The New York Herald Newspaper, January 9, 1873, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. -dAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. Volume MXXVIATL,......ccececeeeeeeeeees No. 9 E 4 = rt AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING. NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway, between Prince and Houston streets.—Lxo axD LOTOS. UNION SQUARE THEATRE, Broadway, between Thirteenth and Fourteenth streets.—Aruxuser Count. Wall sone THEATRE, Broadway and Thirteenth etrect.—Brommer Sam, BOOTH'S THEATRE, Twenty-tlurd street, corner Sixth avenue.—Ricuarp I, @ THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 Broadway.—Dina Dona Bru. OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway, between Houston and Bleecker streets.—Les Buiganps. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—Two Sronts—Czimn; or, Sxcrets or Crry Lire, GERMANIA THEATRE, Fourteenth strect, near Third ev.—Eixk Kranae Famiiie. WOOD'S MUSEUM, Broadway, corner Thirtieth st— ‘Tux Fasrest Bor 1x New Yor. Atternoon and Evening. ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Fourteenth strect.—Guanp In- BrKUMENTAL ConceRT. GRAND OPERA HOUSE, Twenty-third st. and Eighth av.—Rounp tux Crock. ATHENEUM, No. 585 Broadway.—Tux Taree Husca- + BACKS. MRS, F. B, CONWAY'S BROOKLYN THEATRE.— ‘Divorce. BRYANT'S OPERA HOUSE, Twenty-third st. corner ‘tb av.—Nxcxo Minstaetsy, Eocentaicizy, £0, TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, No, 21 Bowery.— A Mover’s Lire. SAN FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, corner 28th st. and Proadway.—Etwiori4n Minstaessy, &c. ASSOCIATION HALL, 23d street and 4th ay.—Lzo- ung, “Comrutsory Epveatiox.” COOPER INSTITUTE, Third avenue and Fonrth st.— ‘Lectung, “Tur Nagep Troru.” TAMMANY HALL ASSEMBLY ROOMS, Fourteenth streot—Bituiarp Exursition. REPUBLICAN HALL, Broadway and Twenty-third wt.—Lavonine Gas. Matinee at 234, NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, 618 Broadway.— Ecuency AND ART. New York, Thursday, Jan. 9, 1873. THE NEWS OF YESTERDAY. To-Day’s Contents of the Herald. “THE CURRENCY QUESTION IN CONGRESS! IN- DICATIONS OF AN IMPORTANT CHANGE”— LEADING EDITORIAL ARTICLE—SixTH PaGE. CUBAN SLAVERY! AN ABLE STATEMENT OF THE CONDITION OF THE ISLAND: THE RULE OF THE SLAVE-OWNERS: THE GAP- TAIN GENERAL'S LETTER TO THE HERALD COMMISSIONER: THE HOLGUIN SURPRISE: PORTO RICAN REFORMS—Fourtn Pace. THE WAR ON THE PACIFIC SLOPE! NINETEEN WHITES KILLED BY THE SAVAGES! THE WAGON ESCORT ATTACK! POSSIBLE EX- TENSION OF THE WAR—NinTH PacE. NAPOLEON'S ORITICAL CONDITION! HE SUF- FERS ACUTELY, AND IS MUCH WORSE: ARISTOCRATS CUNDOLING WITH THE EX- EMPEROR: THE BONAPARTIST ADHE- RENTS ALARMED—S&VENTH PaGE. BPAIN SENDING MORE SOLDIERS TO CUBA!— PERSONAL NEWS—GENERAL TELEGRAMS— SeventH Pace. LATEST PHASES OF THE CREDIT MOBILIER SCANDAL—REPORT ‘TO THE BOARD OF HEALTH ON DANGEROUS PUBLIC EDI- FICES—Tuirp PagE. FINANCIAL BUDGET OF THE EMPIRE STATE! THE STATE COMPTROLLER’S REPORY: IMPORTANT TO TAXPAYERS—FATE OF A BETRAYED GIRL—Eicutn Paas. EUROPE BY CABLE! THE SWISS WAR ON THE JESUITS: A NEW CAPTAIN GENERAL FOR PORTO RICO: ARMING THE SERVIAN MILITIA: COUNT BEUST TO BE RETAINED: COMMOTION IN THE FRENCH ASSEMBLY: BAZAINE’S TRIAL: ROW AT A DILKE MEETING IN ENGLAND—SEV@#NTH Page. NEWS .FROM WASHINGTON—ALLEGED REVE- NUE FRAUD—Tninp Paas. ALBANY'S POLITICAL TURMOIL! A SENATE SENSATION: CONKLING'S OPPORTUNITY: “BOSS” MURPHY’S LITTLE GAME—TuIRp Paar. LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR PINCHBACK STATES HIS CASE! THE REASONS FOR THE LOUISIANA TROUBLES : THE ENMITY BE- TWEEN GRANT AND WARMOTH: GRANT 48 A SECOND WASHINGTON—Stventa Pac. CALIFORNIA LYNCHING! A MURDERER DRAGGED BY THE NECK TO A BRIDGE AND HUNG FROM THE RAILING—MARITIME N EWS—TentH PacE. GREAT BATTLES BETWEEN GAMECOCKS! NEW YORK AND ALBANY PITTED AGAINST EACH OTHER FOR $2,000 THE MAIN: THE LATYER WINS—Tentu Pacs. MRS. WHARTON’S SECOND ARRAIGNMENT |! HEARING THE BILL OF EXCEPTIONS—A NEW YEAR’S HOMICIDE—Fourts Paes. THE PALMER-FOLEY FIGHT! PALMER'S SIDE OF THE CASE: THE LEGAL BEARING: - FOLEY ENJOINED — MUNICIPAL — Firra PaGE. RIAL OF THE JERSEY CITY BOARD OF PUB- LIC WORKS! EXPOSING THE FRAUDS UPON THE JERSEY MUNIOIPALITY—Firta PaGs. LOOKING INTO THE INCENDIARY ATTEMPT IN MURRAY STREET! TESTIMONY IN THE CASE OF KIDD—THE WAY THE CAXTON BUILDING WAS BURNED—A MYSTERIOUS CASE—FirtH Pac. @ ROW IN THE NEW HAVEN RAILROAD MAN- AGEMENT! THE DIRECTORS ASKED TO AO- COUNT FOR MISSING FUNDS: THE NEWLY ELECTED OFFICERS—THImp Pace. WILLIAM M. TWEED’S CASE AT LENGTH EN- TERED UPON! SEVEN JURORS OBTAINED: THE JUMEL CASE AND OTHER LITIGA- TIONS—ELEBVENTH Pace. ‘CHANGE! GOLD, GOVERNMENT BONDS AND FOREIGN EXCHANGE IN THE KISING SCALE: THE LONDON RATES GOOD: PRO- SPECTIVE SPECIE SHIPMENTS—THE 0O8- WEGO FIRE—NINTH Pace. “a BN Tue Jenser Crry Boasp or Pusuio Worns Ywore brought to trial yesterday for awarding Phe contract to build o sewer without adver Rising for proposals, as the law requires. Dorsey, determined to be honest, is resolved uilding of sewers with clean hands, Tae OCommarres on Privizzces ayy Etxo- of the House of Representatives were esterday voted twenty thousand dollars to Ip them in the Louisiana end Arkansas quiries. The committee should set to work t once. There was nothing otherwise notable fn the doings of Congress yesterday. _ , Tam Report or tue Starz Comprnorien will be found elsewhere, with its arithmetical showing of the financial strength of the Empire State, and containing a number of geoommendations for legislation. pat her citizens shall come oven from the }- legal ‘Tne Currency Question in Congress— | the text of the bill, but these seem to be the Indications of an Important Change. Mr. Hooper, of Massachusetts, introduced a bill in the House of Representatives on Mon- day, and Mr. Buckingham one in the Senate on Tuesday, to regulate the currency and for other purposes relative to the circulating me- dium and specie payments. The most signifi- cant feature of both bills is that to authorize the Treasury Department to issue to a limited amount a new class of bonds bearing three sixty-five per cent interest. We havé sug- gested on several occasions that such a class of bonds, bearing justa centa day interest, would be most convenient for the public, and for the commercial portion of it par- ticularly, if these bonds were made convertible into United States notes and reconvertible at the will of the holder, so that the interest on the bonds, so easily calculated, should be paid readily and up to the day of conversion. It is hardly possible to conceive a more simple and effectual way of regulating the money market. Any one can understand what the effect must be. If there should be a scarcity of currency, or, to use & ‘Wall street expression, a tight money market, the holders of three sixty-five bonds would in- stantly convert them into United States notes and receive the interest up to the day of ocon- version. If the currency were too abundant and the market so easy that money would not be worth three sixty-five per cent the circu- lating United States notes would be converted again into bonds. The money market would regulate itself naturally without the interven- tion or in spite of the intervention of the ‘Treasury Department, the banks, brokers or Wall street speculators. It must, too, make money cheap, bring down the rate of interest generally and promote greatly the production and business of the country. ‘The proposition in the bills both of Mr. Hooper and Mr. Buckingham is odvanced cautiously, does not cover clearly the whole ground, and is mixed up with other proposi- tions not as admissible. Still, the principle of regulating the currency—of giving it a certain flexibility to meet the exigencies of trade and to prevent any men or institutions locking up money—is seen in these bills. This, if we mistake not, is the entering wedge of a most im- portant change in the currency andthe finan- cial affairs of the country. Congress may not be prepared to adopt just yet such a-measure— may be afraid to approach it even as cau- tiously as Mr. Hooper and Mr. Buckingham have—but it will be hardly possible to put it off long. It is based on common sense, is sound in theory and cannot fail to impress the public as both necessary and useful. ¢ The bill of Mr. Hooper, which was referred to the Committee on Banking’ and Currency, is intended ostensibly to convert United States notes into coin, or, in other words, to bring about specie payments. It provides that on and after May 1, 1874—a year next May—the United States notes not bearing in- terest—that is to say, the greenback legal ten- ders—shall be redeemable in coin on presenta- tion at the Treasury Department or its branches, and duties on imports may there- after be paid in such notes. Of course, this would be a return to specie payments ab- solutely, as far as the government is con- cerned. But the question arises, Would the mere assertion of this intention or purpose by act of Congress have the effect? Seeing that the simple declaration is not sufficient, Mr. Hooper proceeds upon the old theory that the United States legal tender notes are in the way, and that they must be with- drawn in part, at least, in order to reach specie payments. And here comes in his proposition for the issue of three sixty-five per cent bonds. The - holders of non-interest bearing legal tenders are to have the privilege of depositing these notes in the Treasury and of receiving in their place certificates bearing three sixty-five per cent interest. Nothing, however, is said in his bill about the reconvertibility of the certifi- cates or bonds into currency, though we sup- pose he has some latent idea or purpose of bringing that about, as he has adopted this peculiar form of certificate. The Secretary of the Treasury is to make his @wn rules and regulations in executing the law, except that the issue of the three sixty- five certificates are to be limited in the aggre- gate at one time to a hundred millions of dollars. This is rather «mbiguous, and we oust say it would be a fatal mistake to give so much discretionary power to the Secretary of the Treasury. Everything should be explicitly determined by law. The Secretary does a great deal of mischief now through the power he possesses in tampering with the money market values and the business of the country, and under the provisions of this bill his power for evil would be much greater. Then, following up this idea that the legal tenders are in the way of returning to specie payments, Mr. Hooper proposes to authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to provide coin by issuing new six per cent bonds to be sold at par for coin to the amount of two hundred and fifty millions in order to redeem the greenbacks, thus increas- ing the interest burden of the debt fifteen mil- lions a year. But, worse still, he proposes to authorize the Secretary to reissue these re- deemed United States notes at his discretion in payment of any dues of the government, ex- cept bonds and interest on the public debt. The whole scheme is crude and impracticable, and the only redeeming feature in it is the creation of new three sixty-five per cent bonds or certificates. These, however, should be made convertible into currency and reconverti- ble in order to regulate and give steadiness to the money market. Mr, Buckingham’s bill appears to be more to the point in this matter. It provides that United States legal tender notes may be re- deemed in sums of a thousand dollars by three sixty-five per cent bonds, and that the holders of these bonds may on demand receive tenders again and the interest on the bonds up to the time of The bill is not explicit enough, but that is the meaning, if we understand it right. ‘There are certain other provisions in it for free banking, prohibiting payment of interest on deposits (government deposits we suppose), and allowing the national banks to count United States bonds as a part of their reserve as well ns legal tenders or coin. The banks are to be permitted to redeem their notes in bonds (the three sixty-five bonds we presume), with accrued interest, as well as in coin or legal tenders, at their option, We have not Principal features. We think the three sixty- five bonds should be of a lower denomination than a thousand dollars, or, at least, some of them, to accommodate the smaller traders or business men. This bill of Mr, Buckingham, we believe, is preferable to that of Mr. Hooper, and would not only have a better offect in regulating the money market, bat would do more to bring us to a specie basis. ‘The meagure will be opposed, no doubt, by the money-lenders, stock and gold gamblers, and all who are interested in keeping up o high rate of interest and profiting by the necessities of businessmen and the community generally, but it would be a great boon to the industrious classes, to merchants and traders, and to all the productive interests of the country. Nothing would tend so much to bring down ‘prices, to cheapen’ living and to give active employment to all classes. These sixty-five per cent interest bonds, convertible into money within certain limits, and recoh- vertible, would do more to regulate the our- rency and money market, to keep prices steady and to make the country prosperous than all the financial doctoring of the Treasury Department, the Syndicate schemes, or any other legislation by Congress. Our Proposed New City Charter. Under the impression that the new charter for this city, which we published in full yesterday, will substantially be adopted by the present Legislature, it becomes s sub- ject of local importance entitled to more than ® passing notice. The Republican Central Committee, from which it emanates, has evi- dently labored to frame a bill in the interests of retrenchment and reform, avoiding on the one hand the defects and leakages of our exist- ing charter, and on the other the old republi- can mistake of putting our municipal concerns too much under the immediate control of the State. In other words, the Republican Con- tral Committee bases its charter upon the principle of local self-government, even to the preparation of the tax levy. The Mayor, how- ever, is made subject to removal by the Gov- ernor, in the same manner as sheriffs; while all the heads of departments are subject to removal by the Mayor, with a concurring two- thirds vote of the Board of Aldermen. Upon the score of retrenchment in fixed compensations to city officials this new char- ter proposes savings to the city treasury amounting to two hundred and nineteen thon- sand dollars, and in the abolition of all fees there will be savings exceeding, no doubt, a million of dollars. Here, we think, in this abolition of fees lies the chief merit of this bill, inasmuch as these fat city offices, the compensations of which are fees, have be- come places of political corruption. Now, the very good feature of this proposed charter is that which allows no more than one office to one man. When Mr. Tweed was in the plenitude of his power he held several of the most important offices in the city and was ‘the Boss’’ in the Legislature as well. Wo have still something too much of this, and the rule should be established of only one office in the public service for any one man. The bill stringently provides against jobs and bargains for personal profit on public con- tracts by city officials, and in the single item of street lamps it promises a saving of fifty thousand a year. The bill provides for the publication of an official daily paper, to be called the City Record, in which all* the acts and proceedings of the city departments and advertisements, &c., shall be published. The paper itself— one thousand copies for the city—is to be pub- lished by contract, and the official manager is to receive a fixed compensation for his ser- vices. The publisher may sell copies at a price to be fixed by the officers making the contract. The bill further provides that ‘all advertising required to be done for the city and all notices required by law or ordinance to be published in corporation papers shall be inserted at the public expense only in the City Record,” and that “publication therein shall be a sufficient compliancg with any law or ordinance requiring publication of such matters or notices ; but there may be inserted in the five daily newspapers having the largest circulation in said city, to be designated by the Board of Apportionment, brief advertise- ments calling attention to any contracts in- tended to be awarded, and referring forfull in- formation to the Cily Record.'’ Here we havea retrenchment of many hundreds of thousands of dollars, and ‘under it, we fear, a considerable number of sickly newspapers that havo ‘lived, moved and had their being’’ in corporation advertisements, will cease to exist. The committee which framed this bill re- ports that “‘We have not recommended minor- ity or proportional representation, or cumula- tive voting, though some of us are its friends, because we were unanimously of opinion that, in view of the doubts which had been sug- gested as to its constitutionality, the matter should be left for the consideration of the con- stitutional commission now in existence.” A wise conclusion is this, in our judgment, for there is nothing in our present State constitu- tion to warrant the presumption that it was ever contemplated to embrace this cumulative system of voting. Upon the whole this city charter from the Republican Central Com- mittee is framed upon the principles of prac- tical retrenchments and reforms, while that of the Committee of Seventy was in many things visionary and impracticable for a great city like this, and particularly on this new idea of cumulative voting. Szonetany Fis on Cusa.—The nation will very deeply regret the position taken by Secre- tary Fish in regard to the Cuban revolution. «There is not a particle more ground for giving belligerent rights to the Cuban insurgents than ‘there was three years ago,’’ says the Secretary. For four years the patriot army has successfully resisted the Spanish regulars and volunteers ; for four years the people of the island have held their own against all attempts to bring them into subjection to Spanish rule. Yot they may continue to struggle for their liberties another four years and find no sympathy in our State Depart- ment as at’ present organized. Let us hope that the welcome changes predicted in the Cabinet will soon take place, and that the suc- cessor of Secretary Fish may be one who will not look at the Cuban struggle through Spanish eyes. pulls deheianiaemimeloteaes Seven Jonons To Tey ‘Tweep were selected yesterday, and the case will probably go on to-day. “At His Owm Risk!” “I do not pretend to know what he means by travelling at my own risk, but I intend to find out exactly what that phrase means.” Such is the manly expression with which our Special Commissioner to the island of Ouba comments on the letter addressed to him by Captain General Ceballos, and in which the phrase occurs. This, uttered in the full con- sciousness of the great duty he has under- taken, is worthy the consideration of the civilized world. Itis tho calm resolve of a servant of public intelligence to acccpt what- ever difficulties are thrown in his way as simply the incidents of his search. It is as far from braggadocio as from cowardice, for it mirrors the dignity with which tho independ- ent press understands its scope and ite duty. “At your own risk,’ says the Captain Gene- ral, ‘you must undertake the search for truth.’ “At my own risk, then," replies the Hzrap Commissioner, “I undertake it." The representative of Spanish forcg in Ouba dismisses the appeal for a safe conduct with a polite frown of cynical superidtity ; the representative of universal intelligence accepts the haughty refusal without a aneer in return, but with'a quict determination to pro- ceed—infinitely more creditable and digni- fied—a loyal determination which puta to the blush the mistaken attitude of the Executive of Spain. ‘At his own risk !’’ . What does it mean? Wedo not care to deal in enigmas; bat whatever the Captain General's phrase may convey, the world, that respects. courage in the cause of intelligence, will assuredly hold him responsible for whatever danger or mis- hap his phrase may point to. Under the safe conduct of Spain we are certain that the dan- ger would have been diminished, or that pro- tection should not have been applied for. The refusal, in which authority distinctly appears to wash its hands of any consequences that may follow, will, we are certain, prove of as little avail in cleansing them by anticipation as that operation once performed publicly by the Governor of a Roman province. There could have been no loss of dignity and no assumption of unreasonable responsibility in granting the safe conduct, while its declina- tion as expressed—‘‘at his own risk’’—is ungracious, and almost an invitation to the evils which it should be the duty of an official to keep in abeyance. In another portion of the Hzgatp will be found an interesting letter from our Special Commissioner. The dark stain of slavery, which discolors everything Spanish, no matter how radiant it might otherwise be, is examined fearleasly under its many sombre hues. The result of this examination is not encouraging. It brings out the fact that under the present position of things progress is hopeless. The promised reform of gradual abolition is a dead letter on the statute book, and made doubly so by the recent bull-headed declaration of Minister Zorrilla that no reforms will be granted in Cuba while a rebel remains in arms. Every incentive of cupidity is thus held out to the slave owners to maintain the stateof war. On the rebels themselves its effect will be the same. They have de- clared emancipation and fill their ranks largely with liberated slaves. To them this declaration conveys an actual assistance to sustain the bloody and fitful struggle. For five years they have carried it on, and will, under the circumstances, doubtless be able to carry it on for five years more. It may satisfy the gloom of Spanish pride for the Iberians to fold their arms beneath their cloaks and lower their brows under the shadow of their som- breros while declaring that more blood must be shed in Cuba before the slave can be per- mitted to go free. Will it, however, be ac- cepted by the civilizd Powers of the world? It is notable that where a rational being allows vanity to take the place of common sense it re- quires ten times the effort to accomplish anything, particularly if the vain pretence be kept up. Spain, recognizing the absurdity of her position, is now about to make another desperate effort to crush out the Ouban re- bellion. A column of twelve thousand men is being raised in the Peninsula with this object. Apart from the difficulty and expense of finding even this small number of men to face the vomito and the rebels, it will be seen hereafter whether they will be sufficient to ex- tirpate the latter. It is at least doubtful. On the other hand, if Spain stepped off its stilta, and with a manly recognition of its true inter- est, promptly manumitted all its slaves, might it not save money and human life by defeating the rebellion at a single dash of the pen? and Loulisiana—An Explana- tion. Agcording to our despatches from New Orleans, Pinchback, Acting Governor of ‘the Kellogg faction, has opened his heart on the origin of the difficulty in Louisiana. He coolly confesses that the trouble arose in the quarrel between President Grant and War- moth. The latter, it is known, aspires to the United States Senate, and General Grant, Pinchback alleges, was resolved at all cost to thwart the carpet-bagger who had deserted his party and become an opponent of Grant’s re- election. The programme as laid down to effect this is, says Pinchback, that which is now being worked out. That Warmoth was to be defeated, even though it caused a bloody revolution, is the gist of this confession, and that President Grant was the chief con- spirator. If there is any shadow of truth in this statement, it betrays a boldness of dis- regard for peace and law, which in the Chief Magistrate of a nation isa crime. Pinchback, of all men in the State, is the one least likely to be misinformed on the subject. His rela- tions with all the leaders on the republican side should make error impossible in the secret history of the disgraceful imbroglio. We can account for Pinchback making these admissions only on the ground that he had no knowledge of the moral iniquity of the plot. The resort to questionable means to obtain political ends had become s0 common among those he worked with that the open avowal of the intent seemed nothing shocking in his eyes. For President Grant the position is one which demands im- mediate investigation. If what Pinchback NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, JANUARY 9, 1873.—TRIPLE SHEET. ——— 2 o . committee with a vengeance! Will they dare | The Comptroller's Attempt to Override to decline it? Pinchback, it would seem, thinks fit to add that General Grant has no desire to be an emperor. He only wishes to rival Washing- ton. If this modest desire of the President's had-been brought forward in apology for any other act of his career there might be some chance of the blindest partisan in the Union taking it seriously. To illustrate a man’s purity of acts and intenfions by proving him malicious, lawless and unscrupulous is too much for gravity. The Condition of the Ex-Emperor Na- poleon. Our latest news from Chiselhurst seems to justify the belief that the condition of the ex-Emperor is ina high degree critical Our news of Tuesday was more encouraging, and we were not unwilling to believe that the con- dition of the imperial patient was favorable. It is quite possible that the reports are a little exaggerated. It is most natural, however, for the friends of the family and for the public generally to consider the situation grave, and we are not atall surprised to learn that the Bonapartists are to hold a meeting at Chisel- hurst without delay for the purpose of delib- erating on the course to be pursued in the event of the death of the ex-Emperor. _ ‘It is not to be forgotten that the Emperor is now in his sixty-fifth year; that the malady from which he is suffering is one which is. difficult of cure even in the case of persons who are young and full of health; that in his case the malady ig, in all likelihood, of long standing, and that the tear and wear of mind and body for the'last few years must have greatly reduced his powers of endurance, As we have said before, when commenting on this case, it is but seldom that a man at the advanced age to which the Emperor has attained finally recov- ers from such an illness. So few'are the cases of ultimate recovery that there are many who question the wisdom which induced the Emperor to submit to the series of operations which, though intended to cure, have, to all appearance, for the present at least, imperilled his life. In the peculiar and trying circum- stances in which the Emperor now finds him- self a cool head and a strong will will stand him in good stead, and during a life which has been more than usually full of critical situations coolness and resolution have seldom been wanting to him. The Emperor, while he has many friends, has also many and bitter enemies; but we can hardly conceive that even his most bitter enemies will refuse fo join with his friends in the e wish that his present sickness should not be unto death. ‘With all his faults he has been, if not one of the greatest, at least one of the most prominent men of his time; and his death, although it could not be called a public calamity, would prove at least a great public sensation. It is well for the friends of the Emperor to consider the situation serious, and to make arrangements in time for the future. Sedan did not make an end of all the hopes of the Bonapartes. It wasa great blow to France. It was almost worse than Waterloo to the House of Bonaparte. But just as France recovered from Waterloo and remembered the Bonapartes, so France is certain to recover from Sedan and think with kind remembrances of the heir of the ‘Little Corporal’ and of the prosperous twenty years of the Second Empire. The death of Louis Napoleon will not obliterate from the memories of the French people the great deeds of a glorious past. Nay, it is more likely that, should his death occur at present, the French people, who always yield to generous impulses, will forget Ris faults and remember only his virtuee— will overlodk Sedan and think of Solferino and Magenta; will connect the glorious memories of the past with his youthful son and heir, and will sigh for the restoration of the Empire. The Republic cannot be said to be established in France; the monarchy must be pronounced impossible so long as its friends are divided by the con- flicting claims of the legitimist and Orleanist chiefs, and the restoration of the Empire, with the Empress for Regent, is rendered the less improbable by the fact that the Prince Im- perial is advancing towards his seventeenth year. The regency would not be of long duration, and the young Emperor, if at all equal to the situation, would have many ad- vantages not enjoyed by his father or the illus- trious founder of his family. Such thoughts are not unnatural at the present moment; but we shall be glad to learn that speculation has been rendered unnecessary by the more hope- ful condition of the imperial sufferer. Affairs at Albany. The unanimous nomination of Senator Roscoe Conkling for re-election to the Senate of the United States by the republican caucus at Albany last night was a foregone conclu- sion. The vigorous work of the Senator for his party, under the scathing oratorical attacks of Sumner, Schutz and Trumbull, and the active hostility of Fenton, has left the track clear of competitors, He will be elected because the republicans like him, and more particularly because the coalitionists loathe him. Such is the poetical justice of politics, The State Senate yesterday afternoon com- menced voting on the charges against Judge Prindle. Twelve out of fifty-four counts were voted on, only one of them being declared proven. That one relates to the Judge's failure to produce the recards of his office at the demands of the Supervisors. The other eleven counts, charging corrupt and lax actions in the conduct of his Court, were declared not proven. ‘The Senate will resume voting this afternoon. ‘Tho business of the session proper has not fairly begun yet. Ine few days we shall prob- ably have more stirring accounts from the State capital, when the charter fight and the appropristion war begin and when jobbery commences to show its cloven foot in legisla- tive company. Tho abiding fear that reform Legislatures are likely to disappoint hopes raised to any height of enthusiasm is at the bottom of our mistrust. Several of the recom- mendations of the Governor will be put into legislative shape without delay and are likely to pass. Tae Governor of California has commuted the punishment of a murderer from hanging to imprisonment for life, “in mercy to him- self’—that is, in morcy to the ‘Governor. “The quality of mercy’’ in this case was rather strained. the Chamberlain Law—Logal Proceed- ings Commenced. The Comptroller and Mr. John Foley, whe claims to have been appointed Deputy Cham- berlain, not having sufficient confidence in their case to commence proceedings by qué warranto to obtain possession of the office, Deputy Chamberlain Palmer, whois determined to bring the pretensions of Comptroller Green to the test of the Courts, has applied to Judge Barbour for an injunction to prevent the at- tempted intrusion into his office. An order to show cause why such injunction should not issue has been granted by the Court, and is made returnable to-morrow. The following is the law of 1866, chapter 623, setting forth the duties of the Chamberlain in regard to the city deposits, creating the office of Deputy Chamberlain, providing how he shall be ap- pointedy how his salary shall be fixed and paid, defining his duties and fixing the amount of his bond. We give the law entire in order that our readers may be fully pos- sessed of the points involved in the last legal contest forced upon the city by Comptroller Green: — SECTION 1.—The Chamberlain of the city of Now Yorkon lee writer nosiee.so the Compt jer of », designate not less than three banks in which ail the idermen and ing from time to’ the designated. All bape Tal the perty real personal, county, and all the reveuue of said city and county of every kind shall be Sepenieet in the three or iks thus de ated. Such mon: more bani t rred from one to another of said ‘Danke by e warrant drawn by said Chamberlain and counter- signed by said Comptroller, so as to equalize as near a8 possible the amount on deposit in each. SEO. 2.—The banks in which such deposit ghall be made shall pay proportionately to the monthly bal- ances in each the office rent of said Chamberlain, the salaries to be fixed by him of his clerks and a deputy chamberlain, all of whom the said Unam- berlain is hereby authorized to sppeint and dis- miss. The deputy thus appointed shall give a bond for the faithful harge of his duties in a sum equal to that given by the Chamberlain, with sure- ties to be approved by the said Comptroller; and in the absence of the Chamberlain shall have and exercise all the powers and be subject to all the duties and responsibilities of the Chamberlain, ex- cept that he shall not designate or change the banks of deposit designated as hereinbelore pro- vided, Incase ofa vacancy in the office of said Chamberiain, the said deputy shall exercise and perform all the powers and duties of such office until such vacancy shall be filled. The business of the Chamberlain's Office ia transacted under the above law and under that alone. The city and county moneys are deposited in three banks, in accordance with its provisions. The Deputy Chamberlain is appointed, paid and performs his duties under its authority. Comptroller Green recognized the existence of the first section of the law only a few days ago, when he called the atten- tion of the Chamberlain to the designation of the bank of deposit made by the latter officer, and when he countersigned the warrant for the transfer of a large amount of the city moneys from the Tenth National to the Broad- way Bank. The Comptroller recognized the existence of the second section of the law when he attempted to appoint’ a Deputy Chamberlain, and when he fixed the bond of his appointee at two' hundred thousand dollars; for only in the second section of the law of 1866 is there found any authority for the existence of such an officer as Deputy Chamberlain, or any provision in regard to his official bond. The only claim that can be made by Comptroller Green in support of his right to appoint is, therefore, that such of the law of 1866 as gives the appointment of the Deputy to the Chamberlain is inconsistent with the general power of appointment of subordinates given to the heads of the several city departments by the charter of 1870, and hence is repealed by the repealing clause of that charter. : The untenableness of this position can be readily seen. The Deputy Chamberlain created by the law of 1866 is not, in fact, a “clerk, officer, employé or subordinate’ in the Department of Finance. He is an officer specially created, not paid by the city, but clothed by special law with all the powers, duties and responsibilities of the Chamberlain in the absence of that officer, except the power of designating the banks of deposit, and re- quired to exercise and perform all the powers and duties of the Chamberlaincy, including the designation of banks of deposit, during the existence of a vacancy in the principal office, For the security of the city he is required to give bonds in an amount equal to that required of the City Chamberlain. Tho charter of 1870 specially prohibits the Comptroller from ap- pointing or removing the Chamberlain, recog- nizing the sound and well-established principle that the two offices—that which has the power to draw warrants and that which holds posses- sion of the money with which those warrants are paid—shall be kept separate and inde- -pendent of each other. The law of 1866 car- ries out this principle by providing that the Deputy Chamberlain, who is to perform the duties and exercise the powers of the Cham- berlain under certain contingencies, shall also be independent of the Comptroller. Hence it would appear certain that the law of 1866 is not in any of its parts inconsistent with the charter of 1870; that, on the contrary, it is in entire harmony with its letter and spirit, and hence is not repealed by the general repealing clause of the charter. Tae Oneprr Moprime.—The investigation into the Orédit Mobilier corruption did not present any interesting features yesterday. ‘The opening of the doors of the committee room appears to have deprived the examina- tion of much of its spicy character. Meanwhile theinoulpated members of both political par- ties and their friends are endeavoring to avail themselves of the plea that in the ‘‘placing’’ of stock Oakes Ames never attempted to influ- ence or bribe a member, but intended his gen- erous friendship only as a “pure business transaction.’’ A burglar does not carry his jimmies, skeleton keys and dark lantern ex- posed to public view, but hides them away in his‘pockets or under his coat. A person who sets about ‘‘placing’’ money or its equivalent among Congressmen “where it will do the mest good’ does not proclaim to the world that he is buying corrupt votes, but assumes an sir of innocence and talks about ‘business transactions.” The Gunpowder Plot in Murray Street. Fire Marshal McSpedon yesterday continued the examination of W. H. Kidd, suspected of having prepared to set fire to the building 83 Murray street, in which he had a stock of liquors, and tho store of Platt & Boyd, glass im- porters, 61 and 79 in the same block. A leak in the roof of the latter store led to the discovery of auger-holes in the scuttle. Similar holes were found in Kidd's scuttle, with an arrange- ment of candles, gunpowder train and fuse, loading down to a door of which Kidd is re.