The New York Herald Newspaper, January 27, 1873, Page 3

— Interesting Interview with the "Radical Leader. SUMNER, GRANT AND GREELEY. Plan for a Republican. Gov- ‘ernment of France. Awakening of the Grand. Negative Influence ot the Military Leaders. FRANGE DISENCHANTED OF NAPOLEONISM, Ne Fears of Disturbance on a Dis- w of the Assembly. Pree Panis, Jan. 9, 1873, Your correspondent, having met M. Gambetta by appointment, began, with the interchange of cour- teates, inquiries after the health of the great teader, and whether. or not he had.become weary ‘with Assembly cares troubles, national anxie- ties and speeches going into the night, with five er ax hundred shouting men for audience, bawl- ing forth encouragement or disceuragement, and all France behind in silence and hope. “Oh, no,” ‘was the response, “I was not overcome or even ‘wearied by the Legislature. But, in fact, my work im the Assembly is a very small matter compared with my.natural and ordinary duties,” and ad he spoke he poited with a half-pitying, half-despair- ing smile to @ huge pile of letters which a secre- tary. or. man.servant, or some such person, had” brought in from the post and thrown on the table. The conyersation rambled on somewhat in a pur- Pogeless, idle way, as. such conversations will do, even with great statesmen, when M, Gambetta threw out this question :— ‘AMERICAN VIEWS ON FRANCE. “What do the American papers say about the crisis here ? I suppose naturally they sympathize with the Left?” Your.correspondent responded that so far as the general press had expressed an opinion it was favorable to the Republic. Ofcourse the institutions and traditions of the country compelled that, But as to deciding between fractions or factions, or hades Of divisions in the Assembly—between ex- treme Right and extreme Leit—between black and white, and gray and mouse color, as a general thing very few knew and fewer still cared.) It re- quired a clearer knowledge of the politica of France than the people of one country are apt to possess of another to expect any general sympathy between the American people and any party in the As- sembly. ‘They believed in the Republic and in M. Thiers as the head of the Republic. Youfcorre- spondent then made an allusion to the views Mr. Sumner had expressed on France and his opinions of M. Gambetta himself. GAMBETTA’S OPINION OF SUMNER, ‘The radical leader was gratified to hear that Mr. Sumner had commended him. ‘Mr. Sumner,” he said, ‘could not have spoken more highly of me than Ican speak of him, He impressed me as a very clever and able man. By the way, has he re- turned to polftical life yet 1”? Your correspondent answered in the affirmative, and made an allusion to the motion which Mr. Bummer had made in the Senate in reference to striking from the@rmy flags the names of the bgt- Mes won over the Southern armies, Mf. Gambetta listened with interest and attention, and seemed ‘Wrecuriously impresyed with the Senator's sug- gestion. ‘That is truly a commendable, praise- worthy idea.” Then, after a pause and almost sadly, “We have no victories on our flags of any kind jast now. Iam afraid those gained by French ‘woidlers over Fréiich bree are more cherished now than the lessons which one would think must necessarily be learned from the German defeats. It ts of the defeats we should think and have mor, Kindliness for fellow countrymen, no matter what their opinions may be. France is large enough for 9) Frenchmen. You have a better feeling in your country. GENERAL GRANT AXD MR. GREELRY. I was very much struck with the attendance of General Grant at the funeral of Mr. Greeley, and after a canvass of so much bitterness. That shows good feeling. In France political quarrels are the @eadiiest of all their nature.” Your correspondent, taking up the thread of thought which M. Gambetta thus threw out, asked ‘whether, in the sudden death of M. Thiera—dying as Mr. Greeley died, for instance—men of all parties in France would not attend his funeral. “Prob- ably,” was the response, but ina half laughing way. “If I should die you would see few members of the Right in the train. M. Thiers cannot be called now the leader of a party, gnd his character and name would be above all parties.” REPUBLIOAN SKIES BRIGHT. From this point the conversation drifted into a @iscussion of the political outlook, your correspon- dent asking M. Gambetta a question as to what he thought of the situation. On this point the ex-dictater spoke with anima- tion and a clear, brightening eye—an earnestness ‘ordering almost upon enthusiasm. “I can assure you,” he said, so far asIcen gather his words, “1 an assure you, in all sincerity, Monsicur, and if ‘time allowed and you cared to follow me I could give you elaborate proof of my conviction, that the republican cause never in all the history of France looked brighter than it looks now. From all parts of France I have the most elaborate and positive information of the spread of republican Adeas—their solid planting and growth. It is my duty to seek this information, and I know how true it is, In districts where republicanism never found Foot, in Vendee and in the Pyrence countries, where our enemies were always strong, we find Miendship. More than all, the deputies of the Right, the monarchists ana mmperialists beve been received very coldly by their electors. Many ofthe departments have told them home truths which astonish them considerably. ANOTHER GREAT PARLIAMENTARY BAITLE. ‘This being the case your correspondent then asked M. Gambetts what, in his opinion, would ve the effect of these popular manifestations upon the members of the Right, when the Assembly came together after the recess. He said:—‘It is most @robable that the monarchists will make oue more tlesperate, effort to overthrow M+ Thiers, or rather to reduce him into the position of & mere Minister of the Right, depending upon them for power and compelled to do their will, This wil! be great parliamentary battle. We are apt to have it about February. But it wili be the Isat effort of the monarchists. They will be beaten us they have been beaten always, whenever they @ared the issue, and we shall slowly, surely drift upon dissolution, This solution—dissoiution 1 mean—should come about May, You see by May the Prussians will have been paid the fourth mil- tard, But one more will remain, and for that abandsnt financial guarantees will be given. There can then be no further use for postponing Aissolution.”* ‘ GHRMANY AND FRANCE—THE ASSEMBLY MUST BE DIS8OLVRD. Your correspondent, galling to pind ap opinion AMBETTA. And as to General Ducrot *” said your corre- | miento.”” M. Gambetta paused a moment as ifin NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, JANUARY 27, 1873.—TRIPLE SHEET. expressed time and again in.Freneb journals and on the lips of prudent men, asked whether it wouid not be better, as a matter of policy and wisdom, to Postpone any demonstration against the Assembly until the last franc of the indemnity had been paid and the last German seldier home. ‘‘No,” said M. Gambetta, ‘and is why (votet pourquos) :—The Prussians want ir money, Their sole inter. ‘est in Frenen politics is. a pecuniary one, and they Know full well that they are much more likely to have their fifth milliard promptly if the country ts quiet than if it ts disturbed. Disturbed and uneasy itwill be if the present Assembly is not dissolved in mx months, German interference, about which #0 much is said, ia.a mere shadew, meant to alarm old men and affect the shares on the Bourse. Mon Diew |, Germany did not interfete during the Com- Mune, when nome of the money had been paid, when there was danger of universa insurrection and ne payments whatever; when their army was leaning against our very gates and a regiment of infantry could have saved the Tuileries. Then Ger- mapy could have interfered, in the name of ctvil- ization, if nothing better could be inveked. Why interfere now, when they will. have four milliards of French money in hand cash and impregnable guarantees for the remainder ?, Ne, monsieur. 1 say to you as I say to every one—the country will Not be disturbed at all by a general election.” THE ASSEMBLY WILL DISSOLVE WHEN THIERS GOM- MANDS IT, As mach interest had been excited in French cir- cles by the rumor, published in the London Times, that the: Committee of Thirty would defer making &@ report upon the pilav for a constitution until (March, your correspondent asked M. Gambetta as to the truth of it. “That would be absurd,” was ‘the response. “It would be making foois of the Assembly and the country and would never be tol- erated.” “But,” was your correspondent’s observation, “how are you to really accomplish dissolution? No one has the ‘right to dissolve the Assembly bat the Assembly, and power never commita deliberate suicide. The Right ts im the majority. Dissolution ‘would destroy the hopes of the Right; therefore it ‘will not accept dissolution, for it would be to sign its Own death warraut.” “Oh, that dimeulty,” @aid the ex-Dictator with animation, scarcely waiting until your correspond- ent had stated his proposition, ‘that difficulty, be- eve me, is more apparent than real. As it now looks all rests with»M. Thiers, The day he makes ‘up his mind that the‘time for dissolution has ar- rived: he can command ® majority of the Assembly in favor of a general’élection. Itis clear to my mind there will be no partial revival of the As- sembly. ‘The President has abandoned that con- ception. M. Thiers has only to say, ‘I cannot gov- ern France with the.aid of the Assembly,’ and the work is done. It is said that the monarchists would attempt to govern the country in the event of M. Thiers throwing up the Presidency; but that is a foolish, idle boast. The monarchists could not govern France for @ week, and they know it.” THE ARMY AND THE REPUBLIC. Your correspondent suggested that there might be a combination to govern France, with MacMa- hon at the head, and that such an ides nad re- ceived general acceptance and Circulation, and was by many accepted as a solution of many of the problems submitted to the Assembly. M. Gam- betta wasdecided In his response—‘Marshal Mac- Mahon,” he said, ‘wil! never be persuaded to govern France. He has no fancy for politics; no skill in public affairs, He is pure, simple soldier, BO more, no less, with all the drill of a sergeant, major. Then there is an idea that probably has Rot: occurred to you or to any outside of France. Military men, especially those germinated by the Empire, and whose titles and dignities represent Nepoleonism in. its third manifestation or forme- tion, have no direct personal, moral courage; no power to take am initiative. They never take any steps of their own accord; have no independent basis of action, They have been taught to obey. They bave no original ideas. It was because the army was blind and feeble and had no independent progresswe spirit; because it was animated by a spirit of blind obedience, that Napoleon’s coup Wéltat was so easy. Every order that culminated in the coup d'état came from the War Office. The men who received these orders knew well that they were breaking the law; that they were bidden to strike their swords into the very bosom of France—thelr country and tueir mother. But they obcyed the ,order, and defended them- selves beiore civilization and histury by saying that they acted as svldiers, whose duty was to obey orders, The point where a soldier is justified in disobeying orders 1s where he is commanded to violate and desecrate the jaw.” spondent. Frame. “General Ducrot?” sal¥ M. Gambetta, with an ex- pressive gesture; ‘too much importance has been, given to him. He is not dangerous, more es- pecially as General Chanzy is near at hand to re- strain him {i necessary. General Chanzy is a better general than Ducrot anda far better republican. 1 bave no fear about any military pronuncia- thought, and then, as if wishing to change the subject and shift into less personal and dangerous ground, sald, abruptly, “Have you heard anything about the health of Napoleon 1” NAPOLEON AND NAPOLEONISM. Your correspondent gave M. Gambetta ali the news that nad reached him from Chiselnurst, re- citing the bulietin which told of the painful and serious operation which had been performed on His Majesty by the English physicians, for the cure of the stone, M. Gambetta listened with attention, and in response to an observauon as to what would be the effect in France of the Emperor's death, said; ‘It is hard to understand the exact effect upon France of the death of the Emperor Napoleon. One immédiate result. would be to attract to the republican party many who are now imperialists. You see there are muny, ® great many, very worthy people in France, who say, ‘Well, after all, I have sworn fealty to. Napoleon, I voted him in the plédiscite' and have taken him as my lord and King,’ and so on, and however impossible the idea may sppear to you and 1, they think he will come again to power. His death would destroy this illusion, or sentiment, and in a material way would accordingly be @ great gain to the republic, That, at least, is the way it seems to me, although I have thought little about it, I must confess.” “But there are many Napoleonists,” added your correspondent, “who regard this Napoleon as an encumbrance, with Sedan and other annoyances to crowd upon him and weigh him down, who see in the party far more than the personal weil-being and triumph of the Emperor and who would prefer to have the Prince Imperial on the throne.” “Oh!” enid M. Gambetta, “they who really think the men who talk that way are a part of any party or iarge enough tohave mention in political caiculations are absurd. France will never submit to be gov- erned bya baby (un moward). The Prince Im- perial 1s too young. No one knows anything about him. He has not been discussed as his father has been. We should have known better where he would lead us to—the miséradie!” It ip diMcult, without running the risk of being impertinent, to give an idea of the intense and bitter energy, the sarcasm—which may have been anger, but most likely hatred—which darkened the speaker's face as he threw out the strong, untransiatable, but filvely expressive word—miséradie, The sentence, and the thoughts wrapped up in it, passed like a strong emotion over Gambetta. For a few mo- ments he was silent, and welcomed as @ reile, so it seemed, a question your correspondent ad- dressed to him about ordinary French. politica. This question was:—“How are the petitions for a dissolution progressing ?”’ THE AGITATION FOR DISSOLUTION, ‘The response was instant and cheerful, and iv this fashion :—‘Most admirably! There are already over & million petitions. And asa fact of the very greatest importance with regard to these petitions let me say | note in the English journals—the Speo- tator notably and the Saturday Review in a lesser degree—have caught glimpses of what 1am about to discover to you. There ie an extraordinary change now taking place in France. The country People are becoming more and more enlightened. The French Emmre made the peasants machine who worked, not @ citizen who thought. They rested upon the Enipire as the only barrier be- tween themselves and ruin, They had no conf. Genee 10 p republic, sud gpred very little agus ant order and'duabeadto ouabe manept ae tebe stinct for home was dominant. Their feelings were intensely jocal, Each peasant cared only for his curé and his commune. France was only an idea to him—something he believed in, in an uncertain Way, as he would believe in the heavens and the sea, ‘This local spirit, which made every man’s commune hia world and th: nearest nill his hori- Zon, 80 grew upon the pease that it affected hie Ppatriotiam. Whem the Prusm ns came they were apathetic. When they began to overrun the felds and provinces they. were silent and heipless, and wonld not strike a blow for the Fatherland. You camnot imagine, and I would be. afraid to attempt to describe to you, the heipless, darkened, ‘unambitious, unrepublican being the average French peasant was under Napoleon—previous at least to 1870, He had some virtues and knew routine Chureh duties—no more. But now all is changed. New influences have been silently doing their work. The peasant has learnéd that the Republic does not mean destruc- tion—that republicans’ are not enemies of the human race, and that the end of the world did not come with the end of Napoleon. The multipiied terrors of the priesthood lost their effect, The peasant saw that France could govern France. Oficial interference, which, when brought to such @ growth and discipline as we saw under the empire and stifled the national strength, came to an end.’ The peasants began to have in truth what they had in fancy—universal suffrage. They used the ballot—it was a privilege. Before it had been @ word and a mockery. They elected their own municipal councillors and so on, really choos- ing men they knew and in whom they had con- fidence; men Who would do their work as they desired, and not as was desired by the Empire or the prefects of the Empire. In the old time the Peasants voted in block—in'a kind of electoral drill—for government neminees and men in many. cages whose faces they had never known. Now the new men, chosen under the operation of a tree law, are men who have lived in the district’ all ‘their lives, and they do their work more efici- ently, and with a higher regard for the common Welfare than the hireling stipendiaries of the “paternal rule” of tne second empire, And this success has had its natural, logical result, ‘The peasant sees how advantageous it is for him to exercise his electoral rights in governing his own little commune. He sees further that it will be well for him to exercise his ‘rights in governing France,” THE PEASANTS ACCEPTING ‘REPUBLICANISM, Your correspondent, who listened witn deep at- tention to the earnest and often eloquent manner in which M. Gambetta advanced his views—speak- ing as he did almost with the fire of an advocate, and with a sincerity and directness of thought which in themselves were in the highest degree eloquent—asked whether the petitions in reference to the dissdlution of the Assembly had. been signed more generally in the communes or the cities and towna, . “I was coming to that point,’’ was the response, “These petitions, strange as it may seem, are much more generally signed in the rural communes than in the towns—more largely even than in Marseilles, Lyons, Paris and other republican and Communist centres. There is, however, one reason for this that may not occur to you. In the large towns labor is under the control of capital, and workmen are afraid to sign petitions. They have been cowed and terrified by the sanguinary exam- ple of the Commune. They havea terror of the old Police, and think that their names may be copied from the petitions by the police and remembered or used against them. So that the workmen inthe large towns, where republicanism is fervent and all-enduring, and has survived disappointment, disaster and massacre, hesitate to ask what they 80 earnestly seek, while the peasants, who until re- cently were as timid and coy in political affairs as the dumb, driven cattle, are signing freely.’ The question was then asked as to whether M. Gambetta, in his famous tour to the Savoy regions, had seen any manifestations of republican re- awakening among the peasants. “I see,” said the speaker, “that an English jour- nal—the Spectator, if I remember—has said that my andiences were composed of peasants. That is too wide an assertion. Lcould not, to begin with, have many peasants for an andience in the towns; and I scarcely spoke but in the towns, At La- Ferté-sous-Jouarre, which 1s in the heart of an im, portant agricultural district, there was an an- dience largely composed Of peasants, I see that Count de Tocqueville, whom nobody will accuse of being a very violent republican, has called atten- tion to the striking fact of the politieal reawaken- ing of the peasant class. You may have seen his letter in the République Frangaise, By the way, what an absurd and disthgenadas outcry has been Yhade against me for one of my speeches in the South. I said at Grenoble that I saw a new secial class (couche sociale) appearing in France and aiming at political power. What I meant by that phrase, which the enemies of the Republic flashed a8 a firebrand in the Assembly, was precisely what I have endeavored to explain to you, and what Count de Tocqueville observed in his letter. What Tsaid was the statement of a fact—a truism al- Most. 1see it; others see it; and we regard it as one of the most significant of the political phe- nomena in France and a sure Indication of the deep roots taken by the Republic. THE NEW MILITARY LAW. “But,” suggested your correspondent, “is there not some danger that the military obligatory ser- vice law will ulienate the peasants from the Re- public 1 M. Gambetta replied that “it would be wrong to pretend that the peasantry liked to have their sons taken away irom their homes to serve in the army; “but,’’ he added, “if the new law is handled properly, and I wish I had no fears on that point, it would not unduly favor the rich at the expense ofthe poor, Practically, however, it is no change to the peasant. He has practically been compelled to endure obligatory service, The conscription took his sons; he was too poor to buy them off ana they were obliged to serve. Thus their only chauce of escape was to draw a good number when the ten years’ conscripts were ballotted for. As I said, the only danger with the new law is that there be dis- crimination in iavor of the rich against the poor. Once convince the peasant that the law is an honest law, that all inust serve alike—rich or poor, high or low—and there will be no objection to ob- ligatory service. For remember always that we have such # passionate love of equality in France that the mere circumstance that those above them in rank and wealth and fortune are under the operations of the same law, will alone be sufficient to reconcile the peasant class to any hardship there may be in obligatory service.” FRANCE AND ENGLAND. An allusion was here made to the treaty of com- Merce between France and England, which now excites fo much attention in the commercial world, M. Gambetta said that it would be ac- cepted by the Assembly. ‘Taere wil! be,’ he con- tinued, “a majority of 100 votes in Its favor, and the London Times and the Liberté are mistaken when they say otherwise. The Left has agreed to support it. And, after all, {t is not 80 bad a treaty. And, indeed, 1 should ve inclined to vote for a much worse one, in order to restore commercial conidence between France and England and Move the uncertainties under which our own busi- ness men labor. They are hindered in their enter- prises. They on to undertake anything new for fear that ti treaty may fall through and the commerce of suffer accordingly. There is & higher thought also, We want to be on cordial terms with England. That country, excepting Switzerland, is the only nation inéKurope tuat will really be friendly to a republic in France.” FREE GOVERNMENT IN AMERICA AND ENGI.AND. “Do you think,” sald your correspondent, “that there is any genuine, widespread love for repubii- can institutions in Great Britain Y? In England perhaps not. But in Great Britain outside of land, decidedly yes. Then the English have @ government which, though monarchical im form, has all the essence and spirit of repub- licanism. Public opinion swavs'England largely. I do not know a country where pudlic opinion can make itself more speedily, silently and irresistibly felt than in England; I du not even except the United States. It is evident to me that Genera Grant—newly elected as he is to the Presidency— Cowd, Jf be so chose, run counter 10 the Batjonal will; to his own party and all parties, and 60 long he svoiied the! tetlinical dangera of" he ment by law, fs raga vbe or Youd foase. I think the career of his predecessor, Mr. Johnson, showed that, and how much removed the Pres- idency was from the infuence of public opinion ‘Whenever an obstinate President was in power. But Mr. Gladstone wonid be overthrown by @ hos- tiie vote in the House of Commons in a week if the nation 80 willed it.” GAMBETTA’S IDEAS OF A FRENCH CONSTITUTION. ‘This criticism upon the English constitution en- couraged your correspondent :to ask M. Gambetta whether be himself had elaboraved any scheme of constitutional government for France as the tea Of the Leit when it came to power. “Yes,” said M. Gambetta; ‘I have my ideas, and if you have time I will give them to you.” Your correspondent added that he knew of nothing couceriing France that would be more in- tervsting to the Amertean people. “Well,” he answered, “briefty these, Of course ‘we must have a President. I will never consent to the government of France by a triple consulate or Q directory or a general commission or anything Of that kind, There shouldbe an’ exccutive head to France—a Presi¢ont, who should be elected for @ term of tour or five years. He should not be elected by direct untversal sutfrage, as hitherto, I think there is a better plan than that for France. We have seen national misfortune como from the election of @ President by the direct universal suffrages of the people. Imean after 1848, In America, where you practically elect @ President by the direct national vote, it was not so intended by the founders of the American constitution. ‘They never foresaw, nor do.I think they ever in- tended, that’ the electoral. colleges, should have ‘what we call in-France a mandat impératis forced upon them in the matter of choosing a:President.” ‘The response-Was made to thisvcriticiam that in the United States political affairs were so much in the hands of parties—askilfully organized and obe- dient in every Way—that virtually the electoral colleges had thuir’ decrees. indicated when they were nominate@in the conventions; thet no man of honor after accepting such a nomination, and receiving an election, would violate the pledge, and that they were voted for by the people upon the express ides that they would respect thelr pledges! ¥ “But,” said M. Gambetta, “they are puppets. The election Is the direct act Of the nation. There is the difference that in France the nation votes as one State, while the States so vote in America that @ President might be elected by a majority of elec- toral votes and @ minority of popular’ votes. I think Lincoln was a minority President. Now I should avoid what seems to be a difficulty in the United States, and what was certainly a difficulty in France, in our ‘universal suffrage,’ as we called it, by having the National Assembly elect the President. I'would have also a Grand Council of State, somewhat like the American Senate, and with similar functions, It would resemble the Grand Consett @ Etat in Switzerland, except that it should not be chosen ag there, by universal suffrage. One half of the members should be named by the Assembly and one half by the Presi- dent, Iwould make this council about as large as your Senate—eighty members in all— forty named by the Assembiy, forty by the Execu- tive, I would direct that no nominations be made from the Assembly, I think this council would act as @ great ‘conservative, strengthening force, a balance wheel as it were, acting as a check upon an Executive with despotic aspirations and a seda- tive upon am angry and unreasonable Assembly. This council should be the chief seat of power in France and its term of office should be longer than that of the Assembly. As for the Assembly I would Javor a general election every two years. I would not favor @ partial election or any scheme of re- newal. I would have the Ministers among the council, They should not be allowed to take part in. the debates of the Lower House. They sliould have an existence and a responsibility apart. Whenever the Honse desired to interpellate the government or whenever the government wished to commonicate with the Assembly delegatca could be chosen by the Counct! of State to communicate with the Assembly. Buti would not allow Minis- ters to act as delegates. Furthermore, carrying out the idea the Americans preserve in confirming appointments to the service, I would give this general council an authoritative voice in all great state itments—ambassaders for instance, the dei m-of gencrals to important com- Mands and so on. ‘So it would ceme to have an in- fluence in the direction of foreign affairs and in the appointment of the judiciary.” “You do not favor, then,”? said the correspond- ent, “an elective judiciary ?” “No,” said M, Gambetta, with a quiet meaning emile, “nor am 1 encouraged to favor it by the re- sults of an elective judiciary in America.” Your correspondent explained that even in America, in the Supreme Court of the United States, for instance, and all national Courts, there was no election of judges, and that with us it was an experiment, as many things were experimented in France and elsewhere. Passing from this the question was asked as to hew M. Gambetta would arrange the National Assembly ? A SMALLER ASSEMBLY NEEDED. The first thing to do with the Assembly,” said M, Gambetta, “is to greatly decrease its members. I presume it is really the largest Assembly in the world, and I am afraid enjoys the distinction of being the most turbulent. Wedo not require 750 members. The presence of so many gives oppor- tunity to discord, intrigue and need! party divisions. We have too many parties and shades of parties. So in planning a new and permanent republican constitution I would provide for an | Assembly of about four hundred members. This would be suMcient to represent the country, and would give us peace and quiet in many cases where peace seems to be impossible now.” Your correspondent referred te the mode of vot- mg, mentioning Paris as an instance, where the electors voted all in @ heap for forty-three members on one ticket, electing all or defeating all, having 80 many candidates that few electors could know their real merit, and asked whether this would be changed in the proposed plan. “Certainly,” said M. Gambetta, “In Paris there should be voting by arrondissement. I would pro- vide that each arrondissement should be repre- sented in proportion to its population, and not arbit- | rarily, a8 wnder the Empire. These arbitrary im- perial divisions were not honest. They were méant to influence votes. I would make representation fair, each Member representing 80 many people, and have tbe term like that in America, for two years. ‘This would bring the Assembly close to France, an’ give France the chance of expressivg her will. ‘The misfortune of France has been and is now that the nation is antagonized by the legislative power, and there is no Way out of the preblem but by revo- lution. This danger would be increased by the scheme of partial elections and renewal, and that iswhy | am so bitterly opposed to it. Such a scheme seoms to absorb all the defects. An Assem- bly must represent the country fairly or it is pot @ National Assembly. Now, if an Assembly really represents the average prevalent public opinion of France, then noelection is necessary. Butifan Assembly like the one now in session, as] regard it, does mot represent the country, then of what nse is partialelectiony The country could not speak by a partial election, and the result would be to awell the minority and bring out in more glowing colors the discrepancy be- tween the Assembly as it mow exists and general public opinion, I connot think of an mvention more absurd than this of partial election. It springs from apprehension that is as bageleés a8 @ dream—that general elections would disturb the public peace in France.” NO MINISTBRIAL RESPONSIBILITY. Your correspondent said that the impression made upon him by M. Gambetta was that he did not approve of the doctrine of Ministerial responsi- bility. “{ do not,” M. Gambetta said, ‘so far as France isconcerned. Weare a pecuitar people, and our fuults of character—lor each nation has its virtues and faults—make any Ministerial responsibility im- possible, It would lead to personal intrigues and strifes of the most depiorabie character. Its forty years of existence in France shows that. It is not suited to our habite or our temperament. Iam not Giycussing Ministerial responsibilty pe am abstract Political principle; I onty think it is not suited to rere. What we want here is a strong executive. ‘can bé'no true government here with that condition wanting—no government that can in- spire respect abroad and preserve peace at home. 1 am convinced that a constitution without this feature would be iike « temple of sand. Now, @ strong executive means, for France, stability, power, peace. This we ‘want, France suffers more than any but a French- man would believe from these periodical strifes at Versailles, No nation, especially one so uneasy and sensitive as France, can exist in peace under the strain produced by & condition of affairs in which we may have anew President and a new policy in twenty-four hours.” GAMBETTA AND THE COMMUNE. Your correspondent ventured to remind M, Gambetta of a prophecy made every day by his op- Donents to the effect that his advent to power, in the event of M. Thiers withdrawing, for instance, Would Jead to an uprising ike that of the Com- mune. : “Well,” he said, in‘ an easy, confident way, “the Communists made war upen me in my day of power, During the war they had demonstrations and ‘incipient rebeliion at Marseilles and Lyons. But, in spite of the troubles that rested upon France, and made any administration of affairs diMcult, the government controlled them easily enough. If the responsibility came again I should take my precautions, You know, of course, that I am detested by the Commune, I am well aware Of it, Were they in power they woula shoot me. I was in: Spain during the Commune, and I am sure, had ‘I retarned, I shonld have been shot more eagerly and with more satisfaction than the Archbishop of Paris. They have an absurd and astonishing theory that Tam in some way a deserter from their cause. AS Thave sald, as my speeches and every act of my Public: life show, I-am.@ conservative. And yet, white the Commune call me a deserter, French reactionista' regard) me as an enemy of all soctety and order, When I said, for instance, that there Were no civil questions in France, that France re- quired political, not civil change, I enraged the Communists. Now what I meant In that much discussed phrase was that with political reorgani- zation in France all the reat would come naturally. And yet, the socialists hate me for saying this, I want order and peace, and have no fancy for dis- order or chaos.’ DUELS AND DUELLING, Some allusion being made to the topic of the day—the contemplated duel between Paul Cas- sSagnac and M. Rane, the editor of M. Gambetta’s organ, the République Frangaise—he said:—* Sagnac has been sneering at usin the Pays until Rano finally told him he'was little better than an assassin, and was afraid to fight any one who could Use the rapier as well as himself. Cassagnac has taken the hint. He has not challenged Ranc, who is a first class swordsman, and would overmaster Cassagnac at once. There:is nothing more de- plorable than this duelling system. But there is a lot of scoundrels here who make constant war upon society, and in the: present state of public opinion the duel cannot be avoided.” “SANS ADIEU.” And so ended this conversation, Your cor- Tespondent asked pardon for having taken so much Of the great leader's time. But he said, in the most cordial way, that he was always glad to see the representative of a journal whose fame was so world-spread as the HERALD; that he was especially glad. to meet Americans and Englishmen. And shaking hands he accompanied your correspondent to the door, saying ‘“‘sans adieu,” that’ peculiarly French phrase for “Come again soon.” As an item of interest it may be well to add that M. Gambetta reads English with case, and can ex- press himself in it if necessary. He is now hard at work stadying German—a proof of his industry in that respect lying before the writer in the presence of a cumbersome German dictionary, M. Gambetta, you will remember, is a young man, and the time may come when @ Minister of France will find/it to his account to know the German tongue. LARGE FIRE IN WILLIAMSBURG. A Kerosene Factery Destroyed—Loss $100,000. At a late hour last night @ still exploded in Pratt’s kerosene oil factory, foot of North Thir- teenth street, Williamsburg, and a great confa- gration ensued, 4t midnight the extensive works were in a sheet of flame. The loss will probably amount to $100,000, The Fire Department were unable to stay.the havoc. Captain Woglom, of the Fifth precinct, with platoons from the sixth and Seventh precincts, rendered eMcient aid. THE DUANE STREET BURGLARY. Part of the Plunder Recovered—Two Men Arrested=They are Brought Be- fore Judge Dowling and Held to An- awer. On the 22d of this month the store of John Salli- van, 54 and 56 Duane street, was entered. by bur- giara and $4,000 worth of valuable shawis carried off. Sincethe burglary Captain Kennedy, of the Sixth precinct, has been at work night and day trying to fd some clew to this mysverious occur- rence. How such a large amount of bulky goods could have been carried off puzzlea the Cap- tain, In his researches he has been par- tially successfal. A portion of the stolen property was discovered in the possession of John ‘Thomas, 203 Chrystie street. Officers Dolan and Caddell, from information recwred, went to the house in Chrystie street and found Thomas in bed. heat searched the premises and in a trunk at the ne of the bed discovered some fifteen shawis, which were sul juently identified by Mr. Sullivan and his clerk, Thomas Tuomey, as part of the property’ stolen. The officers arres' on Satur- lay afternoon William H.. Thomas, John Thomas and Mary, his wife. They were arraigned befere Judge Dowling at the Tombs Police Court yester- day. The woman was discharged, but the other two were held for examination at ten o'cleck this MORNING 2 iy iy! Bolt te Lb BURGLARY IN NEWARK. Some time during Satarday night or yesterday morning the coat manufactory of Andrew Gockeler, @German tailor, 37 Lincoln street, Newark, was entered by burglars, and some forty coats, most of them eptirely finished, carried off, The stolen couts are worth at least five hundred dollars, The buralars effected an entrance through breaking a window pane near the latch and then easily pull- ing down the window. The policeman en the beat has been complained of by Mr. Gockeler. He had @ large mastiff on the premises, but its bark was not heard, though a family reside over the factory. RUNAWAY AOQCIDENT IN NEWARK. About six o'clock Jast evening William Fogerty, aresident of Morris and Essex Railroad avenue, between High and Plane streets, was run over by a runaway horse and sleigh, on the corner ef Broad and Orange ewreoren Sok injured so severely that he is scarcely expect to recover. The runaway came from &: Newark. Mr. Fogarty was re- moved ip a conveyance to his home. A Gre broke out last evening on the first floor of 663 Third avenue that caused a damage to the stock of $600and te the building of $200, Henry Solomons, ee Of the place, was arrested on suspicion having set fire to the premises. ‘The i Marshal was notified by the police of the arres| An Italian boy named Chauncey Leaver stabbed Ric) Rely and another iad, whose name is un- known, last night in Baxter street. Kely was pas- wi en, Tne *eovon cH ert i ‘Gangerout rwoanaed te the breast, He was removed to the Park Hospital. Cuptain Kenedy, of the Sixth precinct, arrested Leaver and locked him up. . PROGRESS AT THE FIVS POINTS, The Opening of a New Mission in Mal- berry Street. The Rev. Mr. E. M. Schulz has succeeded in open- ing @ new orission in the basement of No, 33 Mul- berry street. It is epeciaily devoted to the poor Italian and French of the Sixth ward, The first meeting, which took place yesterday at ten o'clock, roved very successiul. Addresses were made in tallan, French and lish, and @ free school wilh ve opened ga neat Wednesday, “LABORANTES CUBANOS.” ~— The New York Herald Thanked by the Cubans—Its Important Services Fully Recognised on Behalt of Cuban Liberty and the Abolition of Slavery. ‘At a meeting last night of the Cuban Laborantera, im Masonic Hall, Thirteenth street, the following Tesolutions complimentary to the New Yous HERALD were unanimonsly adepted and passed with great enthusiasm, upon the proposition of Mr. Leandro Rodriguez, the former treasurer of the Laborantes :— The association of the ‘‘Laborantes Cubanos,” Fea auabacneesale al pemte Dating in pba forse agian OC the se ition of slavery, hereby tender to residht ‘Cubans com. the noble Dublishing the truth with ‘uba. The associat also de- express their thanks to the Hegato’s Special Com- 5 yd Henderson, ‘cou $ . James O'Kelly, tor exposing to the rid, the ac wi es ay sence” tor exiting maiets th, “Cabe, “aad "porlce larly as to the state of the Ci contest. The said col dents have also given an able exposition as to the infamous colonial system of Spi The resplendent light shown to the world of late by the Hxxatp in Cuban matters ts produc- five of the st benefit to the Cuban cause, and stimu- 8 a ations to espouse our cause—now that tho truth has been so clearly shown. fo more: encour- aging news can possibly be given to our patriot triends ia Cuba than the news that the Haracy has espoused the cause of Cuban liberty. The mission of the Henato in thus supporting the independence of Cuba has airead. roduced am immense amount of nationai at al as materially helped ba 5 therefore be it: Resolved, That we, as Cuban patriot warmest and oternal thanks to the New and to tts illustriows and brave Rhee ator nage Hender- ‘shi to io Hivea Ot the sake" of tanking situ nom 10 the A Ee The foregoing resolutions are approved by the Laborantes Cuvanos, who hereby resolve to fend to.Mr. James Gordon Bennett, of the New YORK HERALD, & copy of the fore; tions. FEDERICO GALVEZ, President. EMILIO CHARUN, Secretary. A BOY'S ADVENTURES. A “Missing” Mystery Cleare€d Up—& Young Son of a Wealthy New York Merchant Raus Away from Home and Follows the Life of & Newsboy in Trenton. On the 1ith of last May a precocious, bright-look- ing youth, giving his name as William Kent, made application to a member of the Trenton policé force for a niglit’s lodging in the City Hall, stating that: ne had just come from New York where he had followed ‘the vocation of @ mewasboy, and becoming tired of busy life, he wished to obtain some employment in Trenton, which brought him thither. The Marshal perceiving at once that the boy was possessed of more than ordinary atttactions, conducted ‘him into one of the back rooms of the building aud there snugly lodged him for the night) On the next day, in Tesponse tothe inquiries of the Marshal, the boy stated that his parents were dead, and that he had no relative living that he knew of; he never remembered seeing nis mother, and nad been under the. protection of an old man in New York since his infantile, days; that.he hdd left that city and came to Amboy, where he had procured employment for ‘a short ai & and ther wended his way to Trenten. The took him home to his house, where he eared for him like @ parent, and tn @ lew days succeeded in gp- taining for mim a situation In @ woollen mill. While in this employment the boy had his foot seriously hurt, and, consequently, had. to resign his situation, When able to be around again @ gentleman who published a magazine In Trenton was applied to, and he en young Kent as his agent in soliciting for subscrivers, which position he occupied tor about a month, When, through some misunderstanding, he and his employer dissolved business connection. After tins he entered ‘ IN PARTNERSHIP WITH A NEWSBOY, and they commenced the business of newspaper carriers on an exvensive scale, having monopolized all the routes of the local papers. TT! dapiad for some time, when a dissolution Ot bershe! ip took place, and Kent quit this industrious employment Jor the purpose of taking hold of taore di - fed tn enna of rend law in one.of the law- yers’ offices in Trenton, Here matters did not run smoothly, for in a short time alter being thus en d he abruptly gave up this ambition and worked himself into the confidence of Colonel Halstead, of Trenton, who honored the boy by ay Deinting him his private secretary. The boy, it seems, was destined to chan; and ai jut- ments, for his eagagement with the Colonel did nut last long. Just on the eve of the meeting of the Legislature he resigned his bacroh tir Fd and went k after the position of page in that body, which he did not succeed in obtaining. During a part of the time of these vicissitudes he Conan a ni furnished room on State street, which, by the dint of his hard industry and economy, he paid for out of his own pocket. In the meantime Mr. Lindie: the closest attention te him, and thro untiring perseverance ultimately. fount out that the boy’s stery of his circumstances belure he came to Trenton was ALL FICTION, and that his father and mother, brothers and sts- ters were living in New York, On getting ac- quainted with these facta Mr. Lindley proceeded to the latter city, and, atter making diligent search, succeeded in finding the abode of the parents of whore names, at the request are withheld for the pi ent. Their idence is on Seventy-fourth street, one or two doors from ison, avenue, and is an imposing four story brown stone front house. The father is a wealthy lumber merchant and contractor, and is well known in the metropolis. When Mr. Lindley an- nounced the intelligence ef the DISCOVERY OF THE LOST ONS it was the occasion of the most indescribatie joy among the members of the family who had been so long held in painful suspense at the abse trom the home circle of the beloved son ai brother. It 1s needless to say that the Mars! was at once instructed to have him immediate conveyed to his home, and yesterday the distr family was once more made happy at having int their midst one whom they believ but @ shore time since they would never cast their eyes 01 again. The father entertained the worthy official in a sumptuous manner and rewarded him for bis trouble by tendering him a substantial present. ‘THE CAUSE OF THE BOY RUNNING AWAY from home was his mother forbidding bim from making his appearance in public in the rdle of a lecturer, he having @ great ambition for such @ vo- cation, a8 was plainly ilustrated during his career in Trenton. In tne Pgh he Hrs. lectures at several Sunday school exhibitions. Heis but fifteen rears of age, and isa emer intelligent: Tooxt youth for his years. He je many friends in Trenton during his stay. THE LECTURE SEASON, No previous season in the lecture field has been more brilliant than the present, and the interest of the publie in mew facts and ideas that have evolved from the rostrum seem in part to be the cause of the foundation which exists for the grum- biings of impecunious dramatic managers. Tue Programmes of the literary bureaux are still far from the point of winding up, and promise much more of legitimate entertainment and instraction. Miss Margaretta B. Moore, however, who had tho intention of coming to New York Winter, where she has often beem assured possivie welcome, has been unhappi tained at her home in Albany by circumstances, which have occastoned muc! > pointment to those who have heard of her so oiten through the Western Her dramatic read- ings given in private have often been counted by critics a8 fuer than those of Mra. Scott-Siddons, who a ré to-night tn costume in the Brovklyn Academy of Music. Mr. John B, Gough delivers to-night at Steinway Hall the concluding lecture of the Mercantile Li- brary course. His subject is, “Will It Pay?’’ re- vised for this series. Miss Emily Faithfoll will make a final appearance at Association Hall next Saturday alternoon, Mark Twain will advocate his claims to the va- cant throne of the Sandwich Islands at Steinway Hail, February 5, Hdmuna Yaves has this season lectured one hun- dred and four times. | WEWARK’S SATURDAY NIGHT SENSATION, War Upon the Sociel Evil—A Sorry Seene in rt. All of the forty-six social sinners, male and female, who were captured by the police of Newark late on Saturday night in the dens of prostitution, as reported in yesterday's HERALD, Were arraigned im the Police Court yesterday morning, and pre- sented a spectacle more melancholy than amusing. The ten Wretched females. of the ranged in fe Po} whole o- private nh disap ages from fifteen to upward, of batch was dischary ex rietresses of the “eribs,’? G Kiein, alias Boydelle, Kept. the place corner, of str and “Mise” Hoffman tho one in Kim street. Her children, four or five, were Re eo ore the police, phe lg oe ' her daughter & grown-up girl, was foun¢ Inala & ie of debagetery ns “+ Wis the most ue. prav was discharged. Her mother ant Miss Hi an were held. Mary Snyder, whose husband 1s now in State Prison, and a few others Were also held, ‘The police describe some fanny in- cidentsa of the capture, such as the hiding of the young sports 10 barrels down in the cellar, FIRE IN DARIEN, GA. SaVANNah, Jan. 26, 1873. A destractive fire at Darien, Ga., occurred last night in the Court House. The public records and other properties were burned,