The New York Herald Newspaper, July 16, 1872, Page 4

4 CATACAZY. Appeal of the Russian Minister to the American Supreme Court. How the Row Began—A Woman at the Bottom of the Quarrel. The* Bone of Catacazy’s Di- plomatic Life. THE PERKINS WIDOW CATCHES A TARTAR. A Muscovite Lawyer Trap--How the Perkins Claim Was Nipped in the Bud. Fish Wants to Do a Stroke of Business. The Fartar Not Fo Be Caught Napping. Attacks on the Members of the Washington Government by the Russian Diplomat. ‘CATACAZY’S WISE SAWS. He Charges Fish with Doctoring His Correspondence. THE DIPLOMATIC LE EXCHANGED. Conspiracy to Drive the Rus- sian Away. Fish Accuses ¢Catacazy of Writing Anonymous Letters to Himself. ‘The Descendant of Constantine in Presence of “a Sickly Aberration.” HE HESITATES AND IS LOST. Fish on the Warpath---Must Have the Muscovite’s Scalp. CATACAZY AS A PROPHET. “The American Phoenix Will Rise More Powerful Than Ever from the Flames of Civil War.” ‘THE RUSSIAN DOVE OF PEACE. No Hate in the Muscovite Breast. The Peacemakers Sacrificed to the In- trignes of a Clique. THE PROPHET MUST GO. Hard Hit For the Knuckling Down Author of the Indirect Claims, THE PIOUS PASTOR'S PRAYER. CATACAZY’S LAST KICK, Introduction. A diplomat, like a soldier, is sometimes called upon to let himself be immolated in silence for the sake of the cause he serves. There are cases in which he ought, without say- ing a word, to expose his bosom to the most homl- cidal of missiles—calumny. To hold his tongue and perish—such are his instructions, such is his duty, when the honor or the interest of his flag de- mand it, I would have accepted with devotion the part of the dumb and obscure victim if I had not the firm conviction that, far trom forbidding the elucidation of an incident to which the Cabinet at Washington has judged it proper to give an exceptional no- toriety, the interests of my august master and of my country cali on the contrary for the vindication of the honor of a man who has fulfilled the func- tions of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleni- potentiary to His Majesty tie Emperor of all the Russias, The policy of His Majesty the Emperor Alexander is so elevated, so pure, so loyal, that it may affirm under any circumstances that it has nothing to fear the full light of day, and that its interpreters can boldly produce and justify all their acts in public when they are placed in a position to do so, The assertions sent forth by the federal Secre- tary of State, Hamilton Fish, in offcial documents which have been submitted to Congress and given the greatest publicity, rest with too heavy a weight upon my reputatation, and even upon my honor, | not to throw upon me the necessity of exonerating myself from them, especially when 1am able todo #0 without compromising any of the interests which have been confided to me, In order to preserve a full liberty of action and to disengage the Imperial Cabinet from all solidarity with a strictly personal incident between myself and Mr. Hamilton Fish, I have interrupted, perhaps even sacrificed, a brilliant and assured career. When one acquires at this price the right to speak, he acquires also, I think, @ title to @ just spects has outstripped modern societies on the path | pilation, which numbers several hundreds of pages. of progress, has remained far behind other civilized States in all that concerns international relations. Washington, and Monroe, who was only the ‘“con- tinuator”’ of the immortal founder of the republic, established a principle that the federal Union should abstain from all foreign alliances and from all interference in European affairs, while it ought also not to tolerate any intervention or “immix- ture” iu the affairs of the American Continent. ‘This principle was rational and opportune at the epoch when it was formulated into a doctrine. When the Union counted only two or three mil- lions of citizens and when it was only in the pro- cess of formation; when steam and electricity had not swept away two-thirds of oceanic distance; when emigration had not turned the waves of Eu- ropean population to the United States, an exte-, rior policy of abstention and of negation was indi- cated, But greatness and progress—that novlesse of na- tions—“oblige."” A flourishing State of 40,000,000 cannot tsolate itself. What proves that it cannot escape the inevitable solidarity of general interests is that while it pro- fesses still the Monroe doctrine the Cabimet at Washington is forced to constantly disregard it. One of the consequences of this contradiction be- tween theory and practice is that the American People, who watch and control very actively the; progress of the internal affairs of their country, show an absolute indiiference with regard to foreign affairs, and abandon the irresponsible management of them to hands which are inexpert and sometimes even little scrupulous, and which ‘Use them as @ feature of electoral combinations or ‘with views of personal interes! ‘The constant and unlimited exercise of self-gov- ernment familiarizes the great majority of the citi- zens of the Union with administrative, judicial and financial affairs, The system of public instruction also aiding in this matter, America may justly boast of being the richest country in the world in excel- lent magistrates, in eloquent orators and in able financiers. But it is necessary to recognize this also: that she has produced, up to the present, but very few diplomats. With some eminent exceptions, offered by Messrs. Adams, Sumner, Motley, Bancroft and Wheaton, the diplomats of the New World are improvised from day to day, and attempt the most delicate and dificult of careers witnout any special preparation. Adiplomat is exactly the most difficult of all things to “improvise’'—that is to say, a man com- pleting the technical knowledge necessary, with the tact and suppleness which are acquired only by @ long and laborious experience. In defauit of this indispensable guide one infalli- bly strays and 1s crushed py the rocks with which the diplomatic career is sown, It is in vam that one should try to substitute for these qualities boldness and self-sufficiency. It is in vain that one should substitute bad faith for finesse, the special pleading of the lawyer for serious discussion, brutality for dignity ; at the first breadth of wind, at the first storm, one goes astray and finishes soon or late by shipwreck. The events of the day and some other facts of secondary importance, seem to corroborate these criticisms and to point out to the American people the urgent necessity of remedying these grave inconveniences. Panis, July, 1872. ©. CATACAZY. The Letter to Chief Justice Chase. Srr—Article three, second section of the constitu- tion of the United States, estabilshes the compe- tence of the federal Supreme Court ‘‘in all cases affecting ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls.” In virtue of this constitutional clause 1 would have the right to claim from the federal Supreme Court justice and reparation for the acts against my honor and my interests committea by Mr. Ham- ilton Fish in the exercise of his functions of federal Secretary of State at the epoch when I had the honor of being Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of «ll the Russias in the United States. But while I was clothed with that character the duties of my position forbade all such recourse to justice, as well as all public refutation of the arnl- trary and outrageous assertions set forth by the federal Secretary of State in official documents, given the greatest publicity. I would have compromised the interests which had been confided tome in thus engaging the im- perial government in a personal incident, which could not and ought not to influence in any way the friendly relations between the two countries, which are happily sheltered from every attack of intrigue or of personal ill will. HE RESIGNED—WAS NOT DISMISSED. The Emperor, my august master, having deigned to very graciously reheve me, at my own request, from my diplomatic functions, I enter again into the possession of the right inalienable in every man to claim and obtuin justice. Iwill use this right, however, only within very restricted limits. I do not intend to begin a formal suit for “malli- cious slander” against Mr. Hamilton Fish, because the American law pronounces on this head no a alty but a pecuniary compensation to the complain- ant, and lam not able to face an eventuality of that nature. A functionary who has had the dis- tinguished honor to represent His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias does not accept pecuni-, ary compensation, He is able to claim only moral reparation, and that is what Iam about to secure’ in placing under ore equitable auspices, sir, an authentic exposé of the facts which have been so prolownal altered by the Secretary of State, H. fish, in official documents, The federal Supreme Court has for its mission to watch over the maintenance of the American con- stitution. Among the principles serving as the base of that constitution there is not one more im- portant or more sacred than that establishing that justice must be accessible to all the world, without distinction of origin, of nationality or of position. A COMPLIMENT FOR CHASE. Called, by the esteem and confidence of your fel- low citizens to preside over that Court, you are, sir, the supreme magistrate of the Union, and the most authorized interpreter of the letter and the spirit of the laws which rule your coun- try. Under this title you wiil be very willing, I hope, to take into consideration the excep- tional conditions in which was placed a man who, on one side, was powerless to engage in a formal procedure without compromising interests more grave than those of a personal defence, and who, on the other, finds it impossible to vindicate his outraged honor otherwise than in placing under the auspices of the most respected authority in the United States the demonstration of the inanity of the charges produced against him. 1 will strive now to expose the acts of which I have so grievously to complain, while avoiding all irritating polemics, and observing the respect due tothe eminent functions that Mr. Hamilton Fish formerly filled. TRE ATTACK DIRECT, I cannot avoid, nevertheless, establishing right at the outset that in a note addressed to Mr. Cur- ry nister of the United States at St. Petersburg, date of the 16th November, 1871, and in seve- ral other documents submitted to Congress the 6th December, 1871, Mr. Hamilton Fish has wilfully sent ous assertions with the evident pur- se of provoking my recall from the post which had been confided to we and of striking a blow at my character and pérsonal nofior. THB CHARGES AGAINST CATACAZY. Lam accused in these documents :— First—ot having abused my diplomatic privileges and immunities In denouncing with violence and coarseness, persons interested in the sol-disant | claim of the American citizen Perkins, Second—O! having interfered in questions which did not concern me to Senators and members of Congress, and of having bored and tmportuned them with solicitations fettering the free course of, legislation, Phra ot having attacked the President of the United States and federal functionaries in news- paper articles written at my dictation and bearing cerrections in sacee abil or inspired by me, andof having falsely armed, on my honor as a gentleman, a8 well as in my ea Nee and representative of His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, that I nad not taken any part in those publications, Fourth—Of having used importunity in demand- ing to be received by the Presideat at his summer residence, at Long Branch,,and of having given to the imperial Cabinet an inexact account of my In- terview with His Excellency. Fifih—Of having tried to hinder the success of the hegotiations between the federal government and that of Her Britannic Majesty, and of having shown myself hostile to the Treaty of Washington, Sizth—OF havin) committed divers other acts Which are not specified in the despatch of the 16th of November, 1871, but of which Mr, Hamilton Fish has hearing. In publishing the letter which I address to the illustrious Chief Justice of America, and thus citing made mention, either in other documents or in ver- bal explanations with myself. Such are in brief the accusations produced against me, and of which I am now about to show the inanity in submitting them one by one to the most the federal Secretary of State, Hamilton Fish, to | scrupulous examination, and in producing in sup- the bar of public opinion, Ido not wish to avail my- self of the principle “Let justice be done though the world perish” (heavens fall). I demand that justice should be done, or, to speak better, that light snould be given, without any Getriment, nay with advantage even, to the world 4m general and especially to the United States. The great American republic which, in many re- port of my assertions ticity may be verifie designate for that purpose, federal Supreme Court. First Count. ‘THR PERKINS AFFAIR. ‘The promoters of the enterprise generally known under the name of the Perkins claim have ex- posed their pretended rights in & voluminous com- igo of Migs the authen- yy any one Whom you m: Mer. President of the but of public notoriety, ~sayin, The affair may be reviewed in a few words. ANCIENT HISTORY. A merchant captain by the name of Benjamin Perkins associated himself, in 1855, with a Polish Jew by the name of Rakielvitch, a dismissed agent of the secret police of New York, as well a8 with a Mr. Kidder, a doctor of medicine and a mercnant in gas piping, in order to extort money from my prede- Some in the United States, Mr. Stoeckl, in pro- ‘por to him to furnish powder and arms for the imperial government. ir. Stoeck! declined these offers, while as to the powder and the arms, he sent Mr. Perkins to our ony agent m.the United States, Captain Lilien- ‘This latter gentietian accepted conditionally the propeeson of ® contract for 35,000 carbines—that is to oe he accepted it while reserving express! the right to annul this preliminary Bg eT Being assured of the insolvency of Mr. Perkins, and of his inability to fulfil the psojected engage. ment, Captain Lilienfeldt availed himself is privilege of cancelling the contract by declaring in writing to Mr, Perkins that their preliminary con- Versations must bq considered a8 null and void, THE CLAIM BRCOMES DBFINITE. Not one ef powder, not one carbine, was ever delivered to the impe! i government, and in sted ofa }sadamens without appeal of ¢! Supreme urt of New York, a judgment to which Mr, Per- kins adhered while receiving, under the name of 8n amicable compromise, a sum of $200, his heirs formulated his rights after his death into a claim amounting to $400,000. The widow Perkins ceded these pretended rightain consideration ofa smalt compensation to an advocate named J. B, Stewart. In order to assure the suc- cess of this enterprise Mr. J. B. Stewart placed it in shares, which he disposed of at a low rate in such 8 manner as to create powertul protectors in- terested in realizing the nominal amount of their value. ABORTIVE EFFORTS AT SETTLEMENT, From 1956 to 1869 the federal government made on three different occasions advances, more or less earnest, in order to support this pretended claim. ‘The Imperial Cabinet responded to it, with all the respect due to the demands of a friendly govern- ment, by refusals grounded on the absence of ali proof, and of all justice, Soon after the accession of General Grant to the supreme magistracy of the Union the federal Secre- tary of State proposed to the Imperial Cabinet to submit the question to an arbitration. The Emperor, my august master, deigned to name me at this time Tepresentative to the United States. Before furnishing me with my instructions His Majesty ordered an investigation to be instituted in order to thoroughly sound the Perkins affair. Of this investigation | was named reporter, The Chancellor of the Empire signified to me in the following terms the orders of His Majesty :— THE OZAR ON PERKINS, “The Emperor,” said he, ‘wishes that you shonld proceed in this matter with the most scrupulous impartiality. If, in right, or even in equity, we owe anything, whether a dollar or a million Oi dol- lars, we ought to pay without hesitating; but if this isan attempt at extortion, destitute of any just basis, we must notlend ourselves to it, despite our Basta to be agreeable to the federal govern- ment. It was in this disposition that the Commission of Inquiry set to work. I must add that for my part: I brought to it a sincere desire to find some way of resolving amicably an affair which I foresaw would bring about grave difficulties m the accom- plishment of my mission. The labors of the investigation ended in the evi- “dent demonstration of the complete inanity of this claim. CATACAZY'S INSTRUCTIONS, My instructions proscribed to me in consequence to explain to the Cabinet at Washington, in cate- gorical though friendly terms, the reasons which made it impossible for the Imperial Cabinet to satisfy the pretended Perkins claim or to submit it, - iC absence of any just ground for it, to an arbi- ration. Ou my arrival at Washington Mr. J. B. Stewart and his partner, Mr. L. tro, demanded an interview with me, alleging as the ground of their request ‘their desire to produce new proof in sup- port of their claim,” and complaining of having never been understood by my predecessor, I did not believe it my duty to decline this INTERVIEW WITH THE PERKINS ADVOCATES, Mr, Tassistro was the first to present himself, producing full authority from Mr. Stewart, as fol- lows :— “1 take the liberty to inform you that Mr. Tassis- tro, the bearer of this letter, is now my associate in the Perkins affair, and that he is authorized to bind me and my other assoctates by whatever he may do, propose or accept.” It is important to establish the close and un- doubted unity of interest existing between Mr. Tassistro, a dischai the State De- artment, and Mr, Stewart, for one may estimate consequence the value of the testimon: a ‘istro has borne in an affair which will to me to be spoken of further on, This individual begun by proposing enter into discussions fora compromise as to the amount ofthe claim, making me at the same time understand that an agreement could be arrived at in consideration of a few thousand dollars. I declined peremptorily all idea of compromise. Passing thence to another subject, Mr. Tassiatro proposed to me to acquire, at a low price, i¢ his mediation and that of Mr. Stewart, three millions of obligations of the Crédit Foncier de Pologne, stolen by a burglary in 1863, upon the Bank of Var- sovie, recently imported into Anterica, and which had been thrown upon the market of New York. I declined this offer also—not less peremptorily. ANOTHER INTERVIEW. A few days after Mr. Stewart presented himself at my. house. Without producing any new proof he tried to convert me to the idea of a compromise in “that the support of the administration was rained to their cause, that Judge Dent, the brother- in-law of the President, was interested in it, and | that if I made too much opposition they would find means to break my neck.”” I received with the same indifference these offers of compromise and these menaces. FALSE AFFIDAVITS. The day after Mr. J.B. Stewart sent me a so- called afiidavit of the interview, in which he attrib- uted to me ae osals that I had not made, and by which, if made, I would have recogaized the valid- ity of the Perkins claim. ‘Knowing with whom I had business I had taken recantions. A person placed in the next room iad taken @ note of the conversation, and Mr. Stewart, forced to submit to the truth, saw fit to withdraw his false aifdavit. After this I forbade to the advocates of the widow Perkins access to my house, and I answered none of their written communications. Five months after, that is to say the 14th of March, 1870, I had a confidential interview with Mr. Hamil- ton Fish, of which | have rendered an account to the Chancellor of the Empire, Prince Gortschakoff, in a report of the 2ist March, given below in the appendix. CURIOUS CONCLUSIONS. It appears from this report— That Mr. Stewart had sent back to the President, by the mediation of Mr. Dent, brother-in-law of General Grant, despatches which had been attri- buted to me. ‘That, in the faith of a false telegraphic rumor, spread at this time in the United States, an- nouncing the retirement of Prince Gortschakoff aud hfs replacement by General Ignatief, these pre- tender CE ae of an inadmissible tenor, and hich had been exchanged between the Minister of ‘oreign Affairs and myself, were placed under the eyes of the President, with the end of preaeins him against the Minister of Russia; and, in short, That the Secretary of State, while recognizing the apocryphal character of these despatches, was not willing to begin suit against the authors of these wrongs, “in order to avold scandal” and under the pretext of the legal impossibility of being severe upon them. WHAT FISH SAID. At last Mr. Fish told me some days after that he had had Messrs, Stewart and Tassistro before him in order to interrogate them on the manner in which the despatches had been procured, and that they had affirmed that they held them ‘rom the First Secretary of the Imperial Russian Legation. { protested energetically against an assertion so calumnious. I said to Mr, Hamilton Fish thatit seemed to me impossible that people even of that character should dare to attribute to an employé whose honor had always been undisputed such an act. I demanded of him, indeed, if he had not made a mistake, and ifit was not some other individual bearing the same name that had been designated. “No, no,” replied Mr. Fish, “it is very certainly | of the first secfetary of your legation that they | have spoken, for they have said that it has beet | in order to succeed you that he has betrayed you.” | THE LIBEL EXPOSED, Informed immediately by myself of the fact of | this odious imputation, the first secretary of the | imperial be ip presen himself witn two | lawyers at the house of Mr. Tassistro, and obtained from him a formal retraction. A similar step Was taken with the same result | with Mr. J. B, Stewart, I transmitted the aMdavits of these interviews to the Secretary of State, while praying him ina letter (a copy of which 1s given in the appendix) to fadhang ? Pb the culprits. Under rent pretexts Mr. Fish deciined all pursuit and all inguiry. Encou! unity, the advocates of the Widow Perkins and their protectors had these faise despatches printed, after having ciiminated from them the most improbable passages, and dist ited them among the members of Congress in order to provoke @ sentiment in favor of ttus enterprise. MORE DIPLOMACY, I saw if then under the necessity to ask, by an official note of the 2ist May (copy given in the appendix), & judicial pursuit of the guilty parties. Tis note remained without reply, and on my officially pressing the matter on the 11th of June, 1871, inspired by the publication of the false de- itches in the journals, Mr, Fish explained his pheno in & note of the 16th June, 1971, by “one of those negligences which occur #01 es in the administration of a department w! conducts a Vast correspondence.” I will it myself to mention, bee geo ae anonymous letters containing threats of dpath, as ‘well as the attacks ofevery description in tile press, of which the advocates of the Widow ani their tectors have pursued me, up till t they had stated A ad avowed end, my from the United SUMMING UP OF THE CASE. If I have felt it my duty to enter into these fatigu- ing and x It is because it is i tant to estabban t in ‘an Taantwerehie amr sc First—That the pretended Perkins claim iq the NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, JULY 16, 1872—TRIPLE Teal and determining cause of the exceptional ani- mosity of which I have been the object. Second—That Mr. Fish was not rant of the misdeeds of the promoters of this fraudulent en- terprise, and that, in consequence, he had no right ey ay he has done in an official document, on sistro, “that the advocates of the Widow Perkins fell innocently into trap” thatI had planned for mM. Third—That in characterizing Messrs. Stewart and Tassistro in my oficial communications as “audacious forgers’” and ‘‘men capable of any- tl ”? | have not abused my diplomatic immuni- ties, but have only exercised an incontestable right to acquit myself of an imperious ig Pg of defending interests which had en con. fided to me. Second Count. UNFRIENDLY ATTITUDE AND INTERFERENCE WITH MEMBERS OF CONGEBSS, The Secretary of State has stated, in his despatch of November 10, 1871, that on my arrival in the United states I produced ‘‘a very agreeable impres- sion, and that I promised to be a useful and very acceptable Minister.” On my side, I feel it my duty to say that up to August, 1870, I had only to felicitate myself on my personal and official relations with the Preaident of ee United States, as well a8 with the Secretary of iO. In receiving my letters of introduction General Grant responded to my respectful address in the following terms :— “I am happy to receive you as Envoy FExtraordi- nary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, “You describe exactly the intimate and cordial relations so far as the good will regulati the rhe of ed respective countries in the past and the present. “You ought to attribute a part of the warm wel- come which ts given you in your new capacity to the kind remembrances which you have le: America since you there undertake other func- tions.” EVERYTHING LOVELY. My reports to the imperial government testify to my grateful appreciation of ae pgs as well as the courteous and pleasant proceedings of which Thad been the object up to the time when the per- sons interested in the so-called Perkins’ claim pro- duced false despatches which wore attributed to me, and brought about through diverent stages a complete alteration in these good Misposiei cia In order to prove the closeness of the relations which had been established between the Secretary of State and mysel!I will cite the following fact :— THE ORTHODOX ONURCH. Farina earned that I had been charged to buy in New York a piece of ground for the building of an orthodox church, Mr. Henry Fish, who possessed some real estate proporty, wished me to bid, which will be seen by the letter given below, for two lots of ground, which he desired to sell for forty odd thousand dollars; and he carried this obliging readi- ness to the point of suggesting, in the postcript of that letter, “to proceed with the transac- tion without the itermeddling of agents, in order to save ourselves several hundreds of dollars.” It was impossible for me to En by this proposition, the d in question having been appraised by competent persons at half the price demanded, and another piece of ground, well situ- ated, having been offered for $20,000, AT WOODSTOCK. Tadd further :—In July, 1870, I had the honor to make, in the suite of His Excellency, the President, a journey into New England, and assisted at the celebration of the national independence at Wood- stock. Seated on the right of Generai Grant he publicly shook my hand and thanked me for an ad- ress I had delivered on that occasion. : A few days after Mr. Fish extended to me a very cordial invitation to come and see him at his coun- try honse on the Hudson, andI had the honor to pass some days there on tarms of the closest inti- macy with himself and family. preliminuty statement has for its exclusive end to prove that “the agreeable impression” of which the Secretary of State has seemed so willing to speak in his despatch of the 16th November was not of such short duration as he states in the docu- ment already quoted. Ican affirm also, beyond all doubt, that I never interfered between the Senators and the members of Congress in these questions, which were not brought forward by me. The only matter that I was in in the case was to indicate to some of them the disadvantage of unfair impost on Russian hemp, contfary to the spirit and letter of existing treaties, Yet I had but just done so when the federal Secre- tary of State replied to my remarks, against these efforts to the suppression of this ‘differential stating, “that the executive power alone could rec- ommend to Congress a question of tariff; that the legislative power was exactly the same, and that I might fairly address myself to members of Congress direct.” Thad but little hesitation in of this matter to some of the Senators and influent deputies, from the fact that they had, from the time of my first arrival in the United States, accorded to mea most benevolent welcome, and I have had with them relations which I now remember with gratitude, IMPORTUNING MEMBERS OF CONGRESS. Mr. Fish was opinion that I had importuned and annoyed the members of Sone whom I ad- dressed. if such was the case I should very much regret it; but a question of tariff is not amusing to his nature, and 1 might add also other eminent men of State, such as Senators Sumner, Cameron, Schurz, Sherman, Buckin, rham, and Representatives Hooper, Banks, Butler, organ, Meyers and many others, ‘Who did me the honor to visit my house, and from whom I still retain some amiable an even affectionate letters, none of whom had the manner of resenting, in their dealings with me, of “that annoyance and that importunity” that the Secretary of State directs against me. As to the accusation, more strange still, “of having upset the regular,course of legislation,” which the least dimicult to reconcile with the guarantees offered by the federal institutions, I should believe myself wanting in respect for the great work of Washington if l sought to demonstrate that it was possible for a foreign representative to tpset the regular course of American legislation, and which would be a piece of inconceivable pretension. Third Count. ALLEGED ATTACKS AGAINST FEDERAL OFFICIALS IN THE PRESS. In accusing me of having attacked, or caused to be attacked, in the press, some of the federal ofi- cials, Mr. Hamilton Fish tersely says:—“That on one occasion Mr. Catacazy went so far as to write to the press under his own signature.” This asser- tion has been brought out in such a manner as to make it appear that I published some article in a newspaper under my signature. But in reality it is this:— That the National Repubdlican, of Washington, which is said to have some attachés connected with the Administration, having Ogee February 26, 1870 (it should be femarked this was a few days before the presentation of the false despatches) an article upon the Perkins claims, full of violent at- tacks against the representative of the Emperor at Washington, General Clay, late Minister of tho United States at St. Petersburg, spontancously addressed me the letter (see aflix letter E), from which I reproduce the following passage :— “Tam persuaded that if the President and the peo- pie of the United States could know the facts (con- cerning the Perkins claims) as they exist, they would unanimously agree to forget that affair and save the nation from dishonor and of injustice and in- gratitude.” I replied to General Clay by the letter herewith (amMx letter F), where I said, among other things :— Whatever may be the sum claimed, Russia would be willing, 1 assure you, to pay it. As regards American citizens, especially, she is disposed to act with liberality more than otherwise. But tins is not a question of money, it is a question of princi- ple. We may not be able to admit that they im- pose on us‘and that they continually harass us with claims which are only based upon assertions of interested persons. Between nations, as be- tween individuals, friendship ought to be the basis for respect and a Wise discretion. I remember chiefly that it was on my own account that tis correspondence has been made public, and I think I have but done my duty in profiting by an occasion which was offered by an old Minister of the United States, in order to correct public opinion upon the real points of this affair, of which the offi- cial organs have published the most inexact and the most outrageous statements in order to main- tain the good relations between the two countries. KNIGHT OF THE QUILL. Iam accused, besides, of having inserted in the New York Wortd of the 28th of November, 1870, an article which it is only necessary to peruse to arrive at the certain conclusion that it did not emanate from me and that I had so far forgotten the duties of my position even to enter the arena of journalism, It is stated in that article, with refer- ence toa special Cabinet council, “that the First Minister of the Emperor’ would convoke to deliber- ate upon the attitude and take into consideration the a..coged failure of the negotiation of the Russian Minister who had been charged to secure the co- operation of the United States against sans ec ‘These despatches were stated to have been read “in the Council of the Empire’ and to have pro- voked lively discussions, Moreover, it was said in tuls article that “M. de Catacazy tad broken off all social and official relations with the President and Secretary of State,”’ Such enormities could not have been inspired by aman who has had the honor of serving during twenty-four years in the imperial Ministry for Foreign Affairs, As the relations between tne im- erial Cabinet and the Court of St. James had not fora moment ceased wo be satisfactory since the year 1856 1 could not have been instructed to secure “the co-operation of the United States against Great Britain.” The Emperor, my august master, has never had a prime minister. The reports of the diplomatic representatives are never read in the Council ef the Empire, whose functions are strictiy legislative. Far from ha broken off “all social and oficial relations” with His Excel- lency the President and the federal Secretary of State, Thad, in the course of November, 1870, the honor to pass an evening in INTIMATE CONVERSATION WITH GENERAL GRANT, fnd to see assembled at table the members of his Cabinet, incladin, Mr. Hamtiton Fish. I have, ce} w ni of e nt impossil of my having pai ted in this incoherent and alt ju. him to attribute to me hostile gard to the administration of Mr. Hamiiton Fish thought to tell 7 with “the ides. “tha the idea article of the these expllott dental i 9 1, 1870, which was submitted to most passages, afterwards the Secretary of State e to me in the annexed letter the “entire satisfaction of the President” and his own satisfaction with my assurances. This letter of the Secretary of State Was inserted in the collection of documents sub- mitted to Congress. In general the collection was compiled in a manner calculated TO CONCKAL THE TRUTH COMPLETELY. The most important papers have been omitted, others have been garbled, On May 25, 1871, Mr. Hamilcon Fish thought proper to recall the subject, in spite of this ex- change of explanations and his written assurances that phar had been entirely satisfactory to the President. He told me again that he believed me tobe the author of the article in the World of November 29, 1870, I could only oppose a still more energetic denial to this arbitrary assertion, and warn the Secretary of State agaist the in- trigues of persons interested in raising dit between us. Having received a few days before an anonymous letter, in which I was notified, with threats and insults, that numerous asgociation had been formed to accom- Plish at any ane my expulsion from America, I showed it to the Secretary of State, telling him at the same time that he was enabled to convince him- self of the means to which my jumniators had taken recourse, Mr. Fish read this letter and re- turned it to me, saying, “Indeed, tnis isenot polite ; pe ae you know what Iam persistently tola? It YOU ADDRESS ANONYMOUS LETTERS TO YOURSELF in order to discredit in my opinion the Perkins’ counsel,”” It was impossible to continue a conversation which my interlocutor led on such a ground. I was necessarily reduced to ask myself whether’! was in the presence of one afflicted with mental aberration or bent on provocation. In this doubt I thought it prudent to retire, after having told Mr. Fish that my dignity did not permit me to reply to such imputations. Four days later, on May 30, 1871, all the official press organs were led to publish very violent arti- i at ment 18 JO i Press in Washington. ‘9 On three different occasions did I address myself to the Secretary of State in order toinduce him to adopt a more equitable conduct, Far from complying, Mr. Fish persisted in his sys- tem of arbitrary and insulting accusations. A jour- nalist named Piatt naving sent to a Cincinnatt paper a letter which was very hostile to the Presi- dent, the Secretary of State had nothing more pressing to do than to attribute ittome. He charged me, moreover, with being HOSTILE TO THE NEGOTIATIONS opened between the federal vernment of Her Britannic exhausted all the means of cillation I addressed to Mr. ter, dated June 13, 1871:— If had only consulted, I sald in this letter, my own Joaitimate supceptibilitics, Tshould give up thé hope of act with more justiee and benevolence me. But the private individual must, under certain circumstances, sacrifice his self-respect to the official. Lam a Minister of the Emperor, sir, and as such I must exhaust all the means of conciliation before taking resolutions which might compromise the friend. relations existing between the two countri This appeal to the loyalty of ‘the Secretary of State remained without effect. Since then, until the time of my departure the journals inspired by the administration attacked me most violently in articles of which it was impossible to mistake the official origin, for several of them coincided lite- rally with the official communications of the Secre- tary of State. On June 16, 1871, Mr. Hamilton Fish addressed to me an official note on the Perkins affair, in which he attempted to free the counsel for that case of all responsibility for THE FABRICATION OF THE FORGED DESPATCHES act had been attributed tome. He concluded Us s— No one knows better than you, sir, the license practised by a part of the press of this cotintry in speaking of indi. viauals occupying official positions and the means adopted by those who institute sensational articles of a Personal nature, which appear only too often, as you are well aware, any of them contained insulting at- tacks against the President of the United States, and they haye been the subject ot my conversations with you. Accusations so ill. ed could not remain Without an answer. In the annexed letter I re- plied, asking the Secretary of State “permission, Rot to place myself upon the ground of inuendoes, but on, tet of fran! fobs it} fan ene A am enjo! e august master not e) relations with the federai government.” - ad In spite of my formal assurances and the preced- ing explanations, Mr. Fish wanted at any price to attribute tome ~ THE PATERNITY OF THE ARTICLE of the World of November 29, 1870. It appears from the collection of American documents submit- to. Congress that the Secretary of State ad- resised @letter on the 25th of October, 1871, to rtain Mr. G. Adams, in which he charges “in the mame of the duties of honor and patriotism, to depose in writing when and under what circumstances M. beret has participated in the jeter of the article in the ‘orld.”” Mr. G. Adams yielded with great zeal to this fervent exhortation. Two days afterward he ro emi in writing, by a letter addressed to the Sec- retary of State, “that the article in question had been written under the dictation of M. Catacazy, had been kept by him for a few days and returned with notes and corrections in the handwriting of bs) aaiolster of Russia.” overnment and the jlesty. After hav- rsuasion and con- ih the annexed let- NEVER HAD RELATIONS OF ANY KIND, neither direct nor indirect, with Mr. G. Adams. A few 'g before 4 departure from Washing- im, through an honorable lawyer, Me, the annexed letter, by which I invited him be confronted with me in the presence of witnesses, in order to establish when and where he had seen me or had had relations with me. [notified him at the same time that I would deposit with my banker tne sum of $3,000 to be distributed among the poor in Wash- ington if Sy article was proauced which bore notes and corrections in my handwriting. Mr. G. Adams declined this interview by informing me, through Mr. Chandler, “That he was too sure of the facts alleged by him to need verifying them; that he had not been at my house himself, and that, in truth, he had never seen me; but that one of his friends, at present in South America, had served as inter- mediary, and that, moreover, the manuscript cor- rected by my own hand had been lost or destroyed.” THE SECOND WITNESS, who, as it appears from the collection of American documents, had deposed in compliance with the repeated and pressing requests of the Secretary of State, isa Mr. Turk, who is related to the tamily of Mr. Hamilton Fish, and who has been employed for more that two years as counsel at the Imperial Legation. This Mr. Turk has deposed that I ha avowed to him my participation in the article of @ Cincinnati journal containing attacks against the President of the United States. By a lncky chance Ihave preserved the minutes of a letter to Mr. Hamilton WRITTEN ENTIRELY IN THE HANDWRITING OF THIS SAME MR. F. TURK, under my dictation, and in which I aM rmed pre- cisely the reverse ot what he had deposed he had been told by me. The following fact proves the little confidence these depositions inspire to Mr. Fish himself, drawn out though they have been by his exhortations to the sentiments of “hoaor and patriotism” of Messrs. Adams and Turk. At the moment when I was about to leave Wash- “ington the Secretary of State let me know that if I did not take the formal engagement not to prose- cute Messrs, Adams and Turk, and not to justify myself before the Imperial Cabinet, he would sus- pend my diplomatic immunities and AUTHORIZE THE PERKINS LAWYERS TO ARREST MB. In reply to the observation made to him that this Would be a violation of international law, the Seo- retary of State replied :—‘International law is very elastic, and besides, these men have testified at my request. I must protect them against the prosecu- tion of M. de Catacazy.” Having no intention to prosecute individuals who have nr, acted as tools to those who employed them, I declared that I did not want to bring an action for false testimony st Messrs. Adams and Turk, but I reserved for myself the right of ex- posing to the Imperial Cabinet and to the American people the proceedings of Mr. Hamilton Fish. The Secretary of State also charged me on several occasions with having inspired articles of the journalist named Piatt, as well as articles pub- lished by the editor of the HERALD, the Sun and the Trivune of New York. 1 herewith annex the letters of Messrs. Piatt, Bennett, Greeley and Dana, in which these gentlemen testify to the con- trary. It is evident from these letters that I have never had any relations with Messrs. Piatt and Dana, and that in the interconrse which I have had =the = pleasure of holding with Mr. Horace Greeiey and Mr. James Gordon Ben- nett I never departed from the reserve and discretion which are befitting a diplomatic functionary. I would, moreover, have replied to the arbitrary imputations of Mr. Hamilton Fish b the positive proof that he himself his suborgi- nate, Mr. Bancroft Davis, had taken part in the writing and the circulation of the outrageous arti- cles whit e been published against me during six months, and to which I have only replied by the silence of contempt, have in my possession eighty-three articles of this kind bearing evident traces of their official origin, but thelr reproduction would be both too voluminous and too repulsive. I should, moreover, fail in the respect due Mr. President of the Supreme Court, were I to in- flict upon you the reading of these contemptible animadversions, Fourth Count. CHARGE OF IMPORTUNING THE PRESIDENT. On Juiy 31, 1871, Mr. Fish thought proper to ad- dress a note to me concerning the Perkins affair. ‘The tenor of this communication was absolutely unacceptable, for it contained a dental which was both discourteous and unmerited. I could not, preserve such a docu- without failing In ot the tne =} 6 su rial Legation. Aa ihdrawn I have no New gd to men- I took with regard States. It became am which ited A, ap baad an tion ashin; peated when he Tocoly F 3 G ropean govern- of the war of the Union, position called it ITED STATES OF AMERICA," document in 1860 that the Union will come out trinin| ‘t, Such were the sentiments and opinions which recommended me to the choice of the Emperor, be august master, as Minister to the United States. T could not, unless I failed to do my duty and contradicted myself, ursue any other object than the consolidation of the ties of friendship estubitshed between the two countries, which—I repeat it—cannot be dist by the in- trigues and the malevolence of individuals. A FRAUDULENT ENT) and the intrigues which I have deseribea were the rocks on which these good intentions were wrecked. Already in the month of July, 1871, 1 re- quested of the {mpertal Cabinet tobe relieved of & post where I could be no longer of any utili , be- cause of the personal hostility of the secrets; ot State. Before I could be relieved of my post tions remained, however, an reponse duty for me to peri. His Imperis! Highness, the od exis, was about to arrive in the United States. I was firmly convinced that the American peo; would give the son of the Emperor a reception, co} ity of which would largely compensate for THE PERSONAL RUDENESS OF MR, FISK. The Secretary of State foresaw it also, and he did all in his power to prevent these demonstra tions of gratitude and national go While his organs attempted to obstruct- the preparations for the reception made by the citizens of New York and Boston Mr. Fish informed me. by an official note that if I was not recalled ta he would send me passports, An 80 justl- flable might have exercised a bad Paice upon the relations of the two countries. It ‘t have prevented the visit of His I was conseqnently obliged to do all in my power to prevent such gu emergency. For the very reason that Mr. Fish doubted his provocations I was obliged to thwart’ his efforts by an increase of moderation, which would have been excessive and undignified, if the interests of Russia had not been in question, I imposed silence on my susceptibilities and postponed the vindica- tion of my personal Glgnity fa another period. I asked an Interview of the Secretary of State by the annexed letter, which has not been placed among the collection of American documents, THE INTRRVIRW I requested took pisos on August 16, 1871. I began by telling Mr. Fish that consideting the polns at which matters had arrived 1 had thonght it beat to request the Emperor to be relieved of iny post. “Your purpose,” I said, ‘4s attained. You will soon be relieved of my presence, I can assure you Tam as much in haste to leave the United States as you are to see me de But you may well understand that on the eve of the arrival the Grand Duke Alexis the Minister of the Emperor cannot leave his It seems to me that in the meantime you might ode, serve the outward respect due between gentlemen. The Indians themselves bury their tomahawks et the arrival of a national guest. Since you will not ee rere let us have at least an armistice. Do not address to me any more nots which I cannot Pec ey cease the dally insults in your official gas. The Secretary of State replied to this loyal and pressing appeal by excessive rudeness. He de- clared to me in plain language that if I was not re- called immediately he would SEND ME MY PASSPORTS. “You can act as you please,’ 1 replied; “but I ree pudiate all responsibility for the consequences, Be assured that the American le, who are your sovereign, Me RN of this gratuitous provo- cation when they will know the truth. For my part Ido not want to have anything to reproach to my- self before the Emperor, my master. I shall go aa far as possibie—farther even than I, perhaps, ought to in the path of conciliation by making you the following proposition :—You ground your action with regard to me on the belief that I had attacked the President in the press and sought to obstruct the oh eft with England. Ihave positively repelled these accusations, You persist in sustain- ing them without a single Freor. Loffer to submit the differences to a jury of honor, composed of im- tial persons, enjoying the confidence of the esident and chosen among your own fellow citi- zens. If the j the charges brought against me I engage myself in advance to present my resignation vy telegraph. . If, however, the jury finds that you are in error, lask no other repara- tion than the loyal acknowledgment of this error and the withdrawal of your last note.” Mr. Fish dryly repel this proposition, saying that ‘no jury could prove that he is in the wrong.’ I cannot produce a written proof of this interview, but Senator Cameron, to whom I addressed my self a few days afterwards in his yi oe An Pret dent of the Committee on Foreign Relations, will testify that I had spoken to him of this proposition and the refusal of Mr. Fish. Mr, Cameron ex- Pressed to me ina letter his regret at the failure of the steps I had taken. In the face of THE OBSTINATE MALEVOLENCE OF MR. FISH there remained to me no other resource than to appeal to the President. I proceeded to Branch, where His Excellency resided. I addre: myself to General Porter, the secretary of the President. I described to him the situation, say- ing, “I will not make use of the right I nave to ask @n audience of the President, but if His Exceliency could be informed of my arrival, if he expresses the desire to see me, I should be happy to present poy before him.” * o hours later General Porter came to my hotel to inform me that the President would be happy to see me at his cottage between four and five o'clock. “Only,” said the General, “make no formal com- plaint against the Secretary of State, for it would place the President in an embarrassing position.” Diplomatic reserve and the respect due to the Chief Magistrate to whom I have had the honor of being accredited do not permit me to report the interview with His Excellency. FLAT CONTRADICTION, Mr. Fish has thought r to affirm in his de- spatch of November 16, 1871, that the President had Pa Be by refusing the interview, that His Ex- cetlency had peremptorily interrupted me when } attempted to speak of my relations with the Secre- tary of State and that the General had treated me yi coolness, without even replying to my salu- Ation, cannot silently acquiesce in assertions calcu- lated to give the impression that the President of the United States had failed in the respect due to the representative of the Emperor. I affirm that Gen- eral Grant was perfectly courteous and attentive to all Isaid to him, The result proves that the aim I pursued has been attained. In spite of all the rts of Mr. Fish the journey of the Grand Duke has been accomplished in the most satisfactor manner, His Imperial Highness, whom I have the honor of accompanying, has received from the American people, if not from all the federai functionaries, a reception which has signally demonstrated the natural sympathies existing be- tween the two nations and thwarted all intrigues. The incident has been kept within the bounds of a personal conflict, and THE DIRECT OR INDIRECT DAMAGES which Mr. Fish supposes to have caused me ate amply compensated by the consciousness that I have well served my sovereign and my country without allowing myself to be swayea by considera- tions o1 wounded pride or personal interest. Fifth Count. PRETENDED OPPOSITION TO THE TREATY OF WASHe INGTON. Ihave in my hands a letter from one of the most honorable citizens of the American Union, which at- tests that towards the end of 1870 the lawyer, J. B. Stewart, told him that, in consequence of the oppo- sition offered by Mr. Catacazy to the Perkins claim, that Minister would be obliged to leave America; that by one means or another he would be forced to go away, and that a number of interests had coalesced to arrive at this result at any cost. The signer of this letter, fearing the ven- geance of these coalesced influences, requested me not to make use of his name except to the Im- perial Cabinet. In consequence 1 am unable to make it public, It is not less true that a coterie ready to resort ta apy means was at work in October 1870, to create iiculties for me with the federal government. It only succeeded imperfectly, by the combination of false despatches, It renewed its attempts, in tak- ing advantage of the negotiations opened at this bang between the Cabinet of Washington and that of St. James, to create an impression that I sought to prevent a friendly settlement of the differences between the United States and Great Britain. Nar- row and suspicious mifds who are unable to com- prehend the breadth and nobleness of THE POLITICAL PRINCIPLES OF THE EMPEROR, my august master, persist in believing that the Imperial Cabinet speculates on international dis- sensions, and even that he sometimes strives to encourage and to embitter them. These aberra- tions have especial reference to Anglo-American differences, Mr. H. Fish having judged it proper to raise this juestion it is of importance to clear it up. I be- Neve that 1 am not wanting in fitting reserve in re- vealing by the narration of the following facts, the magnanimity and elevation of the political thought of which the representatives of the Emperor Alex- ander can only be the obedient interpreters :— The day when I set out from St. Petersburg togo to Washington Prince Gortschakoff told me what follows on the subject of the relations betweem England and the United States:— “Do nov lose sight of the fact that we are not SOWERS OF DISCORD. You will abstain caretully from encow ing the misunderstandings which exist between gland and the United States, The Emperor does not de- sire acontemptible or hateful course of political pecking What he wants is peace and general re- By a remarkable coincidence I met, in leaving the cabinet of the Chancellor of the Empire, um boldt, directing at that time the English Embassy at St. Petersburg. As he did me the honor to stop me to wish me a safe journey, I repeated to him lit- erally what Prince Gortschakoff had just told me. Ican, ti necessary, refer to the testimony of this diplomatist. 98 shan @ ined afterwards, the President of the United States having addressed to Congress A HOSTILE AND ALMOST MENACING LETTER in relation to England, I had with an American statesman, whose name I shall withhold irom mo- tives of discretion, 4 Coedihe on faithfully re; duced in a report addressed to Gortachakott the 2d of December, 1869. I think Iam able to give a copy of it in what fol- lows :— “Well,” said Mr. X— to me, ‘what do you thinks % i