The New York Herald Newspaper, August 6, 1872, Page 5

“the break WEST VIRGINIA. The Gubernatorial Might Between Camden and Jacob. Almost Certain Defeat of the New Constitution. THE MUDDLE IN THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. Possible Double Delegation to the Next Congress. THE CANDIDATES. Shall There Be Two Elections * in the State? National Politics an Unimportant Consideration. BERKELEY SpRinGs, W, Va., August 3, 1872, As the day of the clection draws nearer the in- terest in the canvass in this State increases, though it cannot be said that the issues which sep- rate factions become more clearly defined, It ‘would be well if this were so, for West Virginia pol- itics are a muddle at best. The democratic or con- servative party ls composed of a number of inhar- monious clements. Like the radical rule which pre- ceeded it, it has not been very successful in the gen- eral administration of State affairs. Held together only out of dislike of radicalism and the cohesion ‘of the spoils of oilice, it threatens again to resolve itself into its constituent parts. These were de- goribed to me the other day by an old West Vir- ginian as being four in number, THE ELEMENTS COMPOSING THE DEMOCRACY. According to this story, these four elements are a very queer compound. Something must be for- given to the epirlt of caricature which naturally springs from my informant’s mind, but any one at all conversant with West Virginla politics will Fecognize the truthfulness of the classification. It ia as follows:— 1. Democrats who still adhere to the resolutions of 1798. Tiiese people were not rebels—that is to say, they were not fighting rebels, ‘They are essen- tially Bourbons, for they have learned nothing and forgotten nothing. It 1s doubtful if they are thor- oughly convinced that slavery is abolished, and boos certainly expect to get their niggers back again. According to thelr ideas, the present 1s a season of “midsutamer madness” for the nation, which will pass away in time aud leave the country pretty much where it was beiore tho war. 2. Democrats who were rebels during the war. These iorm the most nn part of the de- ‘acy. They are the working men of the organi- zation—the active spirits who give to it whatever there is of life and animation in the party. Almost & ay exception the soldiers of the late Con- deracy are democrats. Major Mathews, tie can- didate tor Attorney General, who was himself an oficer of the Confederate army, told me at White Sulphur Springs the other day that every man who has just come out from under the fourteenth amend- ment will vote for Camden and against Jacob. Mathews ought to know, and I believe the ex-Con- federate element is the permanent strength of the democracy of this State. Democrats who are democrats anyhow. Many of these do not know the difference between Andrew Jackson and “Stonewall” Jackson. Some of tham Bever even heard, or heard only in faint, uncertain Whispers of the war, so far are they from “civiliza- tion” in their mountain fastnesses. 4. Democrats who were Union soldiers and went over tothe conservatives after the war out of dis- gust at radical mismanagement. These form & very important part of the democratic strength of this State, but they are not trustworthy 3 demo- craig any more than they could.be relied upon as ae They are easily disgusted at party imbecility and are excellent hands at doing as they Please. DISORGANIZATION OF THE DEMOCRACY, Aparty composed of such discordant elements could hardly expect to hold together’ many years, especially asthe only tie that bound them wasa common disposition to oppose the radicals in power. Two or three years were almost certain to work a revolution, and already such a revolution as threatens the disorganization of the party ap- pears to have taken place. Indeed, it seems hopelessly split. Not only is Jacob, the democratic Governor, an_ independent and the republican candidate for re-election, but pervades every county in the State, John J, Davis, the democratic Congress- man from tho First or Western Panhandle district, both opposes Grecley and the new constitution, and is himself supported for re-election by botn Gemocrats and republicans, In the Third district, where Frank Hereiord is agaln a candidate, some of the Jacob men are overlooking his hostility to Jacob, but a determined effort is making to beat him—the fight against him being mostiy made on his record in favor of land grabs for railroads. This is a sin which always finds a Congressman out, and Hereford is oniy one of afew men who have discovered that their votes in favor of “jovs” are coming back to plague them. The Second Con- gress district is worse mixed than either of the others; it is a republican district, but it is not believed that w ey eae can be elected, and it is quite certain that a democrat cannot be. Charlies J. Faulkner, forgetful that the change in the character of the debates in the last lew years leaves no place in the House for such as he, wants to go back again ; but he is fearfully unpopular, and many democrats declare that they wiil not sup- port him, even if ve is nomivated. In this emer- gency the liberat republicans think they see their opportunity, and General Ward H, Lamon, the “bi- | ographer” of Lincoln, and Lincoin’s Marshal of the District of Columbia, who las been practising law im Martinsburg for a number of years, will be brought forward. Lamon supports Greeley, and, like Greeley, he claims to be not less a republican than he always was, though it is impossible to pre- dict what kind of a republican or What kind of a Gemocrat he would make if his aspirations for Congressional honors should be satisfied. ‘This mixed condition of political affairs in the Congress districts is only equalicd by the eu turvy way in which everything has been turned in Jacob and his friends are denounced a3 disorganizers by their opponents, while Camden's leading supporters are put down as a “ring” by their enemies, ‘The republicans all support Jacob, and yet Jacob claims to be more a democrat than | he ever was. Camden's friends say qgcob should as Seer, have made way for Caml now as Cam- n did for him two years ago, to which Jacobd re- nds that then he led a forlorn hope and was ted to the astonishment of everybody, While tho new constitution is the vital issue in the con- test personalitics rage between the opposing can- didates, and we are constantly hearing of the Cam- den Ring and the Boreman-Jacob Ring. This is all the more—perhaps I might say all the —strange because this is new State, overrun with inexperi- enced politicians. THE LEADING MEN OF WEST VIRGINIA, | the State. | aggravated by a misunderstanding about the | the Second district, opposes the new cons' The country will scarcely recognize the great | men of this Commonwealth; for theyare only tn- ciplent “statesmen,” whose names as yet are Father strange to the newspapers. Most of them live along tlic line of the Baltimore and Ohio Rail- road, and not a few of them are supported and caressed by that great corporation, At least a baker's dozen of them belong to the villago of Parkersburg, on the Ohio River, Johnson N. Cam- den, the democratic candidate for Governor, lives | at Parkersburg, as do United States Senator Bore- | man, ex-Governor Stevenson, Judge Jackson, M, ©. ©. Chureh, Chief Justice Chase’s fagieman, and others. John J. Davis, the recalcitrant democratic Congressman, resides at Clarksburg. The home of; Governor Jacob is at Romney, and near by, a mont, Or more properly at Deer Park, on the mountains, is the residence of United States | Senator Henry G. Davis. senator Davis ts by all odds the ablest politician in the State, He began Ife a8 & Worker on the Baltimore and Ohio Kail- road, gradually rose tobe a conductor, and was finally able to go into trade, from which he amassed great wealth, He is one of the richest as weil as one A the most acute men in West Virginia, In the nate he has preserved a cautious silence, but at home his hand is felt in every movement. ‘So far he has taken very little active interest fn the State campaign—a fact which may be explained on the gee that he has little sympathy with some of i¢ features of the new constitution, laving been a ublican when the State was first organized and a ctper in framing the disfranchising and disabling legislation of the war period, As soon as the August election is over ne promises to take part in the Presidential canvass and to assist in carrying tne State for Greeley. Camden is alsoa man of large wealth and personal respectability, but he has never been in public life, His enemies urge that his money alone secured him the nomiuation, and for this reason, among others, they oppose Lim in Dehalfor honest Jona J. Jacob. ‘Governor Jacob isnot Tich, aud when elected to his present position he ‘was a comparative stranger in the State. In the administration of his office, which so far at least has been characterized by ability and integrity, he has made many friends, and these as well as ‘the republicans are his ardent supporters in his fight | wih his own party, The most serious, Indeed the 5 | Nationa of Congress.” He supports ete the republicans are compelled port him. ‘to defeat the new constitution, no and or ng FuBeee, ei power Pemestves, ‘they will ‘ing gain mi aie first si nt the if Gotiatan phe) ared by the At first 61 ¢ coustitution prepared by Convention’ at pay ee _ i Peri be very oper and necessary documen: certain) te vey good features, especially those Wien provide tor political equality in the State. Uufor- tunately the schedule accompanying the constitu- tion, as I stated In a former letter, containsa pro- vision tobe voted on separately, which prevents negroes from holding office. Why it was aul nitted, ‘unl the expectation was to carry it, 1 cannot un- derstand, and yet one never hears it discussed in any part of the State. If the constitution fails, this atrocious proposition must fail also, but there may be a trick behind which will yet give trouble in the State. The other objectionable features are in in- creasing the terms of office of tne State officials from two to four years and in @ return to tho county court system of old Virginia, by which who know no law are chosen to administer justico according to law. Im these respects the new con- stitution Is only a rehash of the effete and anti- uated features of the organic law of the other ‘irginia. These things, in themselves, provoke much hostility, and the onponition ig strengthened by the fact, which is pretty generally admitted, that the old constitution fs good enough as it stands, The Flick amendment enfranchised every- body who could be enfranchised under the Four- teenth amendment, and neither _abri the righta of negroes nor of rebels. Everybody was satisfied with things as were, except @ few persons who were led by a blind hostility to negro suffrage, and the y ede! who manufactured the new Instrument. gainst the latter it is alleged that if the new constitution is adopted it will make a difference of $600,000 a year to the favor of the lawyers of the State. But so far as I can gee there 18 no chance for its adoption, It is reported Dow that many of the Camden men, seeing its de- feat to be inevitable, are going in a jetly to help in voting it down. This will render the August election nugatory and give everybody a fresh chance in October. Jacob's friends are confident of beating Camden in August, and Camden’s friends are quite as confident that, with the new constitution out of the way, er eee beat Jacob in October. West Virginia will thus have three dis- tinct canvasses and three distinct elections this fall, and some very curious questions may grow out of this very peculiar metholof voting. It is not impossible that there may be ‘TWO SETS OF CONGRESSMEN, and it wonld, to some extent ut least, depend upon the political complexion of the next House of Representatives as to which set should obtain the seats. If Congressman John J. Davis, the inde- pendent democratic candidate in the First district, should be re-elected, and General Lamon, the independent republican candidate, be chosen in the Second district, their ad- mission to a republican house, in the event of Greeley’s ary would be a puzzle unless they are successful both in August and October, Davis (the democrat) being opposed to.and Lamon (the republican) in favor of Greeley. In the Third dis- trict_thore may be even a more ponalin question, This is the district in which Frank Hereford is (eS candidate for re-election, his radical opponent be- ing Mr. J. Brisbin Walker, a son-in-law of General D. H. Strother—“Porte Crayon”—of this piace, and @ very rich and active young man. Walker is making matters very warm tor Hereford and is confident of success; but the district is believed to be so close that one of them wer succeed in August and the other in October, In the First and Se districts, also, different persons may be chosen at the different elections. ‘he question will then be on the valldity of the August election. So loosely has the work Of providing for elections been done that this question may be raised, whether the new constitution is or is not adopted, unless each can- didate should be fortunate enough to-go through the trying ordeal of an election successfully on both occasions. A more mixed Congressional elec- tlon was never secn, and the State canvass is quite. as beaty mixed, there being not fewer than four tickets In the fleld all clan ing to be democral They all have a family likeness, and oar oe known by their ear-marks. The ticket “Governor” Camden is called the democratic ant conservative ticket, and that headed by Jacob, which is printed by his personal and - tical organs, is called the true democratic ticket. It will observed that these tickets differ only in the names of the leading candidates, But when disorganization begins it not likely to stop 80 short gs this, and we have, accordingly, two other tickets, both of these claiming to be Cemocratic also. I have divided them as follows :— DEMOCRATIC AND CONSERVATIVE TICKET. For Governor—Johnson N. Camden, of Wood. For Auditor—Edward A Bennett, of Marion, For Treagurer—John 8. Burdett, of Kanawha, Ee eget | General—Henry M. Mathews, of reenbrier. For Superintendent of Free Schoolsa—Benjamin W. Byrne, of Kanawha. upreme Court of A| is—A, F. Haymond, of Marion; James Paull, of Ohio; J. 8. Hoffman, ol Harrison, and C. P. T. Moore, of Mason. pa SAUR PEMOCEATO SEED ” Governor—ohn J. Jacob, of Hampshire, For Auditor—Edward A, Bennett, of Marion. For Treasurer—John S, Burdett, of Kanawha. For Attorney General—Henry M. Mathews, of Greenbrier, For Superintendent of Free Schools—Benjamin W. Byrne, of Kanawha. For Supreme Court af Appeals—A, F. Haymond, of Marion; James Paull, of Ohio; J. 8. Hofman, of Harrison, and (©, P. T. Moore of Mason. INDEPENDENT TICKET NO. 1. For Governor—John J. Jacob, of Hampshire, For Auditor—A. M. Jacob, of Ohio. For Treasurer—R. 8. Gardner, of Harrison, For Attorney General—W. H. if, Flick, of Pendie- ton. For Supertntendent of Free Schools—J. B. Hard- wicke, of Kanawha. For Supreme Court of Appeats—C. P. T. Moore, of Mason; Matthew Edmiston, of Lewis; Edwin A. Maxwell, of Doddridge; Ralph L. Berkshire, of Monongalia. INDEPENDENT TICKET NO, 2. For Governor—Joun J. Jacob, of Hampshire, For Auditor—A. M. Jacob, of Ohio. For Treasurerv—W. P. Rathbone, of Wood. For Attorney General—Gustave Cresap, of Pres- ton. For Sunerinténdent of Free Schools—J. B. Hard- wicke, of Kanawha. For Supreme Court of Appeals—Matthew Edmis- ton, of Lewis; R. L. Berkshire, of Monongaha; Ed- win Maxwell, of Doddridge; 0.’ P. 'T. Moore, of Ma- son. ‘These tickets have been framed to meet the wants of both democrats and republicans. Some of Jacob's democratic supporters are so fhorougnly persuaded that the Parkersburg Convention, which nominated Camden, was a packed body, controlled | by frand, that they will not support anybody put im nomination by it. The republicans are perfectly willing to vote for Jacob, but they would not vote any merely democratic ticket on which Jacob's name appears. To meet these difficulties the inde- pendent ticket No, 1 was made for the radl- cals and the independent ticket No, 2 for the discontented democrats. The candidate for At- torney General, W. H. H. Flick, is a republican and the author of the famous Flick amendment. Be- | sides hin the only republicans on a tleket intended for republicans are Edwin A. Maxwell, of Doddrid county, and Ralph L. Berkshire, of Monongal county, candidates for the bench of the Supreme | Court of Appeals, All this seems funny enough, Le nothing is surprising, just now, in West Vir- nia, . NO END TO THE MUDDLE. But the muddie does not even end with thesa mixed tickets, and the uncertainties which attend the mixed condition of the democratic party are ree- ley coalition, They are unable to agree! on an_ electoral ticket. The liberal re- ublicans are nearly all for Jacob, and he Camdenites, willingly or unwillingly, are all for ween Governor Jacob's democratic organ in | Wheellng does not hoist the banner of Greeley and Brown, and favors the re-election of John J. Davis the anti-Greeley democrat, to Congress, General Lamon, the independent candidate tor one in ‘itution, favors Jacob aud is @ Greeley republican. Frank | Hereford, the democratic candidate in the Third district, supports Camden, the pow constitution aud Horace Greeley. Every day only seems to add to the mixture, and there seems to be ho end to the muddle. Election day and the defeat of the new constitution will change the tight in | some of its outward aspects, but tt will tmmedi- ate! assume new forms and go on as bitterly as Already it is very bitter, and personalities and sianders are indulged in to an extent that woutd furnish an ordinary man with libel suits for a wholo lifetime. As the election approaches the canvass grows very exciting, but so far the contest between Greeley and Grant has not opened. In politics the State is conceded to pete and, this being the case, everybody is free to fight out the persoual warfare of the campaign, and everybody is indulging to the fullest extent in this liberty. OHIO CONGRESSIONAL NOMINATION, CINCINNATI, August 5, 1872. Judge W. G. Winans, of Greene county, was nominated to-day by the liberals and democrats as Representative to Congress from the Fourth Ohio district, CONGRESSIONAL INDIAN COMMITTEE, The Investigations of Indian Frauds— Wholesale Villainy Uncarthed by the Sub-Committee on Indian Affairs, St. Lours, Mo., August 6, 1872, Hon. vohn P. Shanks, of Indtana; Hon. John A. Smith, of Ohio, who, with Hon. Mr. Burdell, of Missouri, constituted the sub-committee of the House Committee on Indian Affairs to investigate the alleged frauds on tribes inhabiting the Indian { deliberation, Territory, arrived here yesterday and left for hom this morning, They have visited the Chockta) Chickasawa, Creeks, Osages and other tribe: taken an immense amount of testimony an earthed irguds to a very large amount. CHARLES SUMNER. The Old Abolitionist Reviews the Carcer of the Massachusetts Senator and Compares It with That of Heury Wilson—His Opinion of Grecley and Grats Brown. Boston, August 8, 1872, DEAR MR. SuMNER—Though I should be strongly Induced, by the friendship subsisting between us, to avoid taking a position antagonistical to your own, under ordinary circumstances, even if I deemed it erroncous, yet all personal considera- tions must be subordinated to the public welfare when seriously imperiiied. You do not believe in silence in @ erisis like the present, nor do I, In your recent letter to certain colored citizens of Washington you have spoken plainly, vehemently, and with rhetorical amplification (not for the firet time), in utter condemnation of the President of the United States, and your advice to the whole body of colored voters is, that they concentrate their sufrages upon a rival candidate in the person of Horace Greeley, In reviewing your letter I propose to speak with equal plainness, and as earnesily to counsel my colored countrymen not to follow your lead in this matter; but, as voters, to move unitedly for the re- election of President Grant, for every consideration pertaining to thelr gafety and happiness, to the cause of equal rights and to the furtherance of national peace and unity. Tn apologizing for your delay in answering the letter of inquiry referred to you state that you “wished to be aiged by the information which time might supply.” The kind of information you desired or expected to gain in the brief space of seventeen days ts left to conjecture; but in view of your long-avowed estrangement from the present Chief Magistrate it could not have been needed to intenalfy your hostility to his administration. Your reply is dated July 29, and it appears to have been as caretully timed to influence the election in North Carolina on the 1st of August, before anything could be tone to neu- tralize its effect, as was your Grant indictment specch in the Senate to determine the action of the Philadelphia Convention. These coincidences may have becn accidental, but you must not be surprised if, owing to the well-known inflammable state of your mind, a general beilef obtains that you have ‘unfairly availed yourself of opportunities to work @ fatal division in the republican ranks. It atfords you much gratification to be singled out by your colored interrogators as the ‘special adyo- cate of their rights,” But this isan assumption which janice. as wellas Kage tpn? modesty, should have ed you to disclaim, even if it was meant only to describe your Congressional career. Similar advo- cates have from time to time stood bravely up, th in the Senate and in the House of Represen- atives—Wilson, Hale, Wade, Chase, Giddings, Mann, Lovejoy, Julian, Palirey,’ Thaddeus Stevens, Gerrit Smith and others—who, if not as copious and ornate in speech as yourself, have been as unflinching, and in their tarn most bitter! denounced, to say nothing of the thousands of antl- slavery men and women whose lot it was Be hr through the heat and burden of the conflict, pfead- ing, in season and out of scason, nearly a score of Kets before your voice was heard in support of heir holy cause, You have since rendered eminent service to that cause; your advocacy of it has been great and meritorious; but to claim it as peculiar at this late day, as though you stood alone and al- most single-handed, is a ‘sonal appropriation very far removed from sel uegation, and quite unwarranted, The republican party (the product of thirty years’ moral and religious agitation for the overtirow of slavery) has crushed a vast sectional rebellion for Pdent? 6. his political rival for the Vice Presidency, Gratz Brown, ag one whom you “ have known for years a8 & most determined abolitionist”) It ig an im- Mensely exaggerated claim. Put a hundred men ke Grats Brown into one scale and Henry Wilson jalo the other, for anti-slavery service rendered, ‘and for reliable friendship for our colored popula- and would violently kick the beam, re is no comparison to be made between these candl- dates as trustwort! ) or meritorious char- acter, The nomination of one. so openly 10 nounced on all the leading pi ovenen ts the age as Henry Wilson yey ele t orus hollow ghar: the rey rubafoan out & mihetae f f given overto corrupt laving at last decided support Mr. Greeley Pe did you linger go long, in view of bis extraor- inary virtues and admirable Presidential quatifica- tions’) you naturally proceed to make the most of him, 1, “te waa born $0 Over 50, were mil- lions besides. What then’ Does Charles Sumner deem himself unfortunate for having been born to competence? 2 “He educated hinwelf in a printing office.” Thousands of others have done the same, thing; is it any reason Why he or they should be put into the Presidential chair? 3, “He started with nothing but industry and a charac- ter.” An every day Occurrence in all parts of tho country. 4. ‘‘Aiways beneficent with the poor.” Is that © rare trait and worthy of grave considera- tion In determing who shall be the next Presi- “An honesty which no suspicion has touched.” here is nothing peculiar in this, In the ordinary bs ga of business life, no doubt, Mr. Grecley is jonest; he will neither cheat nor pick your pocket, But in fitical management he has been and con- inues to be far from upright, substituting a low expediency for unswerving rectitude, The great American compromiser, Henry Clay, living and dy- a was alike his idol and model, He does not find it difficult to believe that the end sanctifies the means. To adhereto a fixed principle of right, come what may, he regards as fanaticism ; to sacri- fice it for a present attainable advantage 1s, in bis opinion, statesmansiip. In the treatment of public aMnirs he is unreliable and without vision ov Judg- ment. ‘The latest exhibition of his slipperinéss is seen in his high protection dodge at Cincinnati to reconcile free traders to his nomination, He seems to be quite destitute of. moral sensibility, and when occasion favors can easily be duped, He sees no good reason why fire and wder should always remain at variance, or why light and dark- ness should never coalesce. It ts only for Southern: disloyalty to put on the guise of patriotism to be accepted as & proof of repentance and regenera- tion. ‘The Adversary, when dressed as an sage of light, is not to be repulsed or suspected, but It wall be a Christian act to shake hands with him, whether over a “bloody chasm’ or the bottomless pit! His clamor for universal amnesty and for a total oblivion of the causes and conse- quences of the late dreadful war is directly in the interest of another Southern iebeliion; and should he be our next President, as he has repeatedly pro- claimed his belief in the right of secession if agreed upon by a controlling sectional majority, there ig reason for the gravest apprehensions as to what may transpire under his administra- tion. There need be adduced no case for greater dis- trust or stronger condemnation than is found in the fact that the great body of Southern whites— loyal in form by necessity, not choice—are eager for his succoss, while as large a proportion of the Southern frecdmen aro trembling in fear of it, for they instinctively perceive what will be the sad consequences to themselves, They may not, in- deed, be again reduced to bondage; but short of this, there will be little regard patd to their personal or political rights, For this reason itis that they are feeling so alarmed and indignant at the stupidity or perildy of any of their number in voting for ‘the Greeley ticket; and well may a wide margin of al- lowance be made for them if in any case they have attempted to prevent this by threatening personal violence, ‘Their ohject ig not to strike down free- don of choice, but to save themselves from A crucl betrayal, Youcan shed no light on their pathway ; for they have @ much clearer vision than your own, and a practical knowledge of men and things around them that you do not possess, Talk not to them in disparagement of President Grant; tell them not of the superior virtues of Mr. Greeley! As @ matter of common sense and ordinary pru- dence, they only ease need. only ask—on which side are their Reap) gers and persecutors rallying, Ku Kluxes and all, to come to the sensible conclusion that their safety lea in an opposite direction. Yet it is Charles Sumner who is exerting all his powers to persuade them to the contrary! the srenton * Re Independent slave pple: bat manclpa: mdmen and ¢leva' fem the Hand of Rinertean cltizens ip; -has reconstructed the rebellious States on a com- mon constitutional basis, with universal liberty; has brought order out of chaos, general tran- quillity outof wide-spread disaffection, unexampled prosperity ‘out of frightful devastation, and has advanced the banner of liberty and equality far be- yond the expectation or hope of any man living ten years ago. ‘The day has gone by, therefore, for any one to exhibit remarkable courage or conspicuity in the advocacy of any measure in behalf of the rights and interests of our colored population, ex- cept, indeed, where the old slave-holding spirit still exercises mastery at the South. Nor is it pertinent to the occasion to talk of their “infinite wrongs,” now that they are emancipated and enfranchised, supplied with multitudinous schools and teachers, free to make thelr own contrasts as independent laborers, protected as husbands and wives, bound together as parents and children, voting and being voted for, pursuing successfully all professional em- loyments, steadily augmenting their home com- forts and laying up wealth, occupying stations of trust and emolument, and waving their represen- tatives in every Southern Legislature and on the floor of Congress. ‘True in certain localities they are still subjected to many indignitics, and sometimes to horrible outrages; but these are inflicted by that class of incorrigible miscreants at the South who are just now in happy afiiiia- tion with yourself to ag Horace Greeley in the Presidential chair. ‘True there is still throughout the country a strong prejudice against social equality irrespective of color; but this is steadily yielding, and in many cases has ceased to operate, ‘he special time to express sympathy for the “infl- nite wrongs” of the colored race was when they had few to interfere for their deliverance from the auction block and slave canfle, from the slave driver's gory lash, from galling yokes and tor ‘uring thumb-screws, from the fangs of pursuing blood- hounds, from the clutches of prowllpg kidnap- pers, from inconceivable agonies at the burning stake; and when to “remember those in bonds as bound with them’ Jed anywhere else than to the high places of the country. And I always deeply regret, too (as 1am quite sure you now do), that for so many years alter the commencement ol the struggle to effect that deliverance, when the elements were meiting with fervent heat, aud mobocratic violence for the suppression of anti-slavery discussion was everywhere prevalent, not excepting in your own native city, you took no active’ part in that conflict, attended no anti-slavery gatherings, gave no visible sign of a lively interest in its suc- cess; for the first time bearing your public testi- mony against slavery in opposing the annexation of Texas. When elected to the United States Sen- ate, in 1851, you sat nearly eight months in that vody speeciiless in respect to the Fugitive Slave bill, elititing strong remonstrances against your Dlg coe silence, seeing that, as the successor of | ir, Webster, your election was regarded as an im- dege gain to the cause of impartial freedom, ‘our silence was the more inexplicable, and | furnished just cause for uneasiness, because, in @ speech made by you before gomg to Wa: ton, you said :—‘*The subject will not admit of postpone- iment or hesitation. It is the subject of subjects. From this time forward it will be entertained by Congress; it will be, as it were, one of the orders of the day; it cannot Lad agreed over or forgotten, * * * We demand, first aud foremost, the instant repeal of the Fugitive Slave bill." You took your seat in the Senate December 1, 1851; it was not until the | 27th of July, 1862, that you rose to advocate that repeal, apologetically prefacing your remarks by saying:—“Ilad I attempted this duty at an earlier day it might have been said that'as anew | comer and inexperienced in this scene, withont hastily, rashly, recklessly, I pushed uestion before the conntry.” Surely uo true | friend of humanity would have made such a fling, and the possible ‘sneers of its enemies were not deserving a moment's consideration. Besides, the discussion had been going on throughout the land ever since the U gran of the Fugitive Slave bill, 80 that to talk of “pushing the question” upon the public’attention was a misapplication Of language. Nevertheless, ouce putting your hand to ine plough, you did not look back; once breaking tho Paintul silence, you have not ceased to speak, with great boldness and rare eloquence, for the com- oe enfranchisement of the colored race; nor ave I failed to stand by you through evil reportand vhrough good report, cheering you on, and both in ublic and in private vindicating you from the un- just attacks of your pro-slavery traducers, My ref- | erence to tho early days oi anti-slavery trial is not to tear from your brow one of the laurels with which it | is so honorably bound; but when—to make your influence potential with the colored electors to se- cure their votes for Mr. Greeley—Mr, Greeley’s organ, the Tridune, untruthfally proclaims you to have been ‘the foremost enemy of human slavery en ‘abolitionis\’ was a term of reproach from @ end of the country to the other’—"the best and wisest friend of the freedmen in the trying hyd since emancipation’—‘“loved and trusted yy the colored race above all other men in Amer- ica”’—justice requires that the deception should be exposed and the whold truth told. In nothing of courage and vigilance, of zeal and fidelity in securing equal rights tor the colored race has your bn! poet co-Senator, U Wilson, been outstrip- ed by you; and no meinber of Congress has done more for them. Nay, long before you were seen or known in opposition to slavery he was activ en- gaged In the noble strife under the banner of im- mediate and unconditional emancipation. During thirty-six hyd of public life he has made the freedom of the race, 80 long peeled and trodden down, paramount to all other political considera- tions, Instead of persistentiy shunning antl- slavery mectings he was a frequent attendant upon them, and freely participated in their proceedings. Now that he has a deservedly nominated by the | republican party for the Vice Presidency of the United States, d, if elected, may possibly in the turn of eu! the acting President, it should be a matter of pride and gratitude on the part of colored voters to give him their” united suffrages, he is a Mas- fachusetts ‘Senator like ourselr, has been ® Warm personal frien and = faithful coadjutor, and stood up undauntedly In your defence When bloody violence sought your life, 1 think it is digcreditabie to you that you lave not only evinced ho satisfaction with the choice af the republican party in this particular, but have treated it as un- Worthy of recognition. ‘to make this slight the more hotccable you have taken pajps to culogize this By what witchcraft has this been brought about ¢ © madness of discourse, ~ Phat cause sets up with and against tteclt! 1-folid authority! where rea:on ean rovolt Withont perdition, and toss assume all roaron Without revolt: this is, and is not, Cressld, The spacial point that you press apes the grate- fal consideration of colored voters is this:—“Horace Greeley, from early life, was earnest and constant against slavery, full of sympathy with the colored race an meh foremost in the great bat. tle for their Be Saas * * * Tam s0 much of ® republican that I wish to see in the Presidential chair @ life-time abolitionist.” Here, again, as in the case of Gratz Brown, you make a claim that cannot be substantiated. Mr. Greeley never was and never assumed to be an abolitionist. He never denounced slaveholding as a malum in se, nor ad- vocated the immediate liberation of the slaves, nor recommended a direct assault upon slavery itself, nor discountenanced all pro-slavery compromises, nor objected to @ slave representation in Con- gress or to the legal rendition of fugitive slaves, nor connected himself with any anti-slavery organiza- tion, nor sanctioned the abolition movement, He was a hy oongh throughout the whole struggle, not- withstanding that he wrote and published much that was Tage eee to the cavse of freedom. He was not even a free-soller, but always a Henry Clay whig until republicanism supplanted the whig and free-soil parties. Even after the slaves were set free under Abraham Lincoln’s proclamation of emancipation he was in favor of paying those who had robbed them of every right and rioted upon their unpaid toil not less than four hundred mil- lions of dollars! Far different was the manner in which your friend, Mr. R. W. Emerson, regarded this pecuniary adjustment between the slave mas- | ter and slave— Give the owner compensation? Fill np the bag to the brim! Who isthe owner? ‘The slave is owner! And ever was! Pay him! Not 60, said Mr. Grecley; pay the money to the slave masters, And this, too, after they had risen in rebellion and involved the country in all the horrors of civil War to perpetuate their despotic power, and at the costo! thousands of millions of dollars! And this is your “life-time abolitionist,” Mr. Sumner, “always foremost in the great battle f the rights of the colored race, and full of aympathy for them!” Why, even their colonization in Africa was an agreeable device to him; for, personally, he cherished the common prejudice against them, though certainly ready“%o befriend any suffering applicant, black or white, being nattirally of a benevolent disposition. was opposed to the introduction of new slave States into the Union, and also to the annexation of new territory for the extension of slavery; neve theless, with his compromising tendencies sentimental views of pac Presidential chair when the chances would have s he rebellion oke out, ben that the Confederate States might have dictated terms to the whole country, even to the exfent of recognizing their independence, and Jeavibg the slaves to their fate. For ireeley belongs to that class of peacemakers who vocifero\sly cry “Peace, peaco,”? When there is no peace. “He believes tu capping Vesnyius, It is brite «! announced by his organ, the Tribune, that “a few years agp i It is to his credit that he | and} ifhe had been tn thé | | | | | decision of a majority. to notice your swe: im} nt Grant, which is bul yy ech in the Senate. Thrice you have slain the } i os eOeeSERe Wi not down 2 your adminis ston that * 8 of fey iw age ar ly toward race, (!) ide of which the allegations on the impeachment of An- drew Johnson were technical and trival,” and that “anquestionably he deserves impeachment for high crimes and misdemeanors, rather than a renomina- tion,” your extravagance of se h 4 its best Fetalauion, ahs blow js uot fer 7 hn, the revoll upon yourself, . “Tf any valued friend Beparates from me now,” you say, “it will be vecauso he places a man above — principles,” Pardon me that think the very reverse will be true. The separation will be mainly with reference to those principles and measures which have made the present administration illus- trious, and to President Grant only a8 one deemed worthy to be entrusted with magisterial powers for another term, The «ssues presented make all mere personal considerations comparatively insig- nificant. (pamembexing. thes k aoe vie ide is eternal vigilance,” I remain ly yout * WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, THE NATIONAL DEMOCRACY. a+ Action on the Proposed Grecley Ratifica- tlon Mecting—Fears of Tammany. A special mecting of the Executive Committee of the National Democracy—which is the new name, or, rather, the readopted old name of what used to be known in city politics as Mozart Hall—was held last evening at their headquarters, in Union square, to take action upon a communication from Tammany Hall inviting this organization to take part in a grand meeting for the ratifica- tion of the platform and the ticket adopted at Baltimore. Quite a number of members were present, and as the letter from Tam- many is the same as that which was sent to Apollo Hall, and which caused such @ tremendous uproar in that organization last week, there was consid- erable discuss'on indulged ip prior to the calling of the meeting to order. ‘This discussion, however, was of @ very mild and temperate character, and the prevailing sentiment—perhaps, in- deed, the only sentiment—seemed to be that, while the national democracy would cheerfully cooperate in any movement or measure to help on the success of the common ticket of Greeley and Brown, they certainly would not be so foolish as to do'eo as a mere tail to Tammany's kite. There was in tho minds of many, however, evidently a lurking fear that Tammany would, in some Way, contrive to get all the glory out of the forthcoming manifestation, Mr. Ben Woop was made chairman of the meet- ing, and briefy expressed its object. He said he had been in conference with some of the Tammany leaders, and they had suggested that a committee of twenty-one should be appointed from each orga- nization favorable tu the election of Mr. Greeley, and that those committees should agree upon the date and other preliminaries. Mr. CoHEN then moved that “the national demo- cracy hold @ grand mass meeting and that a com- mittee of twenty-one be appointed with power to confer with other organtzations.”” A member at once moved that the resolution be amended so as to explicitly exclude Tammany Hall. He thought that unless they took care ‘lam- many would gobble them up in this meeting the same as their Secretary had been gobbled up the other day when the guns were fired off, This amendment, however, fell very coldly upon the mecting, and the amendment was lald on the table by an overwhelming majority, Mr. BEN Woop said aiter the original resolution had been passed that he had himself that afternoon seen the Tammany leaders, and they had seemed | to be perfectly willing to make the meeting non- | partisan, 80 far as local differences were concerned. There would be plenty of fighting over the local contest in November, but they were all agreed to earnestly support the election of Greeley and Brown. | ‘The meeting then adjourned, WHO ARE THE DEMOCRATS? To TUE EpiTOR OF THE HERALD:— Many of your readers were much amused with a report made by one of your interviewers of a con- versation with a well-known and respected lawyer by the name of W. ©, Barrett, who claims to be an “old, stanch democrat,” and therefore refuses | to vote for Greeley. How can he be a democrat and refuse to abide by and support # nomination made by an almost unanimous vote of the regu- | larly elected delegates of the party? He may bea | citizen of the United States, but he is not a demo- erat. Democrats say that a majority must rule in all party questions. Mr. Barrett was one of the Committee of Seventy, who tried to make the minority govern. He may-have been tliat illustrious} juror who differed in opinion with his cleven col- lengues and pronounced them “damned obstinate and unreasonable fellows,” but he is not a democrat for all that. This reminds me that Mr. Barrett was in 1840 an “old, stanch whig,”’a “Henry Clay whig” an “old-line whig,” and that when General Har- rison was nominated, instead of our glorious Harry of the West, he was foud in denouncing the whig arty and deriding our old, beloved General as being no better than an ‘old, superannuated | woman,” and the whig party as being disgraced and demoralized. But the people did not appear to agree with Mr. Barrett, and although they had once defeated the election of Mr. Clay they aro: jo the occasion, and with joy and gladness gave every electoral vote but forty to\the good old, honest icneral. History sometimes repeats itself, not- withstanding the opposition of such “stauch old | democrats” as Mr. Barrett. The Father of Republicanism on His Mettle. THE SPEAKER ANSWERED, ‘What Has Preston Brooks to Do with the Presidential Election 2” Are the Black Man’s Rights To Be Denied? “IR. SPEAKER, | KNOW OF NO SUCH THING? Massachusetts’ Demosthenes Indignantly Ree pels the Base Assertions of the Umpire of Debate. WASHINGTON, Ausrust 5, 1872, Senator Sumner thus replies to Speaker Plaine:— WASHINGTON, August 5, 1872, DEAR Sin—I have seen the letter addressed to me KA ou ae the public prints, and I notice clal Ty ile animadverting upon my aes 4 ors Greeley, you say not one word in vindication of that compound of preten- sions known as Grantism, in contradia- tinction to republicanism, wilch you would instal anew in the government. You ure great! concerhed about the company I keep. To quie your solicitade Lbeg to say that in Joining the re- a who brought forward an original aboll- jionist I find myselt with so many others devote: to the cause I have served always that had not missed you until yon hastened to report absence; nor = hi TI taken ac. count of the “Southern secessionists,” who, as you aver, are now co-operating with me in sup- port of this original abolitionist, except to rejoice that if among my former assoclates some, like your- self, hesitate, their places are supplied in an unex. pected quarter. You entirely nilsunderstand mo pean 7a introduce on Incident of ihe past and a an arguiuent w! should uot support Horace Greeley. F ey shi WHAT HAS PRESTON BROOKS TO DO with the Presidential lection? Never while a suf- ferer did anybody hear me speak of hima in unkind. ness, and now, after the lapse of more than half a Epcaten, T will not unite with you in dragging him from the grave where he sleeps to aggravate the passions of a political conflict and arrest the long! ng for concord, And here is the essential difference between you and me at this juncture, I seize the oppor- tunity to make the equal rights of all secure through peace and reconciliation. But this Infinite boon you would postpone. Seven years 3 but, on. have pence. since we laid aside our arn happily, during all this period there 2en a& hog- tile splrit towards each other, while the rights of colored fellow citizens have been In perpetual ques- ton, Seven years mark a natural period of human life. Should not the spirit ve changed with the body? Can we hot, after seven years, commenca a Bar te especially when oe wee our foes re- peat the saying, “Thy people shall be my people, and thy God my God? “T declare my verte PREFERENCE FOR AN ORIGINAT. AUOLITIONIST as President, and ix seek to create a diversion by Sire out that democrats will support him; to which Lreply, 80 much the better; their support is the assurance that the cause he has so constantly uarded, whether of equal rights or reconstruction, is accepted by democrats, and this is the pledge of a true unioa beyond anything in our history. It ig @ victory of ideas, without which all other victories must fail. To intensify your allegation you insist that I am ranged with Jefferson Davis and Robert Toombs; but, pardon me, nobody knows how the former will vote, white Robert Toombs tg boisterous against Horaco Greeley, and with him are Stephens, Wise and Mosby. his is all very poor, and I mention it only to exhibit the character of your attempt. In the ‘same spirit you seek to avoid the real issue by pe up the possibility of what you call a democratic administration, and you have the courage to assert as within my knowl- edge that by the election of Grecley Congress um handed over to the control of who have positively dented the the black men. You say that this. Mr. Speaker, | know no such thing, and you should be sufficiently thoughtful not to assert It, am entirely satisfied that a canvass like the present, where the principles declared at Cincinnati are openly: accepted on one side and not contested on the other, must result in a larger number of Con- gressional representatives sincerely devoted to the rights of the colored citizen than ev THE DEMOCRATS WILL. BE E as never before to the ruling principte ti are equal before the law, and also to t ree con- stitational amendments with the clause in each empowering Congress to enforce the sume by ap- propriate legislation; but besides democrats there will be liberal republicans pledged likewise, and also your peculiar associates, who, | trust, will not BETRAY THE CAUSE. Senators and Represcutatives, calling themselves | republicans, have been latterly in large majority in both Houses; but the tidal measure of civ rights, to which you refer, thougi urge’ by me almost daily, has failed to become a iaw, less, T fear, from democratic opposition than from repub- In referring to events that occurred in our elec- | tion of Me tate and Tyler, too,” more than | tlairty years since, we are reminded of a marked | | similarity in many of the features of that struggle and the one now instituted between Greeley and Grant. When Van Buren was renominated his | friends saw Mi drop from the tleket ior Vice | President the Well-tried and popular Western iman, | Colonel Richard M, Johnson. ‘his caused much dissatisfaction. This fact corresponds with the | dropping off from the Grant ticket one of our most | Popular men of the West. ‘The nomination of Harrison, like this of Greeley, | did not take well at first, nor until Mr, Cla In a) speech at Lexington, raised his clarion voice in | favor of “old granny” Harrison. Then the ‘} whigs” obtained the name of “old-line whig: cause at the callof Clay they wheeled into “line,’’ | ‘and sustained the choice of the party. This recon- | ciled ali the discontents, and they, with our friend | Barrett, voted for the “old woman.”” | This one-man power of the “old-line whigs” was | not what we call stanch old democracy, This is | not a rule of majorities, but the law or will of a dic- | tator. Mr, barrett has’ never been either a whig or a democrat, because it is not in his nature, as he told your interviewer, to yield his opinions to the lay | be- | Horace Greeley | had ventured into Georgia or South Carolina he | would have been hanged on the nearest lamppost; | now his name is cheered to the echo in every Sonthern city, and the ex-slavenolders and soldiers of the rebellion, the men who always made South- ern opinion, are unanimously in favor of pli him President!” A boast like this should be equi- valent to tying @ millstone around his neck to drown him ju the depth of the patriotic sentiment of the country. it is rebel cunning and duplicity on the broadest sc: n fact, North and South, the Greeley movement 1s characterized by the grossest dissimulation, Read what the New York World says of your letter aid under review:—‘*We suppose all democrats wish to divide the colored vote, and detach a part of it from Grant; and if they desire the end they must consent to endure the means. What if Mr. Sumner does assure the negro voters 7 orts | that the democratic party have become converts | coat of arms of North Carolina on one side of him pte prtociales of the republican party? He is only ad and prejudices—4. ¢., he is only attempting to play upon their creduilty and so secure their votes for Greeley, for the No hrih tnd en have not become converts to the principles of the republican party; they are simply In masquerade! It is a frank, truth- ful, but audacious confession. With a great show of magnanimity you say:—“I am against fanning ancient flames into continued life. Jam against raking in the ashes of the past for coals of fire yet burning, icy of hate, alg T accept the hand that is offered (Art thou in health, my brother’), and refich forth my own in friendiy grasp.’ Why this gushing display of fraternal feeling? Have you hither- to been animated by a spirit of vengeance? In your present amicable state of mind, wherein do you differ from the whole body of the | people of the Nortn? To insinuate that any portion of thom—that President Grant or the republican | matty at any previous period cherished or do now cherish any wrath or malice or unkind- ness toward the bageard of the South is to libel them grievously, To accuse them of wishin “fan ancient " flames pursue “the policy of hate,” is to bear false witness; for there among them but one uni- versal feeling of good will, and they desire nothin; so much as to “let bygones be bygone: faith, But seeing how contumacidu rebel spirit toward every needful measure for the restoration of public order and the protection of all clasaes alike, they cannot allow themselves to be deceived into the belief that tis no longer what it waa, pup Roroaghly loyal and patriotic, merely be- veause Of its verbal assent to any fofm of patriotic averment, however unexceptionable, seeing that it has, at this Presidential opportunity, the most pow- erful temptation to He and dissemble, in order to clutch the reing of government as of old. It was a liar from the begluning and “fall of all deceivableness of unrighteousness,” having broken the most solemn pledges, multiplied its perjurics and committed such abominations as to make the into continued earth stand aghast, Under these circumstances it must Bot and it cannot be trusted, cven though its shouts for Horace Greeley are heard in every the ern city, town and village. ‘fhe voice is Jacob's vote, but the hands are the hands of Esau.” My letter is already much too long w allow me japting his janguage to their apprehensions | Lam against the pol- | to | Itfg," to | | In the case of the nomination of Mr. Grecley | much discontent prevatied among the discontents of the Republican Cincinnati Convention until our leading democrats ad d reconciliation, aud then | a concerd of sweet sounds went up at Baltimore to the throne of peace and good will to men, which | has the approval of the “Judge of all the earth,” and now, with an honest and patriotic leader, we | are bound to have a jubilee that will give to Uncle Horace every electoral vote but forty. And then wo shall hear brother Barrett exclaim, What an igno- | rant and disgracetul nation this is to elevate a man | to office by a majority of the votes of the people, | Notwithstanding brother Barrett and the minority | committee, we must submit to majorities. | VOX POPULI. TAMMANY SOCIETY. Election of a New Sachem. Tammany Society met last evening in 7ammany Hall, Grand Sachem Scheil in the chair, having the and the banner of North Carolina on the other. Congratulatory remarks were made by the Grand Sachem and by John Kelly, Algernon 8. Sullivan and others in relation to the issue of the North Carolina election, 2 | The society having resolved not to urge Chief | Justice Church to accept the ofiice of Sachem, to which he had been elected (be haying stated his dislike to accept the Ran owing to his ocen- pancy of a seat on the Bench, but leaving the mat- | ter in the hauds of the society), anelection was had to fill the vacancy, and 8. L. M. Barlow was chosen, The meeting then adjourned. PERILS OF THE LAKES. Details of the Burning of the Steam Pro- peller M. R. Robertson—The Tow Are rived at Collingwood. COLLINGWOOD, Ont., Atigust 3, 1872. Captain J. McPherson and crew have arrived here by the schooner New Dominion, bringing par- tieulars of the burning of the propel- ler M. R. Robertson. The propeller left Chicago July 29, with 16,500 bushels of wheat, for Collingwood, having the schooner New Vominion in tow. When off Skillagalice Light- house, on the night of the 29th, an alarm of fire by ven. The crew made every effort to extin- guish the flames, but without success, Soon the big and fireman were driven from their post, and, as the propeller was going at full speed against the wind, all attempts to save her were uitless, In lannening the lifeboat several men had a nar- Tow escape from the flames, Ten minntes ater the fire broke out the tow line of the New Dontinion was burned, and she was sont adrift. She was soon rot under sall, however, and her boats were sent oO rescne the men on board the burning ropeller. These were ali saved, but everything Prey had was burned, some being without even boots or hats. The propeller City of Fremont came along shortly afterwards, and tour of the crew of the M, R. Robertson went on her to Sarnia, When last seen the wreck had drifted into Hog Island Bay. | nificance than that of ang lican lmkewarmness ant the want of support in the President. The great issue which the people are cal'ed to decide in November is on the Presi- dent, and nobody knows better than yourself thas the House of Representatives chosen ‘at the same time will nana nonize With him, So it has been in our history. Now, * HARMONY WITH HORAOF Git, LBY i involves whut I most desire. With such a Prests dent Congress will be changed, For the first time since the war the equal righis of all will have a | deciared representative at the head of the govern- ment, whose presence there will be of higher sig- victor of war, being not only @ testimony, but a cor nt motive power in his great cause, Opposition, whether open hos- tility or more subtle treachery, will yield to the steady Influence of such ar entative, There- fore IN LOOKING TO THM PRESIDENT T look also to Con: 4, Which will t its charace ter in a@ large measure from him. In choosing Horace Greeley we do the best we can for the whole governnient, not only in the executive, but in the leg anch, while we decline to support ne payment of personal gifts by oficial patronage, setzure of the war powers and indignity to the black repubiic, and the incapacity exhibited by the President and the rings by which he go’ id, none of which ¢: defend, You know well that the rings are already condemned hy the American people. For nd without hest- elf I say plainiy tation that [ prefer Loruce ¢ y, with are yossible on the Cincinnatt platform to’ Prest- dent Grant with his pretensio: wud his rings, & yote for whom involves the support of all his pre- tensions, with prolonged POWER IN ALL THE RINGS. ‘There must be another intu and another ex. ample. ‘The administration in ail its parts is im- pressed by t esident, Let his soul be enlarged ‘With the sentiment of justice, quickened by indus- try, and not only the two Houses of Congress, but the whole country will foc! the irresistible authority overspreading, pervading, permeating everywhere, Therefore, in proportion us you are earnest for ny Con- the rights of the colored citizen, and Place them above all partisan triumpl, you will be glad to support the candidate whose heart has al- Ways throbhed for humanity, The country needs such @ motive power in the White House, It needs a generous foun’ there, In ons word, it needs somebody different from the present incumbent, and nobody knows this better th eaker Blaine, The personal himputation you make upon me I repel with the indignation of an honest man. I was @ faithful supporter of the President until somewhat tardily AWAKENED BY HIS PAINEUL CONDUCT on the Island of St, Doiningo, involving seizure of the war power, in violation of the constitution, and indignity to the black republic, in violation of Inter- national law; and when I remonstrated against these intolerable outrages I was set upon by those acting ia his belialf, Such is the origin of my opposition. 1 could not have done - less “without fullure in that duty which is with ime rule of life; nor can I doubt that when partisan sentiments are less active yon will regret the wrong you have done me. Meanwhile I appeal confidently to the candid judg- ment of those who, amid all present differences of opinion, unite in the great objects, far above party or President, to weit my lite is hed bsten 1am, sir, your obedient servant, z CHARLES SUMNER, The Honorable Speaker BLAINE. TWEEDLEDUM AND TWEEDLEDEE, New York, Angust 3, 1872, To Tue Eprror oF THE Heratp:— Tf agreeable will you kindly lend your aid in sete tling a question which leads to many arguments among our New York citizens? Your opinion will suMce, ag other papers had the matter in handy and wo agreed to abide by the decision of the HERALD, S. contends that Mr. Greeley was nominated at Cincinnati and subsequently by thé Baltimore Convention, thereby receiving two nomi< nations; Mr. M. contends tiat Mr, Greeley wa Dominated only once, and that at Cincinnatl, and that the Baltimore nomination was only an en- dorsement of the Cincinnati nomination, Wag it another nomination Mr. Greeley received Baltimore or only an cndorsement of the Cincini 4 nomination? A nuinver of HERALD readers. like to hear a reply if consistent with your re a