The New York Herald Newspaper, July 13, 1872, Page 6

W YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR, seeseeseeseseseeses NOs LOD AMUSEMENTS THIS AFTERNOON AND EVENING, LACK’S TUEATRE, Broadway and Thirteenth aheercitar Last Tavur Gann” TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, No. 201 Bowery.— Long Steikx—Tux Fizxp or Tae Liguruovss. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowory.—Wiut1am Tett—Rocvues or New Yous, WOOD'S MUSEUM, Broad , corner Thirticth st.— Pour. Aflernoon ana Evening.” OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway.—Scazipar: or, Tam ‘Ox Housx on tux Ruixs—Rir Van Wixgx, Matinee. UNION SQUARE THEATRE, lth st. and Broadway.— ‘Tax Guan Ducnzss, Matinee at 24. THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 Broad way. ~Vaniety Entzr- TAINMENT—THE SOUTH; OR, AFTeR THE Wan, HOOLEY'S OPERA HOUSE, Brooklyn.—Tzx Nraurs ww 4 Bannoow, Matinee at 2 CENTRAL PARK GARDEN.—Ganpen Insrguunwrat Concert. TERRACE GARDEN, 58th st., between 8d and Lexing- ton avs.—Soumgr Evenina Concerts. 7 WITH SUPPLEMENT. New York, Waceniny, aeiy 3a; 17a CONTENTS OF T0-DAY’s HERALD. Page, 1—Advortisements, 2—Advertisements—Marriages and Deaths—Pro- ceedings in the Board of Aldermen—The House of emge en Assault with a Hatchet. 3—First Campaign Charge: North Carolina Opens with a Call to Arms at Weldon; The Guberna- torial Fight; Avowed Lovers of Peace the First in the Field: A Day of Jubilee Between the North and South; Nebraska, North Caro- lina and New Jersey ‘Bur. the Hatchet and Shake Hands; Senator Tipton’s View of Re- Rethentien oe and Grant: How the ampaign Waxes—The Weather—The Mur- dered Brooklyn Pollceman—Narrow Escape from Drownlng—Two Railroad Accidents, 4—Editorials: Leading Article, “The Oppression of the South by the Politicians—Are We to Have a Restored Union?—Amusement An- nouncements. 6—The War in Mexico—Cable Telegrams from England, France and Ireland—The English vem me ag eeeninend Rev aed eT Cs Ington—Miscellaneous Telegraph—Shipp! Intelligence—Advertisements ae 6=—The Police Parade: How the Police were Es- corted Yesterday by the Orangemen; The In- cidents of the Day and the Fun of the Force— The Impeached Judges—A Bloody Outrage: Revolting Triple Violation and Wanton Mur- der of Miss Secor in Ohio; Details of the Atrocity—The Tombs Court—Yachting—Trot- ting at Fleetwood Park—The Workingmen’s Assembly of Kings County—The Funeral of Joseph H. Scranton—The Garde Republicaine Band—An Arizona Indian Dales ‘ion—New York City News—The Chief of Police of Long Island (ity Missing—Four People Drowned. ‘J—Advertisements, S—Stokes: The Whole of the Medical and Leadin; Testimony for the Prosecution Reviewed an Analyzed; Counsel Making Confusion Worse Coniounded; Close of Tremain’s Summing Up for the Defence; District Attorney Garvin Supports the Theory of the Prosecution in an aoe Speech; the Judge's Charge the Only lope of a Safe Delivery for the Jury; The Case Likely To Be Submitted To-Day—Canoe Dolly Varden: The Itasca Forests; The Lake at Nightfall; Lost in the Woods; The Descent of the River Begun. @—Canoe Dolly Varden (continued from Eighth Page)—Financlal and Commercial; The Gold Premium and the Gold Pool; The Newest Phase Of the Speculation in the Gold Room; Active Movement in the Railroad Bonds and Advance in Prices; Where Shall Capital Find a Satis- factory Investment? Another Large Decrease in Erie Railway Earnings; Money Easy, Gov- ernments Up and Southern Securities Dull; The Coinic Features of the Moneyed Drama; Proceedings of the New York Courts—The Southside Railroad Disaster—Recruiting for the Marine Corps—A Boy Fatally Shot—Aa- vertisements. 10—Horace Greeley: He Receives the Formal Noti- fication of His Nomination; The Democratic Committee Wait Upon Him; Greeley Still a Repubijcan—Iiness of Gratz Brown: He is Suddenly Taken fl and as Suddenly Re- covers—Amherst College: Closing Day of the Fifty-flrst Commencement Week—General Sherman in Berlin—The Filibuster Steamer Fannie and Her Crew—Advertisements. Tue Latest News rrom Mexico is rather Important, though not very startling. Our special despatch from Matamoros reports the positions of the opposing forces, and states that the revolutionists propose to reattack Monterey and to drive General Rocha, who is how defending that city, over the border. This {s easier said than done ; but time tries all. * Tue Inpracuaent or THE Jvpces still pro- eceds at Albany before the Senate. The case of Judge Prindle has been postponed until the 10th of September; that of Judge Curtis is to be taken up on the 11th of the same month. A nomination sent by the Governor to the Benate in place of the late Judge McCunn | was rejected by the Senate. The gentleman pamed was Judge James C. Tue Corroy Crop.—A despatch from Mont- gomery, Ala., represents that an unusually | large number of caterpillars have appeared | through the cotton belt three weeks earlier | than ever before, and that the weather which | develops the worm continues. We regret to | receive this information, but hope the ravages | of this terrible caterpillar will not be as bad as anticipated. Cotton in the far South is pretty well advanced, and the scourge may only be local, The planters and cotton speculators sometimes exaggerate, to influence the market, and we must wait a little longer before de- ciding upon any damage to or the amount of | the crop. Generar Sperman’s Rucertion 1n Beriry.— After an extended tour through Spain, Italy, | Turkey, Greece, Egypt and Russia, the famous | old hero of “the march to the sea’’ paid a visit to the German capital, he was not | enamored of the treatment he received there. | On the part of the military leaders and other | high functionaries it was cool in the extreme. | Old Tecumsch went to Potsdam, but was re- fused admittance to the Park because the Em- peror was entertaining some imperial guests. Feeling the rebuff, but resolving to return the compliment, Sherman bided his time, A | military review was to take place, the troops | to be reviewed by the Emperor. Sherman was , invited to witness it and be presented to the | Emperor. Remembering the Potsdam inci- dent, he politely declined. Who had the | best of it—the German Kaiser or the American | soldier ? | Tae Loserat Repusiican-Democratic Gatn- ERING at Wexpen, N. O., yesterday, may be foirly called the first flerce charge in the cam- paign of 1872. As set forth in our special re- port of the proceedings published elsewhere the gubernatorial contest, which is.to be de- cided on the Ist day of August, is regarded as a prelude to the great fight in Novem- ber. Nor wos the meeting wanting in the way of able orators. Governor Walker, of Virginia; ex-Governor Vance and Senator Ransom, of North Carolina; Senator Tipton, of Nebraska, and Senator Stockton, of New Jersey, were among the speakers on the plat- form. The friends of Horace Greeley appear determined to be first on the ground, and their speeches yesterday indicate their rendi- ness for the battle against those now about to stamp the State in favor of the administration. _NEW SORK HERALD, SATURDAY, JULY 13, 1872—WITH SUPPLEMENT. te se tthe Rh nN} Politicians-Are We to Have a Re- stored Union? For some years before the war of the rebel- lion, when Northern politicians were endeavor- ing to consolidate into one great’ political organization all the elements opposed to the Southern States of the Union cither in interest or sentiment, a persistent and systematic effort was made to create prejudice against the white citizens of the South. Apart from the crusade against the institution of slavery as an offence against the divine laws and a moral and social evil, the slaveowners were denounced as a class ‘and were held up to reproach as un- American, insolent, overbearing and tyran- nical. The Southern people had themselves to thank for the success of this unpatriotic attempt to excite sectional animosity and strife for political purposes. Their peculiar position had rendered them jealous, suspicious and arrogant. They had been accustomed to brow- beat Northern men in Congress and had con- ceived an unfavorable opinion of Northern courage. The sense of the insecurity of their slave property kept alive in their breasts a constant feeling of hostility towards the free States, and the tone of their press and public speakers was offensive and galling to the people of the North. Eventually the efforts of the politicians and the indiscretion of the chivalry brought about secession and civil war. A bitter and costly experience taught the Southern men how erroneously they had judged of the spirit of their Northern fellow citizens, while the sufferings and the bravery of the South won the sympathy and respect of the North, and were accepted as an atonment for past follies and offences. When the last gun of the war had been fired, and the great rebellion lay crushed and dead at the feet of Grant’s victorious army, there was not a citizen of the loyal States, outside a hand- ful of scheming politicians, who did not earnestly desire to see the South relieved as speedily as possible from the inevitable penal- ties of her madness and restored to all her constitutional rights under the reconstructed Union. The Northern people required assur- ance that the late Confederates would consent to accept in good faith the decision reached by the tribunal of arms, and were willing, os soon as this was received, to bury their anger and their sorrow inacommon grave. Foremost among those who thus patriotically sought to restore the Union in the hearts of the people was the soldier who had rescued it from actual de- struction. Towards the close of the year 1865 General Grant made an inspection of the rebellious States for the purpose of learning by personal observation the sentiment of their leading citizens, and of ascertaining what amount of military force would be required for the preservation of order and the enforcement of the laws. In his report to President John- son the Lieutenant General expressed his con- viction that the South had not only accepted the decision of battle as final, but had become convinced by reflection that this decision had been a fortunate one for both sections of the Union. “My observa- tions,’’ wrote General Grant, “lead me to the conclusion that the citizens of the Southern States are anxious to return to self-government within the Union as soon as possible; that while reconstructing they want and require protection from the government; that, they think, is required, and is not humiliating to them as citizens, and that if such a course were pointed out they would pursue it in good faith. Itis to be regretted,” he adds, ‘that there cannot be a greater commingling at this time between the citizens of the two sections, and particularly of those entrusted with the law-making power.” The trouble of the recently liberated negroes was not overlooked by the victorious General. He found them to be inclined to idleness and imbued with the idea that freedom from bond- age meant freedom from labor. But he trusted to time and the management of the State governments to render the freedmen willing to work and to remove by slow degrees the evil of ignorance, the legacy of their former condition. Nearly eight years have passed since the war clased and the General is now the Presi- dent. The politicians, who have unfortu- nately surrounded and controlled his adminis- tration, have continued during the last three years anda half the same course towards the South adopted by them as soon as the rebel- lion was over, when they were contending with President Johnson for the political control of that section of the country. The efforts of these men have been to secure political power in the Southern States by colonizing the South with carpet-bag politicians, and holding with them the solid negro vote. The process was simple and easy. In ten of the ex-rebel States—Ala- bama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, Texas, Virginia and the two Caro- linas—under the census of 1870, there were four million six hundred and twenty-four thousand white inhabitants to three million six hundred and thirty-four thousand negroes, or less than one million more white than black inhabitants. Taking the proportion of one in five for voters, the white electors may be calculated at two hundred thousand more than the black. In South Carolina, Louisiana and Mississippi the negroes are in a majority. In Alabama there are only five thousand more white voters than there are colored, and in Florida the white electors are only one thousand larger than the black. Pros- scriptive test oaths and disfranchisement laws were resorted to for the purpose of reducing the Southern white vote, and as amnesty became more and more © political necessity, Ku Ktux laws, author- izing the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus and placing the elections under the protection, or rather- under the tyranny, of federal bayonets, were invoked to counterbal- ance the enfranchisement of the whites. In the last session of Congress, notwithstanding the notorious fact that the Southern States are now as peaceful and law-abiding as those of the North, the most disgraceful scenes were enacted in both Houses in the effort to force through a renewal of the Ku Klux bill at the risk of the interruption of the whole machinery of the government. To-day the South is held under military despotism, subject to the rascally corruptions of carpet- bag civil governments ond threatened by the dark shadow of political negro supremacy. Her people have done all in their power to prove their willingness to accept tho lessons and fruits of tne Oppression of the South by the | the war and to obey the laws of their country. They point to their paralyzed industries, to their impoverished homes, to their broken fortunes, and plead to be allowed to enter once again the highway of prosperity and happi- ness through the paths of loyalty and peace. But the question occurs to the minds of the scheming politicians who hold power in Congress, Are the white Southern citizens to be trusted politically? Will they not use their recovered franchise against the regular republican party? If these questions cannot be answered to the satisfaction of our present rulers the South must continue to be oppressed and the effort to force negro supremacy upon the Southern States must proceed. General Grant can have no sympathy with the course of the men whoseek by such means to renew their lease of political power. His whole life and the free expreasion of his senti- ments on every occasion show that he favors a government of white men and that he despises those who endeavor to renew or keep alive sectional prejudice and hate between the North and the South. When he suffers the politicians who surround him to resort to such legisla- tion and such policy in his behalf, he risks the loss of the sentiment of pub- lic esteem and gratitude still clinging to him and unwilling to acknowledge itself misplaced. The people of the North demand that the Southern States shall no longer be treated as rebels, but shall receive in good faith, and without reservation, the par- don that has been extended to them. To give over the beautiful and commercially important States of tho fairest section of the Union to the ignorant and degraded rule of negroes just released from bondage is an insult to the white citizens of the North as well as of the South, and an outrage on the whole nation. To subject them to the corrupt and reckless schemes of the carpet-bag plunderers is but little leas infamous, To hold them under military subjection for political purposes is not only a cruel injustice, but is a dangerous assault upon the freedom of the republic. As a consistent and independent supporter of General Grant's administration, we now call upon him to show his detestation of these politi- cal Machiavelisms by openly proclaiming his determination not to avail himself of the Ku Klux law in the approaching elections, and to withdraw from the Southern States every fod- eral soldier not required for the actual logiti- mate purposes of the government. The enforcement of this odious law is optional with him, and he has the authority and the power by proclamation to declare the South in @ condition to warrant the restoration of civil law and of the writ of habeas corpus in every portion of her territory.. This will enable the President at once to free himself from the responsibility and the unpop- ularity of the measures of his unwise support- ers in Congress, and a radical change in the character of the federal office-holders through- out the South will further show his inclination to do justice to the Southern people at last. For the future, whatever may be the result of the pending Presidential election, the Henraup will insist upon an entire change of policy towards the Southern States under the next administration, and will hold every Congressman up to the contempt and scorn of the American people who favors any measure for the oppression of the white men of the South. We shall demand from President Grant or President’ Greeley, as the’ case may be, an honest obedience to the will of the people, which is, unrestricted amnesty and non-interference with the domestic affairs of any of the Southern States. The Hzraxy will diligently watch for and expose every future attempt to control the Southern negro vote as a unit forany party, and any injustice that may be done either by legislation, by executive action or through the influence of federal patronage, to the white electors of the South. We recognize the courage, the manhood and the loyalty of the Southern people now that the rebellion and its causes are alike dead and buried, and we admit their equal title with ourselves to all the privileges and rights of the constitution. We shall hold any admin- istration in the future responsible for a consti- tutional treatment of that section of the coun- try and shall regard an assault upon their liberties and privileges as a crime against the republic. John Bright and the British Houso of Lords, Mr. John Bright has just assured the mem- bers of a delegation from the Staffordshire potteries workmen that the English ‘‘House of Lords seems to be almost the last refuge of political ignorance and fashion.’’ Both quali- ties are exceedingly demoralizing, particularly if they exist among the members of a branch of the highest legislative estate, If Mr. Bright refers to fashion in dress his opinion must be accepted with great caution, as being perhaps prejudiced; for, according to his system of religio-toilet discipline, a dressed up lord ig a sort of walking, living Saxon heresy. Thirty years have passed away since a great Trish demagogue, how deceased, traversed England proper on an agitating tour against the House of Lords as a hereditary branch of the English Parliament. He would, -he said, retain the house of pecrs 98 9 representative branch of their order, but would have the members elected by the people from the nobles’ body at the | general elections, and also put a stop to the crown right of what he termed “pitch- forking peers into the House of Lords by royal warrant at kingly will.’ Mr. Bright's depreciatory classification of the aristocratic assemblage comes at a moment which may ‘be regarded as slightly inopportune—just as it is said that Chief Justice Cockburn will be ele- vated to an earldom for his eminent services in the adjustment of the Alabama claims diffi- culty. Tae Sovrusipe Ramroap Disaster.—The verdict of the Coroner's jury on the bodies of those killed by the collision on the Southside Railroad on Long Island deserves the special attention and approval of the community. The con- ductor, Rathbone, and his engineer, Scott, were both taken in charge in consequence of it, and will, doubtless, have to answer for the re- sults of their negligence of rules before the law. We are gratified, also, to learn that the jury embodied in their verdict the following point, to which we earnestly invited attention a few days ago:—‘We also find that in our opinion no steam railroad should be operated on a single track, and that all stations or stopping places should be connected by telegraph.” We hope to see this sensible clause incorpo- rated into legal and binding form before many further opportunities occur for like slaughters. Closing Scenes in the Fisk Murder Trial—Summing Up on Both Sides. The interest which attaches to the summing up of counsel for the defence in a great mur- der trial is one which usually attracts the at- tention of a higher order of intellect than that which gapes after and bolts without mastication the evidence that comes forth in the progress of the case, The nineteenth day of the Stokes trial was marked by a careful, able, earnest, yet unimpassioned address to the jury on be- half of the prisoner. It may be admitted that there is greater necessity for a dis- play of legal talent by the defence, in 8 case such as the present, than by the prosecution. The prosecution must rely solely upon its theory being proved by its facts or evidence of facts, while the prisoner has a right, not only to the weight of his counter evidence of facts, but also to be credited with the gaps in the evidence of the prosecutors. Many a prisoner has been dis- charged on the dearth of evidence to convict. To appreciate every hiatus in the prosecutor's chain of evidence, and apply them with cer- tainty to strengthen his own case, demands in a complicated trial a cool head, @ clear delivery and nice judgment. These attributes were doubtless present yester- day in the person of Mr. Tremain, and it be- comes a certainty that, whether Stokes be con- victed or not, his defence has been ably con- ducted throughout. He first applied himself to the question of the. modical treatment of Fisk after he received the wound, his exordium having occupied the close of the day before. The unseemly scenes between the doctors on the stand gave him ground on which he rapidly enlarged, and brought forward skilfully the caucusing of the doctors after the fatal result. He charged that the most skilful among the medical men for the prosecution made up his mind that death resulted from shock, be- cause no other cause was apparent to him, end not from the usual evidences of fatality from such a cause. The alleged igno- rant use of the probe he did not lay very heavy stress on; but the administration of inordinate doses of opium by the mouth and hypodermi- cally he strongly contended would feave at the worst an irremovable doubt upon the minds of the jury whether Fisk’s death was from narcot- ic poison or from the wound. But what called forth his most earnest comment was the question of premeditation. He pointed out that evidence to this end rested between two gamblers and a hall boy. The first saw Stokes look out of his coupé passing the Grand Opera House, in which, as he observed, Fisk was not at the time. The second saw Stokes enter the hotel hastily, followed shortly afterwards by Fisk. The third, the hall boy, he handled severely, both as to an alleged corruption by the prosecution and un- truthfulness of statement on the prisoner’s po- sition at the time of the deed. This he con- trasted with the continuity of the evidence for the defence, accounting for his visit to the hotel as the result of ‘an innocent purpose.’’ The credibility of the prisoner as a witness for himself he strongly pleaded for, and the con- fused statement of certain witnesses for the prosecution as to the identity of the pistol or whether there were really two pistols, he ad- duced as supporting Stokes’ testimony. The evidence of the ‘‘woman in tle case’ who gave the warning to Stokes, and that which referred to his being dogged by emissaries of Fisk, were brought forward to show the animus which might lead to hostilities be- tween them at their first rencontre. The character of the deceased he was unsparing of; and, although his whole discourse was con- sonant in tone throughout, it seemed to lack in the emotional parts the force which many a pleader would have thrown liberally into it. His appeals, in fine, to the jury were for a verdict of justifiable homicide or manslaughter in the third or fourth degree, as set forward in the ten points given to the jury on the day previous. The District Attorney immediately com- menced summing up for the prosecution, and although it was late in the day plunged at once in medias res. His style was florid compared with the impassiveness of the counsel on the other side. There was little force in his open- ing, to the effect that the deceased was not there to say what killed him. As he went on, however, he grappled more effectively with the points of the defence. On the probing and medical treatment he contented himself with the statement on the evidence that the wound was fatal in any case. On the premeditation theory his summing up seemed to depend for ita evidence of lying in wait on the hall boy's testimony, which is really the backbone of the prosecution. It would not be fair to judge the charge of the prosecution by the limited remarks of the District Attorney, who will resume at length to-day. To-day also there is very little doubt the jury will be charged by the Court. Amid so much legal entanglement there is every necessity for a broad, impartial charge, which will leave nothing but the evidence in the case before the jury, and that in its entirety. The verdict which bas been rendered by partisans of oné side or the other for months past will then give way to a verdict by the only competent authority. May it, then, bea just one! : GoverNo# Gnatz Brows, in his speech at New Haven the other evening, opened the cam- paign for the opposition coalition Presidential ticket in Connecticut with marked emphasis and confidence in the result of the November election, and with manifestations of high en- thusiasm from the immense crowd assembled to hear him. He did not beat about the bush in his endorsement of Mr. Greeley, but said :— “I believe him to be a great and grand statesman.’’ Nor was he slow or luke- warm in his opinion of the popularity of this new departure of the democracy under true republicans as their standard bearers, ‘This ticket,’’ he said, “is going to sweep the country from one end to the other in a manner which will make the hgir stand straight up on some of your heads.’ Mr. Brown said further that he would not be sur- prised ‘if General Grant does not carry three States in the nation.” Here at all events, in the democratic candidate for Vice President, we have those great qualities displayed essen- tial toa vigorous prosecution of the campaign— ability, enthusiasm, and confidence in the re- sult ; and we dare say that this is not the last the administration party in this canvass will hear of Governor Brown, The Orange Parade. Enthusiastic Orangemen must have been sorely disappointed at the poor display made by their brethren yesterday. In view of the large promises of an imposing demonstra- tion the few hundred unsophisticated-looking individuals who followed the flag of the Dutch Prince presented a rather sorry appearance. Apart from the question of taste manifested in trailing a monarchical banner through the metropolis of a republic there was really nothing to excite attention or comment in the de- monstration, except the paucity of the members and the low level of intelligence which were the most noted characteristics of the processionists. Everything about the parade marked it for- ign and un-American—the visages of the mon composing it and the flags inscribed to the honor, not of George Washington nor of the great republic in which these men find shel- ter and bread, but to the memory of William, Prinoe of Orange, a potentate whose memory has certainly nothing in common with American traditions or republican aspirations. It is reassuring, however, to notice that, with all the excitement which a few fanatics have labored to create, not over three hundred men, gathered from all parts, could be mus- tered. Most of these bore in their faces evi- dence of verdancy, which accounted for their Presence. As soon as they have settled down and understand the advantages of the govern- ment under which they now live the teachings of designing bigots will have less influence over them, and they will imitate their wiser countrymen and leave Orange parading severely alone, It -is only when men arrive in this country, with all the nar- row and stupid prejudices which are so carefully cultivated in Europe in order to keep the people divided against themselves, that designing men are able to turn these prejudices to their own selfish ends. The institutions of the country in time exert their broadening influence on the minds of the most bigoted, and orange and green sashes are hid out of sight by men who are proud to be Americans. We have some right to claim that those who seek the hospi- tality of our shores shall leave behind their factional strifes and take their places here as good and peaceful citizens. This we hold to be the first duty of all who seck a home in this republic. It requires a strong exercise of the virtue of patience to allow us to speak calmly of dem- onstrations like the one which marched through our streets yesterday. No American can sympathize with its object, if, indeed, it had’ any except a kind of implied defiance to the most ignorant class of the Irish Catholic population, Looked at coolly, the affair was 60 otesque and out of keeping with all our thoughts and tra- ditions that the only sentiment it was likely to arouse in the breasts of the intelligent portion of the community was one of pity for the foolish and misguided men who took part in it. Were it not that people are aware of the inflammable nature of the materials lying round which might be set on fire by this Orange parading it would be regarded witha half scornful contempt; but the spice of danger that accompanies it makes people serious. It is certainly absurd that we should be sub- jected annudlly to the danger of having the streets of our city deluged in blood because an insignificant band of foreigners are pleased to interest themselves in the Protestant succession to the British throne. What have weto do with the religious belief of the King or Queen of England, that we should be subjected to the nuisance of a procession of men in- terested in the question every 12th of July? The Monroe doctrine strictly con- fines the attention of Americans to matters connected with America, and foreigners who come here as citizens are supposed to aban- don all interest in the rsonarchical institutions of Europe. It appears, then, rather strange that our republican police should be called upon to protect a body of men whose great aim, if they have any, is to preserve the suc- cession of the English throne for a true blue Protestant. Nothing could well be more ridiculous and absurd than this position. We believe that people who come here ought to adopt American modes of thought and leave their contentions and prejudices in the Old World. If there are those whose devotion to the interests of Catho- lic or Protestant monarchy is so strong that they must continue their advocacy in this republic, it would be eminently proper on their part to seek tho shelter of the flag which claims their enthusiastic devotion, We are by no means inclined to nativism, but we do think that when men are so much in love with monarchical government that they must parade in its honor in the streets of a re- public, they ought to remain in Europe, where they can enjoy the system of their choice to the fullest extent, Nothing is more striking than the absence of the intelligent classes from the silly orange and green parades, which aré abandoned to the la- boring classes and those who trade on their votes. The professional and business elements carefully abstain from taking any part in such foolish displays. If the police force are to be withdrawn from the performance of their usual and necessary duties to protect every little body of fanatic ho may choose to pro- voke hostile attack, the sodiié? the Legislature of the State interferes to putan end to all for- gign celebrations the better. This would ap- peat to be the logical issue out of our present trouble, as we certainly cannot afford to main- tain an army of policemen for the purpose of keeping the peace between bands of imported fanatics. The ludicrous appearance of the few hundred Orangemen, gnarded on all sides by an army of police officers, ought to cure the most ardent enthusiast; and could these peo- ple only seo themselves as others see them we should no longer be troubled with Orange pro- cessions. It is creditable to the good sense of the majority of the Irish population that the celebrants and the spectators were so few. No doubt the advice of the Heraxp was not lost on them. The peaceful issue of the day's pro- ceedings will rob the demonstration of all in- terest in the mind of Americans; and now that the rights of all classes have been fully vindi- cated we hope we have seen the last of tho Or- ange parades. If the admirers of King William desire to honor his memory they can do so with eminent propriety in their lodges, without causing any uneasiness to the citizens or en- dangering the peace of the city. It would, however, be still more desirable that these celebrations, which belong to another land and another stato of society, should be en- torical events in our own country. We are desirous that all shall enjoy the fullest liberty, but we cannot permit any class to make itself & nuisance in the community. Greeley and His Democratic Friends. The Chappaqua Philosopher yesterday re- ceived official notification from a delegation of the unterrified of his nomination as democratic candidate. Horace was in good humor, and playfully informed the delegation that he was not in thehabit of replying to notifications of nom- ination as Presidential candidate. This “‘un- accustomed as I am”’ kind of reply tickled the unterrified very much, and they swore py St. Tammany that good Uncle Horace should be carried to the White House if all the ballot boxes in the Union had to be used up. This profanity charmed the sage, and he _ concluded to invite the company to a tectotal picnic on his Ohap- paqua farm, where he will hold forth to-day on what he knows about raising votes. Uncle Horace bears his blushing honors with the equanimity of an ancient stoic, and declares that he is ready to sacrifice everything save his republicanism to saye the country from Grant. The democrats are no less enthusias- tic or self-sacrificing. In order to show the stuff they are made of they will undertake to- day to clear at least half an acre of the Gree- ley wood, just to demonstrate how much they know about woodchopping and make some return for the free lunch and spring water which Uncle Horace so liberally offers. Gratz Brown was taken suddenly ill yos- terday morning, and it was thought at one time he was changing color and looking somewhat blue; but towards evening, thanks to a bottle from the Chappaqua springs, he became himself again, and pledges himself to drink spring water if necessary to overthrow the man on horseback. Such de- votion deserves victory. A French Governmental Crisis Immie nent, President Thiers’ treasury and tariff difficul- ties are exceedingly pressing and likely to pro- duce consequences of a most complex and embarrassing nature in the routine course of governmental affairs in France. The Ministry of the republic requires money. The where and how to find the cash constitute an ever- present problem, for the satisfactory solution of which they appear, so far as wo know, at least, to have no fixed rule, or, indeed, any definite plan. The customs tariff has been remodelled, mended, and patched and tinkered to a degree that has almost. destroyed its origi- nal aspect of economic harmony, and even yet it does not suit. President Thiers has now come very near to the proposition of a renewal of the war budget project of the first Napoleon, by the acceptance of a proposition for the im- position of direct indoor, fireside taxation. He proposed, after adoption froma member, to the National Assembly yesterday to in- crease the government revenue by affixing licenses on doors, windows and houschold fur- niture. The President requires two hundred millions of francs. “The cup,” said the French Chief of State, ‘‘is bitter, but it must be drained without flinching to the dregs.” ‘The members of the Right nauseated against the financial dose, They almost denied the right of the state physician to administer it. Tha men of the Left were more pliant and equit- able, but the venerable statesman who has undertaken to guide the public destiny of the French democracy could ‘scarcely make him- self heard amid the tumult which was pro- duced by the utterance of the conflicting ob- jurgations of the excited party leaders. He will explain himself more fully at a future day. | In the meantime the French tariff plan lingers towards a sickly, enfecbled maturity, and France again apprehends the advent of the Ministerial in terrorem of a Cabinet crisis. She has, one would think, had crises quite enough of this kind already. It appears that what she really needs is money. The legisla~ tive query which pressed on the mind of the English statesmen during the progress of tha war with Napoleon is patent to the men in Versailles to-day. Where are the martyred saints, the five per cents; and, where, oh, where, the rentes? So it is with France. Braz AND THE ARGENTINE CONFEDERA. tion—A Prospect or War.—The very inter- esting statement which we published yestere day, from our correspondent at Rio Janeiro, on the warlike relations developed between Brazil and the Argentine Confederation, indicates the probability of a bitter conflict between these two Powers before many months are over. The trouble between these fwo nations has grown out of that war upon Paraguay in which the foolish Argentines wero the allies of Brazil. We predicted at the time that after the sub- jugation of the intervening republic of Para- guay, Brazil, when ready for it, would find occasion fora quarrel with her allies, with « view to the enlargement of her boundaries southward. In this case, however, the provo- cation for war seems to come from the Argen- tines, while Brazil against their warlike blus- terings appears to hold the attitude of digni- fied forbearance and contempt. In any event it is apparent that the Argentine Confederation has gained nothing from its late offensive alliance with Brazil against Paraguay, and should war follow between these late allies, we apprehend that they will soon discover im Buenos Ayres that in assisting to disarm Para- guay they have opened the door to their most dangerous enemy. Presrpeyt Turmars, in carrying triumphantly through the French Assembly his protective tariff, bas given another proof and a most con- vincing one, too, that in France he continues emphatically the master of the situation, and that for the present France is secure against all disturbers, radical, monarchical or impe~ trialist, reds, Bourbons or Bonapartists, Artrn Greriey, Waar?—A line democrat for the Presidential chair in 1876-—the centen-- nial anniversary of American Independence. So say the Greeley democrati a EELS SS eee Eee eT aL Nea e TN ienm ee Aiea Momma UNNN TEEN sn AENN senso NONE R MTS As ne MN Mim NOH MADMAN eA. Lemont NID II aman PAN TIA