Napoleon he took up'with politics, and after the Commune ‘was appointed Ambassador to London. Recently, in the French Assembly, he was President of the Committee of Thirty and a@ bitter opponent of Pres- ident Thiers. He now returns to the position he held se many years ago. Pierre Magne—Finance. M. ‘Pierre Magne, who has recetved the port- folio of Minister of Finance, was born in Perigueux, in the South of France, December 3, 1896. He ‘went through college in his native place, and became clerk in the prefecture of Dordogue soon after. He soon after became a lawyer, and was ceunsel to the Prefecture untii 1843, when he was elected to the Chamber of Deputies, Tnere he first made his) mark as a financier, He was on the commission on the budget in 1845, and made a remarkable report on the Algerium budget. Soon after he was made Under Secretary of War. The revolution of 1848 put him eut of place, and he returned to his native town asa lawyer. In 1849 he was made Under Secretary ot Finance, and Minister of Public Works in 1851, After receiving and holding two or three other offices he was again made Minister of Public Works in 1852 and Senator soon after. In 1855 the Emperor made him Minister of Finance, whieh he held during the trying times of the Crimean war. He has done much as Minister ef Public Works to give France her present system of railreads. In 1860 M. Magne was again named Minister without portfolio, and on retiring front that position was made member of the Council of State, Since tpat time M. Magne has held several positions, but since the overthrow of Napoleon had retired to private life. This is the first position he has held since that time. THE “WHITE” REVOLUTION. [From the Courrier des Etats Unis of to-day.) It is done, ‘The “white” faction has made its revolution against national sentiment, against the electoral body, against France, against the Republic; more than that, against the new-founded order, against peaee, against confidence within and without; agaiust re-estab- lished prosperity; against triumphant credit and against that supreme aspiration of the country— the liberation of French territory by the hands, the wisdum and the honor of the Republic. Ah! without doubt the moment ts well chosen; it would not have been fitting to wait longer before making a last audacious stroke with a view te restoring the monarchy. The time is, per- naps, ripe to foment disorders anew, to kindle civil war, to render impossible the final payment of the war indemnity, to sign @ new bail bond to the Germans in the pests that they occupy, to bring them back to those they hav¢ evacuated; to destroy, in fine, the fruit of two years of toil, patience and resignation at the moment of its bursting forth, Yes, such is the aim, and such, in the previston ef the monarchista, is the result of the coalition—let us call it con- spiracy—which has just eventuated in the overthrow of M. Thiers. Our brows would redden with indignation and shame if this act, monstrous in its egotism and ingratitude, were the work.of France. Happily it is only the effort in extremis of a faction, of an infinitessimal, rootless, unauthoritative minority, pushed even by the feeling of its feebleness and final impotency to desperate expedients; the effort of@ handful of representatives in conflict with their constituents, and who have the over- presumptuousness to make their pretended sover- eign rights prevail against the true and sole sovereignty—that which emanates from the nation and dwells therein. Happily, also, this victory is not and cannot be but an eye-deceit, a mirage, an Illusion about which the insensates, wno believe they fave grasped it, shall be promptly undeceived. We shall soon see what they -will do with it; and they will find it rude work to hew out the road of usurpation, in which labor they have with such temerity engaged. We have recently said “that if the Right, ys stroke of majority, foreed M. Thiers to lay down power tt would be more embarrassed by its victory than he by his defeat. The case foreseen has arrived and the dimculties are beginning fer the Presumptuons. In the first place thelr deceptive majority, which is only a mosaic, made up of three minorities in revolt, will lack cohesiveness and fall in pieces the moment it ceases to be cemented by the common interest of a victory to be gained. But, supposing. even that the three coalesced factions continue to agree, is it possible that the 360 votes of which the ma- jority is composed can govern against a compact minority of 344 votes, which is in reality an im- Mense majority compared to any of the three elements struggling against it, and which has behind it the will of the nation? And if these 344 voices, which have already abstained from voting in the case of the election of a successor to M. Thiers, resolve to abstain from all participation in the acts of the Assembly, what authority will the acts of this mutilated Assembly have? Let us go farther. If these 344 = = send in their resignations in a body, what will the 860 do? Will they eonvoke the electors, or will they centinue, thus numerically reduced, to consider themselves the legal repre- sentation of the country? In the latter case they will become the jest of the entire world; in the former they will, by the return ef the 844 resigning menabers, recetve from the legal nation the striking affront and crushimg condemnation they have so well merited. In the history of representative government there probably cannot be found another example of a situation so abnormal and of such a revolt by a constituent body against the constituency from which it emanates. We have had ail sorts of revolutions, of the street, the Church, the barracks or the palace. We now have a Parliameatary revolution, and it is against the electors themselves that the Parliamentarians have conspired. The most significant act of this revolution is the overthrow of the Elect of these faithless representatives, who has com- mitted the great crime of remaining faith- ful tothe nation inatead of making himself the docile instrument of the conspirators who betrayed it. Let the shame and_ responsibility of the evils which their criminal attempt may engender fall upon them! As to him who has been overthrown, history will say that he has guarded to the end the sanc- tity of the oaths by which he engaged to preserve the integrity of the public liberaes comfided to his care; that he has contributed more than any other man, and a much as was humanly possible, to repair the misfortunes of a catastrophe which would have been prevented had his councils been hearkened to, and that he has fallen a victim to odious machinations hatched in hate of the good he had achieved and that which remained for him to accomplish. By a rare privilege history need not wait for death to strike M. Thiers before being just to him; and posterity to glorify him will need but to sanction the judgment of his contem- poraries. One word more on the events which have transpired, The nomination of Marshal MacMahon to the Presidency of the Republic remits, it is true, the material power in the hands of the majority, which remains master of the field, and so takes its precautions against the mob, But we have no fears on this head. The people and their leaders ‘will not commit the fault ef furnishing @ pretext for disorders which the “whites” would not ask better than to prevoke, The people have right on their side; moderation and legality are the best weapons to make it triumph. Never have the monarchists been in @ situation so critical as that wherein they are placed, With emptiness around them, they are absolutely power- less to govern, still less to make laws, and no mili- tary force can prevail against the passive and legal resistance of the country. It is lear that the majority, in ita present position, con- scious of its want of accerd with public opinion, would no trecoil from civil war in: order to dictate its will to the people; but we are certain that it will not find, at any price, a people servile enough to submit, and, despite the menacing en- 3 thronement of a soldier, we are also econvinee@ that it will not find to-day a Pretorian army t@ overawe them. SKETCHES OF FRENCH REVOLUTIONS The First Revolution, Many causes combined to effect the overtnrew of the monarchy in France in the latter quarter of the last century, The excesses of the Crown, the grinds ing tyranny of the nobles, the spread of infidel principles, the example of America and the awakening consciousness that “ the divine right of kings” was @ gross imposition—ail impelled to the great denouément of the 10th of August, 1792, whem the Palace of the Tuileries was entered by the pop. ulace of Paris and the reign of Louts XVI. ana hig beautiful consort, Marie Antoinette, ended for- ever, The beginning of the first revolution might be said to date from the action of the king in the granting (May, 1789) M. Necker’s proposition of a double vote to the third estate (the Commons), so as to balance the votes of the other two houses, composed of the clergy and nobility. What wag called a National Assembly sprung from this cause, and by the constitution which they formed they changed the old French monarchy into a representative republic. They sup. pressed feudal jurisdictions, manorial dues and fees, the titlea of nobility, the tithes, convents and ¢erporations of trade; they confiscated the property of the Church and upreoted things generally, The King endeavored in vain to stop this headlong career by the use of his veto, bat the revolution was rushing at full speed, ‘and out. breaks occurred in the provinces, while every day the partisans of the King were growing fewer and weaker. In June, 1792, an insurrection took place in Paris, followed by another tn August, and the Palace of the Tuileries was entered and all its ine mates massacred, The King was deposed; he and his family sent prisoners to the Temple, tried by the National Convention and executeé on the 21st ofJanuary, 1793. Marie Antoinette followed hing to the scaffold in October of the same year, The Second Revolution changed the form of the government of Franc@ from that of a republic (which took on @ boisterous life after the monarchy), gove erned by a Directory, to a Consulship of three, of whom Napoleon Bonaparte was first, The fall of the Directorial government in 1800, though ever sq irregularly brought about, was certainly not a sube jeot of regret to the great majority of the French people, who had neither respect for it nor.any cone fidence in it, The profligacy and dishonesty of that government were notorious. Napoleon was now prominently on the scene, and his power from year to year grew more and more absolute, unt finally, in 1804, a motion was made in the Tribunaté to bestow upon him the title of Emperog of the French, with the hereditary succession in his family. The proposition was subs mitted to the votes of the people, but before they were collected Napoleon assumed the title of Eme peror at St. Cleud on the 18th of May, 1804, The Third Revolution was marked by colossal wars on the part of Nap poleon, He squandered the blood and treasure of France on a scale of unprecedented extravagance, The liberty and equality so ostentatiously estabe lished by the Republic disappeared, and however much of the glory ef war the Empire reaped it sucy ceeded effectually in emaseulating the moral ang physical manhood ef the nation, The Fourth Revolution came with the defeat of Napoleon before Paris, im the Spring of 1814, and his retirement to Elba, Thig gave a show to the Bourbon party to welceme Louis XVMI. to the throne of his ancestors. Loui@ camé, but his stay was rendered brief. He wad sincere in his professions, bat he was surrounded by disappointed emigrants and old royalists, whes@ imprudence injured him in the public estimation, while against him he had a formidable Bonapartis§ body. A conspiracy was hatched against Loui Bonaparte returned {rom Elba, and Louis, forsake! by all, retired to Ghent. The Fifth Revolution was the return of Nepoleoa eadhis.entry inté Paris on the 30th ef March, 1815, The return wag accompanied by the acclamation of the military and the lower classes, but the great body of the citizens looked on silent and astounded. He wag recalled by a party, but not by the nation. A few months after Waterloo followed, and that put am end to the career of the great Napoleon. The Sixth Revolution followed Waterloo, for that battle opened the way for Louis XVIII. to return to Paris, By this time he appeared as an insulted and betrayed monarch, Those officers who in spite of their oaths to Louis had openly favored Bonaparte’s usurpation were tried and@ found guilty of treason. Some were shot and others exiled. Louis, in the course of time, showed that the old Bourbom, leaven was in him, The law- of election wae altered, the newspapers were placed under a cen- sorship and other measures of a retrograde natur@ adopted. He died in September, 1824, and having left no issue was succeeded by his brother Charles X., whose first act was to abolish the ceasorship of the press, which gave him a momentary gleam ef popularity; but his after efforts to tie up the liberty of the periodical press breught a storm around hig ears that cost him his throne. The Seventh Revolution occurred on the 2d of August, 1830, when Charles X, abdicated the crown and retired te Englands The ordinance against the periodical press brought on the crisis of the 27th of July, 1830, when the first encounter took place between the troops and the people. The fighting next day became more gen- eral. The national guards joined the people, the Hotel de Ville was taken and retsken, the Louvre and Tuileries attaeked, and on the 30th of July the revolution was virtually ended and Louis Philippe was proclaimed King of France, The Eighth Revolation was the memorable one of 1848, when ‘‘the Citize King” had to fly incontinently to England without his shaving utensils. His reign was a period of cerruption in high places. The heart of the nation was alienated from their King, and when a triding disturbance in February, 1848, was aggravated inte @ popular riot, Louis Philippe felt that he stood alone and unsupported as @ censtitutienal King, He shrank from empleying soldiers against his people and he fell in consequence. He fled in die guise from Paris to the coast of Normandy, and, taking ship, found refuge again in England. There was a republic once again. Lamartine was the man of the moment, but his popularity was shorty lived, and in the general election of 1849 Louis Nae poleon walked over the course. The Ninth Revolution e was inaugurated in the bloody and celebrated coup d@état of December, 1851, and Louis Napeleon made himself Emperor and strangled the infant Republica. His career was splendid -for almest twenty years, until the fatal blunder of declaring war 5 Prussia and then the gigantic bubble of his Empi collapsed. The news of the disaster at Sedan end» ed the imperial régime. The Empress fled to Enge land, and @ new form of government quasi civit quasi military took its place, The Te Revolution. ’ With the fall of the Empire all the worst eley ments of the huge city of Paris were liberated, and though for # very long time a degree of exemplai order reigned, the storm that finally burst and wrought {ts tury on the fair and devoted city could not have been wholly unanticipated, Under the reign of the provisional government desperate efforts were made to restore the lost prestige of the French military name, but the fates were unprdy pitious and things weat from bad to worse. O@ the 19th of March, 1871, the troops faithful to the provisional government left Paris, and then fly lowed the reign of the Commune, The Eleventh Revolution was the worst and bloediest of ali, for It warred upon all things, human and di vine—upon life, property, art, science, literme tare, and all things dear te the heart ef CONTINUED ON TENTH PAGR 1 Se ee a pe Peete eet a he eet