The New York Herald Newspaper, November 27, 1872, Page 6

NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET, JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR, —— Volume XXXVI, e a 4 AMUSEMENTS THIS AFTERNOON AND EVENING, ROWERY THEATRE, Bowcry.—Pour; on, Away Down Bouru—Famity Jars, GRAND OPERA HOUSE, Twenty-third st, and Eighth ay.—Roonp Tux CLoce. UNION SQUARE THEATRE, teenth and Fourteenth street: roadway, between Thir- AGNES. OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway. between Houston and Bleecker sts.—ALADDIN THE SECOND. ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Fourteenth street.—Irauian Orwna—La Favorita, TERRACE GARDEN THEATRE, {8th st., between Lex- ington and 3d avs.—Orena—Fra Diayouo. NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway, between Prince and Houston strects.—Lro axp Lotos- WOOD'S MUSEUM, Broadway, corner Thirtieth st.— Tux Wanveaine Durcumay. Alternoon and Evening. ‘FIFTH AVENUR THEATRE, Twenty-fourth street.— Mener Wives or Winvsor. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway ana Thirteenth Btreet.—Oun American Coustn. \_ THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 Broadway.—Kina or Can- Rots. Matince at 235. BOOTH’S THEATRE, Twenty-third street, corner Sixth @venue.—Romko anv Ju | GERMANIA THEATRE, Fourteenth street, near Third av.—Das Stirtunasrest. BROOKLYN THEATRE.— Everynopy’s FRIEND. ‘MRS. F, B. CONWA Burke ix Wous’s Chorin FRA HOUSE. Twenty-third st.. corner Gin bye throne Minoruniay ccuvamiciry, &C. SPLENDID \_ WHITE'S ATHENAUM, No. 585 Broadwi whee or Novextixs. Matinee at 2)5. ‘TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, No. 201 Bowery.— Granp Variety EnteRTanwent, £0. SAN FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, St. James Theatre, ceaner of 26th stand Broadway.—Eniiorian MINsTRELSY. KELLY & LEON’S, 718 Broadway.—Ermiorian Min- STRELSY, RARNUM’S MUSEUM, MENAGERIE AND CIRCUS, Fourteenth street, near Broadway.—Day and Evening. RAILFY’S GREAT CIRCUS ANB MENAGERIE, foot i Houston street, East River. NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, 618 Broadway.— ECuRNCE AND ART. ‘TRIPLE SHEET. New York, Wednesday, Nov. 27, 1872. ‘THE NEWS OF YESTERDAY, 'To-Day’s Contents of the Herald. THE CRISIS IN FRANCE! THE PRESIDENT AND THE ASSEMBLY"—CHIEF EDITORIAL THEME—SixTH Page, (POOR FRANCE DEEPLY EXCITED OVER TBE THIERS-ASSEMBLY ISSUE! A SERIOUS FINALE ANTICIPATED! THE EXECUTIVE FAVORABLY SITUATED—SEVENTH PAGE. ANOTHER SPECIAL REPURT FROM THE : HERALD’S CUBAN COMMISSIONER ! ARCTIC DESIRE OF A TROPICAL EDITOR! DINING WITH NOTABLES—SEVENTH PAGE. EUROPE! SHIPWRECKS AND LOSS OF LIFE OFF THE ENGLISH COAST: A RIOT AND MAR- TIAL LAW PROCLAIMED IN SPAIN: ISMAIL PACHA’S EXPEDITION—SEVENTH PaGE. .HINTS FROM PRESIDENT GRANT AS TO THE TONE OF HIS MESSAGE! AFRICAN AP- PEAL FOR CIVIL RIGHTS: SUMNER’S BLASTS FROM THE CAPITAL—CHINESE : TRADE—SEVENTH PAGE. AMERICAN GEOGRAPHERS HONORING MR. STANLEY! LARGE MEETING AT THE COOPER UNION: STANLEY ILL AND AB- SENT: LETTERS FROM HIMSELF AND FROM DR. LIVINGSTONE ON NILOTIO MYSTERIES—Turep Pace. ¥ATHER BURKE'S FINAL LECTURE ON FROUDE AND IRISH HISTORY! THE FUTURE O0@ THE GREEN ISLE—MARITIME INTELLI- GENCE—TENTH Pace. HE HUNGRY OCEAN! PERILOUS PASSAGE OF THE ATLANTIC BY THE STEAMER BALTIC: SAVING NINETEEN SOULS FROM THE WRECK OF THE ASSYRIAN: SAILOR HE- ROES: A LOG AND AN INTERESTING STORY—NINTH Pace. 4 BRITISH STEAMER LOST IN A HURRICANE! of A GREAT PERIL AND A FORTUNATE RES- CUE—NINTH Pace. THE “NORTHWESTERN” BATTLE FIELD! ‘IN- TERVIEWS WITH VICTORS AND VAN- QUISHED: THE RESULTS AND COMMENTS UPON THEM—Fovrti Pace. “ERIE'S ARREST OF JAY GOULD! HORACE F. CLARK'S TESTIMONY: MR, SCHELL TO BEAR WITNESS: VACATING THE ORDER OF ARREST—FovrTH Pace. ON 'CHANGE! THE PRICE OF ‘“NORTHWEST- ERN COMMON” LAPSES INTO DOUBLE FIGURES AGAIN: SETTLING UP: “PRE- FERRED” AS A “LEGAL TENDER: A SIMILAR CASE FROM CHICAGO: STOCKS DECLINE—FirtH Pace. ‘BENATOR CHARLES SUMNER'S ARRIVAL! HE INTERVIEWS THIERS AND GAMBETTA IN FRANCE AND IS INTERVIEWED BY A HERALD “CHIEL” IN NEW YORK: VIEWS ON PROMINENT EVENTS—Tuirp Pace, ‘ENGLISH PRESS COMMENTS ON STANLEY AND HIS BOOK—THE DIAMOND FIELDS FRAUD IN THE WEST—OBITUARY—WEATHER RE- PQRTS—TuHiRD PaGs. POLICE DEMORALIZATION ! THE TROUBLE BE- TWEEN THE PARK PULICE CAPTAIN AND THE COMPTROLLER: MILLS AND STEB- BINS ON THE SITUATION—NintH Pace, CHINESE SLAVE TRAFFIC! THE EMPEROR'S OFFICERS INTERDICT COOLIE KIDNAP- PING—HANDSUME REPULSE OF AN AT- TACK BY EAST INDIAN PIRATES— ELEVENTH Pace. CONDITION OF THE OLD SEVENTH WARD SCHOOL HOUSE! FEARS AND APPEALS OF THE OCCUPANTS—THE SEARCH FOR MR. GEORGE N. PEAY—FirtTu Pace. ‘NITRO-GLYCERINE ! HOW THE YONKERS DIs- ASTER OCCURRED—THE NASSAU BOAT CLUB AND ITS OFFICERS—THE OFFICIAL COUNTY VOTE—OUR HARBOR DEFENVES— Ninto PaGe, REAL ESTATE! SELLING THE BANKS PROP- ERTY: OTHER TRANSACTIONS: THE PRICES—GLIMPSES INTO THE ARTISTS’ STUDIOS—LITERARY GOSSIP—Fourta Page, COURT PROCEEDINGS! “BOSS” TWEED AGAIN IN COURT: ALLEGED BANKRUPTCY FRAUD: GREENTHAL’S APPEAL: WAS LAGRAVE’S ARREST LEGAL? ANDRIE’S CASE WITH THE JURY—MUNICIPAL— EIGHTH PacE. Nrrro-Grycenme, it has just been demon- ‘Btrated, by the terrife explosion, with its fright- ful consequences in Westchester, is not an article to be trifled with by foolish boys bent Ppon mischio’, Tar Worry Sronm of yesterday we fear {puts an end to our Indian Summer, but we expect from ita change which will give us an old-fashioned, bright and bracing Thanksgiy- fos Day. And the turkeys are all right, The Urists ta France—The President and the Assembly. Our latest news from France, although of aslightly more hopeful character, docs not encourage the belief that the present crisis is to be got over easily or without danger. The deadlock continues. The Assembly is divided, and the majority in the Assembly is opposed to the President. The President stands upon his dignity, the Assembly asserts ita right; and so, for the present, the situation seems somewhat desperate. It was our hope that the committee of the Assembly appointed to draw up a reply to the Prosident’s message would, taking into account the peculiar diffi- culties of the general situation, successfully endeavor to meet the President's wishes and so bring about a compromise, This hope has been blasted. The committee has divided, and there is but small prospect of reconcilia- tion. Yesterday the majority report was read in the Assembly. According to the despatch it is a strong indictment against the radical party, and it insists on the establishment of a responsible Ministry as a means of fighting radicalism. It was the desire of the majority that the report be taken up and disposed of immediately. The Assembly, however, yielded to the wishes of the minority, and by a vote of three hundred and fifty-six against three hundred and thirty-two agreed to postpone the consideration of the report until Thurs- day. On the other hand we are told that the minority have adopted a resolution, which is to be proposed to the Assembly, and which contemplates the nomination of a committee of thirty-five members, with instructions to pre- sent a bill providing for the establishment of Ministerial responsibility and embodying the constitutional forms necessary to secure the regular working of a republican government. The President, it is said, approves of the reso- lution. General MacMahon, at the reception, was observed to be on the most friendly terms with the President, and General Ladmirault assured the President that the city of Paris was with him in his conflict with the As- sembly, It is not wonderful that there should be in Paris and, indeed, all over France, con- siderable excitement because of the state of things at Versailles, The confession is freely made that the crisis is pregnant with peril. The radical journals are unsparing in their abuse of the legitimists, Orleanists and imperialists; and revolution is declared to be inevitable if the government of Thiers is overthrown. The situation is far from being satisfactory. At the same time, it must be admitted, there is nothing in the present situation of affairs which entitles it to be spoken of as a surprise. It has long been manifest that unless Presi- dent Thiers could so modify the workings of the government machine as to meet the wishes of some of his friends and not a few of his enemies he would find it necessary to deal with a recusant Assembly. It would be as absurd as it would be unjust to say that for the bringing about of the present crisis Presi- dent Thiers is alone responsible. History will never allow it to be forgotten that when France was prostrate and completely at the mercy of the foe M. Thiers was called upon by the united voice of his countrymen to take hold of the helm and save the ship of state from ruin. Nor will it ever be forgotten that having seized the helm he held it firmly, and largely, if not completely, accomplished the task which he undertook. In two years no raler of France ever accomplished so much for the actual good of his country. Not to speak of the treaty of peace which he made with the German invader or of the destruction of the Communal, what has he not done for France since France was com- pletely restored to herself? He has restored her commercial prosperity; he has built up her finances; he has commanded the confidence of the money- holders of the world; he has in eighteen months paid off one-half of a war indemnity which was sufficient to crush any ordinary nation, and which but for him might have ruined France ; he has reorganized the army and made it, if not the equal of its German rival, at least one of the most powerful mili- tary organizations on the Continent of Eu- rope ; and, in addition to all this, he has done more than has been done by any one man, or by any administration, since the commence- ment of the present century, to reconcile the French people, in country and in town, to re- publican institutions. That in circumstances of peculiar difficulty President Thiers has done well must be honestly admitted by every im- partial student of the events of these times. He has done well, however, because he had, for some reason or other, an obedient Assem- bly at his back. Without such an Assembly his success would have been impossible. The difficulty of his position to-day is much less the result of any blunders he has made than of the success which he has achieved. He was the one man whom the factions could trust when the country was weary of war, prostrate and bleeding at every pore, and when no one faction was strong enough to attempt to lead. He was strong, not because he represented the Orleanists, or the legitimists, or the imperialists or the repub- licans, but because, for the time, he repre- sented France. Now, however, that France has somewhat recovered from the disastrous blow which she received at Sedan, the natural vanity of the nation is again revealing itself, and the different factions, impatient of re- straint, are desirous to put forth their strength. Republicans are anxious to have the Republic definitively established; the monarchists are sick of a delay which they know is hour by hour killing their chances of success, and the imperialists look on hope fully, believing that the tide of revolution will again float them into power. It is possible that President Thiers has been a little too fearful to launch the republican bark ; but it ought not to be forgotten that the Assembly is stronger than the President, and that without the consent of the Assembly such action was impossible. How the present crisis is‘to end it is diff- cult tosay. If the President had the power to dissolve the Assembly, and, of his own right, make an appeal to the people, the situation would be intelligible and tho difficulty would be easy of solution, This power, however, tho President has not. The Assembly cannot de- pose him, nor can he dissolve the Assembly. For neither the one act nor the other did the Bordeaux compact mako any provision, It is scarcely possible that the President could long retain his powor if the majority in the Assembly remained resolutely opposed to him. Such antagonism between the Executivo and the legislative body would necessarily result in revolution, Should the decision of the Assembly be adverse to the President it is not improbable that he will resign his position. In such a case it will be competent to the Assembly to appoint his successor. Is it to be presumed, however, that the nation would tamely submit to the exercise of sueh authority by a body which is notoriously no longer representative of the sentiments of the whole people? Everything now depends on the action of the Assembly on Thursday. The appointment of a responsible Ministry would, no doubt, be a positive gain. It would be another step in the direction of solid govern- ment. It is doubtful, however, whether this single concession would satisfy the radicals, and we have no reason to believe that the conserva- tives will grant more. We see but one satis- factory solution to the difficulties which now menace France, and that is the dissolution of the Assembly and an appeal to the people. To this it must come at last, and the general feel- ing seems now to be that it cannot come too soon; Tho President's Message—Congress. From the special report which we published yosterday of the leading points of the Presi- dent's forthcoming annual Message, and the despatch printed in another column of this issue, there will be nothing in the document calculated to inspire enthu- siasm in Young America or to awaken apprehensions of perilous changes in the mind of Grandfather Whitehead. It will embrace a very quiet statement of the work- ings of the several executive departments during the year since December last, with just such recommendations for appropriations and other legislative measures as are needed to keep the government jogging steadily along without disturbance or interruption at home or abroad for the ensuing fiscal year, which begins on the 30th of June. The impression widely prevailing a few days ago that the President would turn over a new leaf in his Southern policy seems to have had no founda- tion bué ceujoctats, for we are Assured that in the Message of Monday next will be no special recommendation on behalf of the South; but that the whole subject of amnesty, supremacy of the local civil authorities, and so forth, in that section will be left to the discretion of Congress. Doubtless the recent political squabbles and disturbances in Louisiana, Alabama, Arkansas and some others of the reconstructed States have had their effect at the White House, although it is said that, touching the pacifica- tion of said States, the President has yielded to the advice of experienced politicians in concluding to let things remain as they aro for some time longer. It must be borne in mind, however, that the term of the present Congress expires on the 4th of March with the present term of the Executive, and that in the short interval the two houses will have their hands full in the regular appropriation bills and other rou- tine measures of the session. Should the law be revived under which the new Con- gress assembled on the 4th of March imme- diately upon the heels of the retiring Con- gress, General Grant, in addition to his inau- gural, may have on the 4th or the 5th some special recommendations to make to the two houses. Otherwise the new Congress will not assemble till the first Monday in December a year hence. | In any event, however, the new Senate will assemble and organize on the 4th of March, in order to install the new President of the body, the Vice President elect, Wilson, and to act upon such nominations for office as the President may have in readiness to submit for confirmation. We expect he will submit to the Senate on the 5th of March, if not sooner, a new Cabinet appointment or two, and per- haps some two or three nominations for mis- sions abroad, including the mission to London and that to St. Petersburg. Meantime, we judge from our Washington foreshadowings that the President's Message to the two houses on Monday next will be as peaceful in its in- structions as a Quaker sermon to a camp of re- constructed Apaches. The Condition of Affairs in Spain and Cabinet Estimate of the Crisis, ‘The telegrams from Madrid which appear in our columns are dated in the Spanish capital yesterday. The contents of the despatches are not calculated to allay the apprehension which must prevail in the minds of the friends of Amadeus’ government relative to the condition of affairs which exists in the kingdom. Ifthe statements are literally cor- rect—not exaggerated by Spanish party men for political effect—the Crown has good reason for uneasiness, for the national situation is really serious. Provincial riot demonstrates at different points of the territory. ,This is suppressed by military force. There are marchings and countermarchings of royalist troops, and at the same moment the prevalence of what may be classed as an itinerant pseudo- revolution, The Province of Murcia has been placed under martial law. Andalusia is being prepared for the application of a like plan of monarchical cure, Minister Zorrilla reported officially to the Cortes yesterday. The Cabinet picture is not, as will be seen, encouraging to the cause of Iberian constitutionalism. Presi- dent of the Council Zorrilla alleged, notwith- standing, in conclusion, that “but little im- portance is attached by the government to the demonstrations."’ This Cabinet allegation appears to us, at this distance from the scenes of excitement, as being exceedingly peculiar, if not extraordinary. Has Spain come to re- garda half-smothered revolution as the normal political condition of the country? Have her people commenced to class the embers of the flame of war and rebellion as a healthy, life- giving fuel for the domestic hearth? Or, on the contrary and before all, are the Spanish | people, the millions, the only true conserva- tives in the country, and the party tacticians in Madrid and the other large cities the mere secret engineers, who, in their scramble for place, may, perhaps, hoist the constitution by means of a petard fashioned in a mere caucus? A Brunt Fravp—Those alleged wonder- ful diamond discoveries in Arizona, according to the latest accounts from San Francisco, Had the speculators concerned tried their experi- ment on ®& more moderate scale than that of covering thousands of square miles with dia- monds and all sorts of precious stones they might have qaught @ Rood many gudgeons, NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 27, 1872.-TRIPL SHEET, The System of Commissions for Our City Government—How We Are to Be Ruled in the Futare. It is very well known that the republican leaders in this city contemplate an application of the system of metropolitan district com- missions to the government of New York and its suburbs, through the action of the repub- lican State Legislature and the co-operation of Governor Dix. Their plan is bold and com- prehensive. It covers all the present municipal departments, and extends the area of their authority beyond the limits of the corporation over a territory embracing Westchester, Kings, Queens and Richmond, or a portion of those counties, as the caso may be. The new de- parture is not to be simply a revival of the old Metropolitan Police district policy, but a com- plete revolution in the government. It is argued that the city boundaries are now too restricted for the population ; thatthe citizens cannot be efficiently protected in life or prop- erty by laws, however good, the operation of which is confined to the city limits. Wo must prepare ourselves for the speedy con- solidation of the suburbs in one great munici- pality, and to that end must extend our local laws. over the adjacent territory. Tho business men of New York are residents of Brooklyn, Westchester and Staten Island. Every day the inhabitants of these suburbs pour into the city, and the best health regula- tions that can be devised for New York are valueless unless they can be made to cover the ares that gives us daily nearly half our floating population. The ferryboats connect us so closely with Brooklyn and Staten Island that it is absurd to maintain a police force that does not hold in its grasp Kings, Queens and Richmond as well as Westchester county, which is fast becoming only the upper part of the city, The dock improvements, the Harlem River improvement and the necessity of com- pleting the splendid boulevards contemplated through Westchester, together with the build- ing of the Brooklyn Bridge, render it neces- sary to give power over the public works in New York, Westchester and Kings to a single commission. These are the main arguments in favor of the new policy, and no one will deny their claim to fair consideration. Should they be endorsed by the State Legislature the real power in the city government will be transferred from the Mayor to the Governor of the State. This will also necessitate the creation of a commission of finance, audit and apportionment, whose authority will extend over the whole district and will do away with the Comptroller's department as it now exists. The Henatp has long advocated the consol- idation.of Brooklyn and Westchester with New York under one municipal government. We heartily approved years ago dhe creation of the original Metropolitan Police district, which gave us the best force we have ever had in the city, and we do not seo why the same principle should not now be extended to all the departments of the city government. - We have a Governor of the State who is a resident of New York city, closely identified with its interests and conversant with its requirements. A great deal of rhetoric is expended on the rights of municipalities and on the danger of interfering with self-government; but it is certain that we have heretofore failed to gov- ern our own city properly, and that the people of the whole State are almost as much con- cerned as we ourselves are in the health and prosperity of the metropolis and in the strict enforcement of the laws for the protection of life and property within its limits. The old ‘Ring’ officials were so bent on making enormous fortunes by dis- honest practices that they suffered the worst characters in the community to wield the greatest political power. Since their overthrow there has been but little real improvement in our local affairs except in the better protection of the public treasury from direct plunder. Selfish schemes have been prosecuted as vigorously as ever, if less boldly, and if we have not been injured by direct rob- bery wehave been damaged by inefficiency, lack of harmony and jealousies by which desirable improvements have been brought to a standstill and the progress of the city has been seriously impeded. If we can be more hon- estly, more advantageously and more efficiently governed at Albany than we can govern our- selves, no good citizen will object to the crea- tion of metropolitan commissions or to the transfer of the appointing power to the hands of Governor Dix. . The republican leaders contemplated n half-way measures, It is their intention to make the commissions of one political com- plexion, and while Governor Dix will assuredly appoint none but honest and competent officers to any position, his party will insist that they shall all be republicans. Otherwise they would take the matter into their own hands and name the commissioners through the Legis- lature. Their justification for this policy is based upon the plea that former city commis- sions failed for the very reason that they were politically mixed, and that their hybrid char- acter seriously impaired their efficiency. The republicans claim that, as they have been en- dorsed by the people of the city and by the people of the State as well, the electors in- tended that the republican party should take the undivided responsibility of the govern- ment upon itself. This responsibility the leaders do not desire to evade, but they insist that their power shall be made supreme. Give us the exclusive control of the departments, they say, and we will answer for the good gov- ernment of the city. It is very certain that the division of responsibility has been the main cause of all our municipal evils, and as the people have tried democratic rule long enough they will probably make no op- position to the entire transfer of power to the republicans. All they require is, that New York shall be made worthy of its position as the metropolis of the United States; that the great works of public improvement demanded by the necessities of the population shall be pushed vigorously forward to completion; that our commercial interests shall be fostered by the construction of solid and convenient docks along our magnificent water fronts; that rapid transit shall be speedily supplied throughout the island; that roads shall be opened and improved and the value of prop- erty enhanced. These matters affect the pockets, the morals and the comfort of the whole population, and if the people of New York can secure these advantages they will be indifferent whether democrats or republicans pocket the spoils, and will be quite contented to receive their public officers at the hands of | Goyernor Dix aud tho State Legislature, Burke on Frou: and the Future of Ireland, The eloquent Dominican who undertook the defence of Ireland from the charges made by Mr. Froude against her people and their claim to the common rights of humanity brought his argument toa close last night. We have already spoken of the vigor and ability displayed in the defence, and the signal manuer in which the position of the English historian was overthrown. The fact is, it did not require one-tenth the ability or learning brought to bear on the question by the Irish. priest to rofute the pleadings of the English advocate. During the seven hundred years which have passed since the struggle between the Celtic or Trish civilization and the Anglo-Norman was inaugurated the story of the treacheries, the persecutions and the massacres by which England has maintained her hold on’ the “Sister Isle" is too horrible and too repellant to our sense of justice not to enlist all our sympathies on the side of the oppressed people. There is something sublime in the picture of a people rising superior to fate, and in spite of defeats, which only stopped short of extermination, accepting again and again the issue of battle, succumbing to force, but never abandoning their cause, which must command respect even from their bitterest foes. Such a people and such a cause would be sure of a favorable verdict with a less eloquent advocate than Father Burke from a freedom and justice loving nation like America. Having said so much we can the more freely examine the deductions which the-elo- quent Dominican drew from the terrible story of Ireland’s wrongs, as related by himself. Although he has been singularly free from prejudice in his treatment of a delicate and a difficult subject he has unquestionably been hampered by the fact that he is a priest, or, as he himself proudly states, a monk. This fact has naturally led him to dwell with most detail on what may be the religious aspecta of the struggle between England and Ireland. While Mr. Froude, on one side, labored to show that the strugglo was a re- ligious one, and to enlist the Protestant sympathies of Americans in behalf of England, Father Burke has treated the question as if it were who! ly @ Catholic one on the Irish side. He has never once risen to the height of a national conception, although he more than once expressed a rather vaguo hope that all Irishmen should learn the advantage of reli- gious tolerance in the cause of Ireland. If we were dependent only on the views of the two gentlemen who have debated the Anglo-Irish question for our comprehension .of it we should be puzzled to adopt a logical solution of the difficulty; for neither one has done full justice to the theme. Each had in view the furtherance of a favorite scheme rather than the fearless expounding of the lessons of history. While in his facts and in his argu- ment the Dominican has been powerful and im- pressive, in his conclusions he has been lame and impotent, After raking up the horrors of English rule, and reminding the Irish race of all the deeds that could excite in their minds a thirst for vengeance, Father Burke concludes that the only remedy for present and past grievances is to wait patiently until the British Empire goes to pieces and Macaulay's New Zealander has completed his sketch from the broken arch of London Bridge. The programme is certainly not heroic, and the course is a very safe one to advise. No one can doubt the prudence of such advice, and it is proper enough, com- ing from a priest whose business it is to preach peace; but the nation that adopted it would be beneath contempt. If Ireland has no nobler programme than this the sooner her sons adopt Mr. Froude’s views the better. We have no sympathy to spare for a nation that goes about the world hawking its sores to excite the pity and commiseration of mankind. Such a people were made to be slaves, and if they had only common decency they would accept in silence the fate they have neither the courage nor the manhood to redress. It appears to us that eloquent Irishmen like Father Burke are guilty of a great crime in keeping alive the bitter animosities of the past by appealing to history and reminding the Irish people that they had ancestors who were not afraid to unsheath a sword in the defence of right, whatever the result, when the only lesson they have got to preach is one of abject and cowardly submission, If Father Burke's opinions are shared by any considerable section of the Trish people then Mr. Froude is right ; such a people are unworthy to be free. The bait which he holds out to cowardice is, however, likely to prove delusive, Unwilling to accept the logical conclusions of his own arguments, he pictured Ireland im the unknown future rising to greatness and attaching herself to the American Union, when the Brit- ish Empire, like the Roman, had crumbled from the decay that follows the corruptions of empires. In order to make this picture pleasing to his audience he boldly misrepre- sented history, and showed us England rising to greatness on the ruins of the Roman Em- pire, when it is notorious that so feeble and corrupt was the island that the people were unable to defend themselves until they begged for the aid of the warlike Saxons. So it was in Gaul as it is everywhere—the slave is always contemptible and always a coward. Such stories may please a mob, but they are not history. If there is one lesson that the past teaches with terrible logic it is that peo- ples who wish to enjoy liberty must be pre- pared to make the sacrifices she demands, and if the Irish people have not the energy to encounter the difficulties in their path and the courage to accept the dread issue the less their advocates call attention to the fact the better it will be for the repute of the Irish nation. We have sympathy for the unfortu- nate, but none for blatant cowards. Bap ron ‘“Brornerty Love’’—The organ- ized league of ruffians in Philadelphia, which, according to Hugh Marra, is ‘‘a band of thor- oughly reckless men associated together for all forms of crime."’ And yet they talk of the Quaker poiicy for the Comanches, ‘1 Saw Toem nut a Moment, rut Mz- tutnxs I Sex Tuxm Now'’—The British sol- diers on their departure from the island of San Juan, in obedience to the decision of the Em- peror William turning over said island to the United States, rypempretse orien. weg A Specimen of Cuban Journalistic Eaterprise, . Our special commissioner to Cubw reports from Santiago a very curious and cool proceeding on the part of some journalistio genius of the place in requesting him to write for the columns of the Diario or for those of the Bandera Espanola o full account of wi he had seen in the island and what he thought of the insurrection. There is a positively re- freshing touch of the boldness of Rob Roy Macgregor and the diplomatic sharpness of Machiavelli beautifully combined in this little plan to seize on Heraxp onterprise. It would Place its foot upon its native tobacco patoh, flourish ‘ a threat in the eyee of the Hrranp man and then, if suc- cessful, turm an honest penny by pub- lishing news whose collection was paid for by the Henatp. Fortunately there were two parties necessary to this transaction, the Henaxp correspondent as well as this cour- teous representative of what might be regarded by a carping world in the light of journalistic brigandage. ‘That thero was a greater or lesser threat involved in the Diario’ s “‘request’’ is made tolerably evident in the fact that the courteous Spanish General’ Riguelme thought it necessary to inform our. correspondent that he might comply with it or not at his pleasure. At the same time he guaranteed our correspondent’s safety while in his territory. This is a pretty state of affaitiy truly. Faney a Cuban reporter sent to New York—if sucha thing ever oxisted—being called: on by a metropolitan journal to give his views on the chicken pip question that the Washing ton Market poultrymen might know where he stood and how to treat him the next time he * visited them, and in order that the journal itself might be saved the expense of sending a reporter as far as West street. This would be the exact counterpart of this Cuban request, if we only figure General Shaler guarantesing the Cuban reporter his safety from the chickem butchers’ wrath, whether he published his views on the pip or not. While acknowledg- ing the keen sense of the power and value of the Hzratp as a news collector and director of thought, which the Diario admits in making the odd request, we instance it asa phenomenon, in modern journalism, ona Absurd Reports About the Inside Workings of the Herald Office. Our country contemporaries are frequently imposed upon by persons claiming to be cor- respondents in regard to matters and things in this city. These letters are generally stereotyped and sent to the country press in every section for a nominal price, the com- pensation consisting in the puffs and advor- tisements contained in the correspondence. One of the principal objects of interest to these irresponsible soribblers is the Human» establishment and its inside workings. We have before us a copy of the Elmira Advertiser, ® paper usually conducted with care and judg- ment, but which in this issue gives currency to the most absurd statements concerning the internal machinery of the Heraxp office. This is one of those stereotyped reports sent to the country press from city advertising agents in the pretentious form of “correspondence from the metropolis’ and other attractive headings. Now we do not solicit the favorable notice of our country brethren of the press—although when in mat- ters of enterprise we challenge their commen- dation such commendation is always gratefully acknowledged—yet we must protest against the circulation of these ridiculous fables about the internal workings and management of our establishment. If these or any other writers for the press desire to enlighten their readers about the inside or outside workings of the Henan let them call upon us personally and they will be freely furnished with reliable in- formation on the subject. They will thus be saved the trouble of relying upon their im- agination for facts concerning the manner in which the great Hany business is managed. General Grant, His Generals and the People. Since the early days of easy warfare, whem iron-clad swordsmen hacked at equally pre- served foes, as Machiavelli expresses it, ‘from the rising of the sun until the going down thereof,” without any particular resu!é except awful fatigue on both sides, there has been jealousy at headquarters, The instances to the contrary that to our pleading call come crawling to our mind as we write, are few and unimportant. Great genarals and great men, when off the stage of their’ particular performance, ore usually more conspicuous than admirable. Human passion and human feeling is generally disas- trous to the best sewed and most glittering buttons. The swelling bosom of the con+ scious hero is generally fatal to quiet civil- ian rules of right and wrong. The man who has once charged a bat- tery, put a brigade to flight or made an army surrender is usually lifted by the eccentric movements of his inner con3cious- ness far above the level of his kind. He scorns opinion; he frowns at censure ; above all and in defiance of circumstances he is everything himself. Mushroom republics and monarchies, tower- ingly built on the shifting sands of poverty and crime, have had leaders of this kind— men who, like the artillery sergeant whom Alex- ander Dumas describes, had the fleur de lis in Indian ink on one arm and ‘Vive la Repub- lique!’’ on the other, and were, therefore, ready to offer explanations to sans culotles of either party ina street fight. But in a free, intelligent republic, and under a benign system of government, no such vascil- lating and pyrotechnic politics is reeog- nized or allowed. Indeed, no general, no leader of the people, would ever dare to. present himself in such a light before the educated, intelligent Republic which gave him political being. It must be said of General Grant, our Presi- dent, that in entering upon his second term he displays a ready disposition to coincide’ with the feelings of the great majority of the people who lately voted him into powor for the next four years. Casting aside passion, favoritism and the many, and perhaps not toa unfrequently pressed evil iafluences by which, from his peculiar position, he is surrounded, he has entered upon path of duty that cannot fail, if properly followed up, to bring him unmeasured praise, The question of the appointwent of a major general of the army, vacant through the death of that sturdy hero and savior of Pounsyk —