The New York Herald Newspaper, May 25, 1872, Page 6

NEW YORK HERAIM, SATURDAY, MAY 25, 1872.-TRIPLE SHEET. Pe ee NEW YORK HERALD’ BROADWAY AND ANN STREET, JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. pesbg sh ee Rejected communications will not be re- turned. All business or news letter and telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York Hunraty. Letters and packages should be properly sealed, ee THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year, Four cents per copy, Annual subscription price $12. THE WEEKLY HERALD, every Saturday, at Five ents per copy. Annual subscription price :— ‘One Capy... : Three Copies: Five Copies, Ten Copies.. Postage five cents per copy for three months. Volume XXXVI. AMUSEMENTS THIS AFTERNGON AND EVENING. ACADEMY OF MUSIO, Fourteenth street—Opzra Bourre—La PenicHouy. | UNION SQUARE THEATRE, Fourteenth st. and Broad. cway —Buurs or Tue Kitcnes. Matinee at 11g. WALLACK'S THEATRE, Broadway and 13th street.— ‘Loxpon Assunancr, FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, Twenty-fourth street— Anticue 47.—Matinee at 2. GRAND OPERA HOUSE, corner of 8th av. and 23d st.— WNxox ano Neck—Vaniery. \_ ST. JAMES THERA’ "Droadway.—MacEvoy' WOOD'S MUSEUM, Rroadwa: formauces afternoon and even! RE. Tw -eighth street and 1 JON. corner 80th st.—Per- ON HAND. BOWERY THEATRE, Boy Busrranp—Siovry Sam. Matil \ OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway.—Tuz Barter Pax fromime ov Humpty Domery. Matinee at 2. swan Seruck—Jack ‘ BOOTHS THEATRE, Twenty gy.—Exocu Anpan Matin , ird street, comer Sixth ie THIRTY-FOURTH STREET THEATRE, near Third ay.—Taw Ronuens—Care A Hare, \ PARK THEATRE, opposite City Hall, Brooklyn.— Bor Durecrive, MR FR Bast Leen, do. f ; CONWAY'S BROOKLYN THEATRE.— Matinee at. \ THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 Broadway'—Comtc Vocat- sms, NxGRO ACTS, M at 23g. | BAN FRANCISCO HA $85 Broadway.—Sam Suanp- ‘Lxy's Minstreis. Matin \ TONY PASTOR'S 0 Necro Ecounrnicitixs . No. 201 Rowery.— &c. Matinee at'2)4. NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, 618 Broadway.— HKNOK AND ART. jan R New York, Saturday, May STR. + = = es PONTENTS OF TO-DAY’S HERALD. | Paar. Advertisements, | Advertisements. 8=—{Dr. Houard: His Spanish Cadiz; Chained to the Wall tary Fish—Still Striking—<( town—The Steamship Bailimere—! 3 Huston’s Trial—News from Washiigton—Mis- cellaneous Telegrams. @—The Washington Treaty: The Explanations of Granville and Gladstone Before tie Lords and Commons; England Firm in Her Resolve— Methodist General Conference—Alieged Mur- der by a Rutlian—The Undertakers’ Low—Fa- tal Railroad Gasualty. S—Fleetwood Park: Third Day of the Spring 4 ing—Music in the Park—Biair on teen Years Ago: Michael Hayes Tried for the Murder of James O'Donnell in 1857—Stokes: The Other “Special” Plea Quashed by the Court—Onicial Plac»—Prison Association of New York—Raid on a Gambling ITouse—As- sault with a Carving Knife—A Mean Swin- dler—The Exigencies of Emigration—The Vet- erans of the Seventh Regimeat—The Beating of Mrs, Marks—Destructive Fire in Jersey— | Owner for Stolen Goois Wanted. | G—Editorial: Leading Article, “Breaking Up of Our Polltical Parties and What Follows’— Amusement Announcements. Y—The Treaty: Another Day in Senatorial Execn- vt jon on the Supplemental Disgrace ; nan Arraigns the Administration; Car- Prison Honse at for Secre- penter Denounces the Sur ; No Result Yet Reachod—A Gallan : The Shipping and City of Marseill ved from Destruction by American Darin able Telegrams from in, Englaud and Austria—Busi- Clabs Propose to Do; The the New Yachts of the & Lord: The Great Gonid-C Another Adjournment—A stress—Personating an Oflicer. 9—Financial and Commercial: Gold Dull; A vius Condition in the Stock Mar' G Ments Strong, Southern Sec Foreign Exchange Steady and The Street Sweepers—Public Par: lyn Affairs—Trying to Beat His W. Out—Marriages and Deaths. | from Seventh Page)— | rams—Shipping Intelli- its, Contest; | stive Seam- ’s Brains | 10—The Treaty (Cox Miscellaneous = T gence—Advertiseme: M—Advertisements, 12—Advertisements | is, i | movement. Breaking Up of Our Polltical Parties and What Follows. It must bo apparent to overy careful observer of the signs of tho times that our groat political parties are on the eve of dissolution. In fact, they are breaking up. Effect follows cause in the political world as well as in the physical, and the cause of this disruption is found in the removal or absence of those issues which brought into existence and sustained the pow- erful parties that heretofore controlled the des- tinies of this country. Names of groat political organizations may have something of a magico influence for a time even after tho issues they have been based upon havo become obsolete or no longer exist, but no party can live long upon the memory of the past. It has been humorously said, to show the ignorance of some of our rural citizons and the tenacity with which thoy cling to old party affiliations, that some of the Dutch democrats of Pennsyl- vanin regularly vote at every Presidential elec- tion for Andrew Jackson. Such implied stu- pidity and partisan obatinacy has little founda- tion in fact. The mass of the American peo- ple, in the rural districts as well as in the cities, are keenly alive to the movements of tho times and know when party issues are dead. Tho press—particularly the independent pross— and the telegraph diffuse information so widely and constantly that people quickly learn what are the living and practical questions of the day. The late war was a political earthquake. It radically changed our political life and laid the foundation for a now state of things. Its influence, too, upon our domestic institutions and social life has been very great. We feel the vibrations yet and shall for some timo to come, just as the people in a volcanic region feel the upheavals of the earth till the fires be- neath have expended their force. But we shall continue to approach a settled condition more and more every year. The war was an in- tensely active movement, breaking down tho barriers of the past and carrying us forward to a greatly modified and more centralized gov- ernmental system. This, perhaps, was un- avoidable, and to some extont necessary. Now a reaction is setting in. The Cincinnati Convention and nominations, though brought about in part by ambitious and disappointed politicians and those who had party or per- sonal animosities to gratify, were the natural outgrowth of this reaction. The impression is pretty general that the ideas and policy en- gendered by the war have been carried too far, and though there is no expectation of re- turning to the thoories and policy exploded by that event, there is a desire to arrest the centralizing tendency of the govern- ment, to obliterate the remembrance and con- sequences of our fratricidal strife, and to | restore local rights and the supremacy of civil law in accordance with the constitution. Whether the country is fully ripe for the reac- tion or not remains to be seen. We think it Though the Cincinnati movement has given tho first great impulse to it, the party making that may fail. Goneral Grant and his party may fall in with the popular current, and there aro indications that they contem- | plate doing so. If the war cry and war issues | be no longer available the regular republicans | may rideinto power again on the reform And if they have not the credit of | originating it an honest ora well feigned ro- | pentance might serve their purpose, particu- larly as they have the power and patronago of the government to help them. Before the split in the republican party, or what we may now call, perhaps, this third party movement, which began at Cincinnati, the two great parties which aspired to rule the country and which alone had any chance of | doing so, are the regular republican party now in power and the democratic party. The labor reform party and other parties that have sprung up have not yet acquired sufficient im- portance to be considered of themselves as powerful political organizations. The demo- | erats governed the republic from the time when General Jackson became President up to the election of Mr. Lincoln, a period of thirty- two years, with the exception of the one month of General Harrison’s administration and the four years of General Taylor and Mr. Fillmore. During these intervals even the democrats had the power in Congress. Nor was there any great difference in | the policy of the whig and democratic this interregnum. It was not till the nnti- Tue InneGuianrrms oF THE to which we called attention in yesterday's Heratp, will, we are informed, be rectified forthwith. General Jones has proved himself an effective officer, snd we are glad to note that he is willing to show the value of his | good intentions by taking a hint from the | Huratp. A Gattant Drep.—We publish to-day an interesting special despatch from London, giving an account of the noble, daring deed, by means of which the officers and men of the American squadron recently saved the ship- ping, and, possibly, also the city itself, of Marseilles from destruction, gee the boys who wear Uncle Sam's honorable nniform thus winning even a brighter and more glorious fame than can be gained in war. All honor to the brave bearts and stelwart arms that have thus conferred distinction upon themselves, their country and their fellow silizens! Moverat Discovertes snp Deve.ormexts ww Avsrratasta.—That other and great Anglo- Saxon empire which is growing up in Austra- lasia is likely to receive an impetus from new and important discoveries of minerals. The news we published yesterday shows that the gold fields of New South Wales were increasing largely, that a large platina mine had been discovered, that additional discoveries of tin | deposits had been made, that a new gold re- gion had been found in South Australia, that there were fresh copper discoveries and in- rreased production of copper in Queensland, and that tin mines were found on the islands of Bass Strait. likely to receive such a stream of immigration as California did, or as any other country nearer fo Europe and America would under similar siroumstances, its growth must be greatly pro- moted by these discoveries. The next great mineral region, and, no doubt, the richest in the world, that awaits Anglo-Saxon enterprise, is Mexico, When the United States acquires that country there will be, probably, a greater excitement and a more surprising result to the (world than when the precious metals were dis- Seyored in California and Australia, ASTERN Mats, | It is pleasant to | Though Australasia is not | slavery party grew powerful in the country and | Congress that a radical change was imminent. | The crisis was reached in the election of Mr, | Lincoln, in 1860. The South was the strong- rebelled the party was overwhelmed. There was little chance of it regaining power at the North for some time even with the loudest | profession of loyalty, and though many of the | leaders and the bulk of the democratic masses | fought for the Union and against their old | political allies their former affiliation with the Southerners was damaging. The States’ | rights theory which was held in common by | the democrats of both sections, and upon the extreme view of which the South claimed the right of secession, threw odium upon the | party at the North. This was intensified by | the hostility of a portion of the Northern | democrats to the war and by the sympathy | manifested for the South. Even after the war ended, when the people began to be dissatis- | fied with the dominant party and its corrap- tion, and when the democrats had a chance of regaining popular favor, they threw away the opportunity. They foolishly refused to accept the results of the war, and clung to issues that | had been buried by it. Hence the republi- cans, who skilfully used these facts to damage their opponents, have been able to hold both the executive and legislative authority of the republic, ‘The republicans came into power, as was said, on the anti-slavery issue. The war swept that away. exist again. result of the struggle. Asa party question it will have no influence upon the white voters of | either the North or South, and not very much, | perhaps, upon the negroes, though it is natural for them to look more favorably upon the re- publicans, who precipitated the event which | brought emancipation, than upon the demo- crate. But other questions and influences are tending to change the sentiments of the | negroes. The successful termination of the | war and preservation of the Union gave the re- | publicans all the political capital they needed after the anti-slavery issue was dead, Upon that they have flourished. They had the parties, except with regard to the tariff, during | | hold of the democracy, and when that section | It no longer exists, and never can * All parties acquiesce now in this | sagacity, too, to take for their Presidential can- didate, at the first election after the war closed, the General who finished the rebellion, though he had been a lifelong democrat. Tho current of popular sentiment was setting against them at that time, for the party had become fearfully corrupt, extravagant, intolerant and unscru- pulous; and had the democrats, in 1868 nomi- nated Chief Justice Chase, or some other man as available, there would have been a fair chance of electing him even over General Grant As it was the difference in the popular voto of the two parties was not great. The war issue now is nearly as extinct as that of slavery. Even General Grant, the great captain and figure- head of tho war, cannot expect to sail into power again on that issue. He must stand upon the meri‘s of his administration and the merits and strength of the republican party. ‘Two years ago or less the democrats began to show renewed vitality and reorganization. Through that and the corruption and inca- pacity of the republicans there was some pros- pect of recovering the ground lost in 1860. They secured a much larger delegation in Congress, had control of this great State of New York, and were gaining in other States and localities throughout the country. But the stupendous Tammany frauds turned back tho rising tide with great force, and left the re- publicans in an apparently secure position again; and now we are withina few months of tho Presidential election, with the democrats demoralized, disorganized, with no popular issues to arouse the people, and not the least prospect of electing a President of thoir own party either through the Electoral College or by the House of Representatives. While they are in this hopeless condition a serious rent is made in the republican party. Some of those most prominent men who created that party, those who have done most in building it up, and the most brilliant and ablest of its leaders, have left the regular organization and nomi- nated candidates of their own for President and Vice President. Much as the administra- tion organs may affect to pooh pooh the Cin- cinnati movement, it is, unquestionably, a serious breach in the republican party. The mission of that party seems to have been ac- complished. Slavery being abolished, and the war which that question brought about being onded, the republican party has no longer any platform of principles or fixed policy to stand upon. It is now simply o party of spoils and expedients. Tho defec- tion of tho reformers, therefore, shows its rot- tenness and its approaching fall. Whether it will conse to be the ruling party of the country in 1873, or, through the mis- takes of its opponents, will drag out a precari- ous existence till 1877, remains to be seen. This will depend probably upon the conduct of the democrats, and especially upon the action of the Baltimore Convention. Unless the Baltimore Convention endorses the Cinein- nati nominees, or, at least, refrains from mak- ing another nomination, Genoral Grant will be re-elected, if not by popular vote, in con- sequence of there being three candidates, cer- tainly by the House of Representatives. Many of the bolting republicans might go back to the regular organization, and even the Cincinnati ticket might be withdrawn. Greeley and Brown would hardly remain in the field if the Baltimore Convention puts regular democratic candidates on the course. The* Cincinnati movement was intended, no doubt, as an inva tion to the democrats to unite for the purpose of defeating General Grant. That is under- stood. Should they decline the invitation, both parties will lose, and the disintegration and conflict of all parties will go on for four years more, What are the democrats to gain in the future by refusing to support the Cincinnati nom- inees? They would, as we have said, give the election to General Grant and continue the power of the regular republican party. Those democrats consequently who oppose this com- | bination are really the friends and supporters of General Grant and his party, The speech of Mr. Voorhees in the House of Representatives lately was about the best campaign document that could have been furnished the republicans, and they will, no doubt, use it as such, It has given rise to the suspicion, whether well founded or not, that he and some other old line democrats have gone over secretly to the administration party. There seems to be an impression on the minds of such men that the democrats would have a better chance of suc- | cess in the future if they make no alliance with the liberal republicans. These are the samo old Bourbons, who never learn anything by tho logic of events, that have kept the demo- cratic party in a hopeless minority. Every- | thing moves 86 fast in this age that there may | be, four years hence, new and important issues | and a complete change in the relative position | of parties. There may be new combinations, {and the demoeratie party, as it exists to- day, may be left where it has been for the last | twelve years. By combining with the liberal | republicans its great weight and influence must be recognized should the Cincinnati nominees | be elected. It would have the best prospect | of gaining a much larger representation in | Congress, of recovering many of the State gov- ernments, of controlling in a great measure the administration, of obtaining a fair share of the offices, and of laying the foundation for power in the future. Above all it would bring | amnesty to the South, restoration of harmony | between the different sections of the republic, | economy in the government, and a reform of | the abuses which are the remnants of the war. | Probably it remains, then, for the democrats and the Baltimore Convention to say whether these things shall be accomplished or not. | least there is no chance of defeating General | Grant and the present dominant party but by | a combination of the democrats with the liberal republicans. Such a prospec, however, is | doubtful under present difficulties and com- plications, and General Grant, consequently, has the best chance of taking the reins of gov- | ernment for the next four years. Dr. Honard’s Citizenship and Trial. | Inanother part of the Henanp we publish | an interesting interview with Dr. Houard, which should set at rest the doubts in favor of Spain which afflict the vision of Secretary Fish in his view of this case. If he means to defend the miserable farce of a trial which condemned an American born citizen to the | penal settlements at Genta, as accord- ing to any code of law, the people had better be aware of it. The convenient dubitableness of Dr. Houard’s citizenship has At | point is conceded, and the outrage which tho brutal Spaniards call a trial has been shown in its true light, there should be no hesitancy on the part of the President to demand his re- lease and a full restitution of the property the Spanish underlings in Cuba made his illegal sentence a pretext to confiscate—that is, to steal. We have been glad to note the in- creased vigor with which President Grant has resolved to protect our flag upon the ocean; but if an unmistakeable demand for redress has not been already made in Dr. Honard’s case the whole thing loses its moral effect. Delay and evasion are the time- honored diplomatic means to wriggle out of a difficulty, and Secretary Fish has made as much use of these as any dishonest diplomat of the siécle Louis Quatorze or since. The American people will remember that whilo Secretary Fish has been indulging in tho luxury of pro-Spanish doubts Dr, Houard has been rotting literally in Spanish chains, The Senate and the Washington Treaty. The Senate spent the whole of yesterday in secret session, considering the proposed sup- plemental article to the Washington Treaty. Having sat for five hours the Senators took a brief recoss, after which they reassembled, with the intention of continuing the discussion until they should come to a final disposition of the case. The various amendments were fully discussed. Some of the Senators, as will be seen from our Wash- ington correspondence this morning, were un- sparing in their denunciations of the bungling manner in which the whole affair, from first to list, had been managed by the administra- tion, At midnight the Senate adjourned with- out having agreed as to a final disposi- tion. The subject is to be resumed to-day, when it is confidently expected an agreement will be arrived at. The opinion still prevails that in some slightly modified form the pro- posed supplemental article will be adopted. It is quite manifest, however, from the time con- sumed by the Senate, that there is anything but unanimity among the Senators as to the course which the administration should be advised to pursue. President Grant must by this time be fully convinced that he would have acted a _ far nobler part if he had emphatically stated to England that the treaty must go before the Geneva Tribunal in its original shape or be abandoned altogether. The advice of the Senate, whatever that advice may turn out to be, does not tie the hands of the President. He isstill free to act on his own responsibility. It would certainly have been better for himself and better for the nation at large if he had adopted an emphatic course at the commencement of the proceedings, and refused point blank to entertain for a moment the Granville proposition. Still, it is not too late; and if he is bold enough to act with firmness even now the nation will stand by him. If, however, things having gone so far, the Senate should advise the ratification, and the President should take the advice. The nation will not be sorry to learn that at last there is a reasonable presumption that this much-vexed question is on a fair way of being finally settled. Should such be the result, let us hope that the next time our rulers shall have occasion to enter into diplomatic corre- spondence with England they will show proof that they have profited by the lessons of ex- perience, The Discussion in the British Parlia- ment on the Washington Treaty. We place before our readers this morning a full report of the discussion in both Houses of the British Parliament on the 13th inst. relating to the Washington Treaty. Earl Granville and Premier Gladstone made their explanations | and detailed the progress of the negotiations | with the United States for the settlement of the Alabama claims difficulty. The determi- nation and firmness of England in the rejection of the consideration of indirect claims in any shape contrasts strongly with American hesita- | tion at present. As stated, time and time again, the position assumed by the United States until England showed her determination was that the subject of indirect claims should go | before the Geneva arbitrators for adjudication. England did not believe in any such view, and rather than submit to such a course, was ready to tear the Washington Treaty into tatters. Washington statesmen, finding Eng- land determined, show a disposition to back | down, “eat the leek” and make peace at any | price. A Piece of Treaty Information, The precise position in which the Treaty of | Washington finds itself as regards its probable life or death may not be thoroughly understood by alarge number of people. It lies at present on the operating table of the Senate with that body as consulting physicians around it. The trouble is in its indirect damage limb, | which Surgeon Gladstone has declared to be dangerous to its life, as, if permitted to re- | main any longer, its mortification would extend | to the whele body. Dr. Fish had contended warmly and ably that the limb was sound, aad | that if amputated it would kill the creature; but the English surgeon has bullied him out ; of this opinion, and the question now is whether the doctors of the Senate will decide to use | Gladstone’s scalpel while the quack of the State Department holds the limb, and so give | the miserable thing a fresh lease of unsatisfac- | tory existence, Passing from this illustration, we may more | directly say that the treaty came into full | working order on its ratification by the Senate on the 24th of May, 1871; that dispute arose | as to whether or not the treaty covered the | claims known as indirect or consequential | damages, and that from the strongest assertion | in favor of the affirmative of this proposition | Secretary Fish receded so far as to agree to a | supplemental article declaring they were not | by any means included in the treaty. Fearful of the ratification of the ‘‘back- down,’ it was agreed to consult the | Senate on its propriety, and to that end Presi- dent Grant, on the 13th inst., sent a special message to the Senate, asking a formal expres. sion of opinion on the matter, and at the same | time enclosing the correspondence by letter | and cable between the two governments, the whole to be kept and considered in secret. | Happily the Heratp, by publishing the entiré | correspondence, was enabled to exhibit to the people what the disgraceful surrender exactly meant. The administration, in | combination with the English lobby, | | | | | now no ground for existence, and when this had = eapwhjle pet all its engines . blow on the prospects of those who look for | of parties will be tested; and not till thon will represented respectively by the Bourbons, the be admitted, do not encourage the hopes of | those who believe only in the empire. Of late rr Rn ‘person, BS Wecognizea at work to influence Senatorial action fowards | Hever, at Teast in bur agreeing to the proposition in sufficient strength to warrant further action. Under the constitution of the United States tho rati- fication of a treaty requires the concurrence of two-thirds of the Senators, and although the merely recommendatory resolution which has been before the Senate in executive ses- sion for the last two days requires only a bare majority to sustain it, the President will give up the supplemental article, and the treaty with it, unless it obtains the two-thirds vote necessary to o future ratification. The amendments which the article has undergone in the Foreign Relations Committee and since in the Senate, although understood only to wrap the iron of capitulation to England in American wool, will, if the resolution passes, as Gladstone and Fish desire, need further approval by the British government, which, however, is not likely to object to the padding. So that if the Senate hoists the English flag in this matter it 4 will probably need at least a month's further delay before the representatives of the two gov- ernments can finally sign it and it can again be submitted to the Senate for ratification. This would entail, in view of the present pros- pects of adjournment, a special executive ses- sion of tho Senate for the ratification. Political Parties im France=The Em- peror’s Letter and tho Prospect for the Republic. Tho debates which have taken place within the last few days in the French Assembly have lent fresh interest to the present situation and the immediate future of the French people. The incisive and exhaustive speech of M. Audiffret-Pasquier on the condition of the French army when the war broke out, and the sweeping and well sustained charges brought by him against the Count Palikao and the other army officials under the empire, com- pelled M. Rouher to mount the tribune and say what he could say in defence of his former associates, and of their common master, the now exiled Emperor. M. Pasquier’s speech was a splendid oratorical triumph; 50, it would appear, was M. Rouher’s. It did seem, from the applause of the Assembly when M. Rouher had concluded his speech, as if tho friends of the empire were numerous and the cause of the empire’ was strong. The replies which followed, and the remarks of the press on the subse- quent day, revealed the situation. M. Pas- quier replied with cutting severity, and amid an excitement which has had no parallel in the history of the present Assembly, he called on the empire, in the language of ancient Rome, «to restore to France her legions, her prov- inces and her glory.’’ M. Rouher followed with vigor; but his two hours’ speech was a complete failure. It is not wonderful that the Paris journals should have with singular unanimity declared that the debates of Tuesday and Wednesday inflicted a serious the restoration of the empire. The remark of the Journal des Débats, that the result of the debate was “a Parliamentary Sedan,’’ will pass as a well chosen phrase into history. The letter addressed by the ex-Emperor to the genérals and commandants of the French army, and which we print in another column of this morning’s Heraup, shows that Napo- leon himself is keenly alive to the gravity of the situation. It is the first emphatic utter- ance which we have had from the Emperor since his unfortunate fall. ‘I alone,’’ he says, “am responsible for Sedan." Fourteen thou- sand men had been killed, and he deemed it his duty to exercise his sovereign right and hoist the flag of truce. ‘It was not possible,”’ he adds, “that the immolation of sixty thou- sand men could save France.”’ ‘My heart was broken,” he concludes, “but my con- science was tranquil.’’ After what has been said in the Assembly, after what has been said and done by the Committee on Capitulation, and in view of the approaching trials of his most trusted generals, it may have been difficult for the Emperor longer to keep silence; but we question very much whether his letter will make any radical change in the public sentiment. It was one of the weaknesses of the ex-Em- peror that he always dreaded inquiry. His great object was to preserve mystery in regard to all affairs of State. His constant fear was a fear of exposure, The empire was a success so long as there was no Parliament. The empire was doomed from the commencement of the Parliamentary régime. No despotism can flourish under the vigilant eye of a public which is allowed to hold and express an opinion. It is quite manifest now that tho French people have discovered that the empire | was less a necessity to them than they were a | necessity to the empire, The spell which bound them for twenty years is broken, and the chances for the restoration of the empire, which had already become exceedingly small, have been rendered by the recent debates beautifully less. We are not yet permitted to say that the | various political parties into which the French people are divided have settled down into | quiet and contentment. No great test of strength has yet been made, and for the simple reason that the time has not yet come. The Bordeaux ‘“‘pact,’’ which has been so faithfully | observed by all parties, and which has made the position of President Thiers comparatively | one of ease and comfort, as well as crowned his | administration with success, is still binding. | No change can take place until the war indemnity is paid. No new Assembly can | be elected until the last Prussian soldier has left French soil. When, however, the in- | demnity shall have been paid and the evacna- | tion shall have been completed, the ‘“ pact’ of Bordeaux will cease to be binding, and France will be free to say how and by whom she is to be governed. It is known that France is making vigorous efforts to raise the necessary funds. It is known that the government of King William isno longer opposed to immediate payment and immediate evacnation. In a few months, it is reasonable to conclude, there will be a general election in France. Then the strength t be known positively how much of force is Bonapartes and the republicans. ‘The recent debates in the Assembly, it must there has been little demonstration in favor of the Bourbons. The Count de Chambord, as King of France, must be pronounced an impos- sibility. Legitimacy apd diviye right will | treated by the bulk of the French people The Count de Paris is timid and notoriously unwilling to offend the ad- mitted head of the family to all the honors, rights and privileges of which he himself will presumably, in a few years, succeed. After the death of the Count de Chambord the Bourbon cause in France will be simple and of easy management. At present, however, it is difficult to seo how the restoration of the monarchy is to be effected, The republic has done so well, and the French people of all ranks and classes have taken to it so kindly, that we find it difficult to resist the conviction that the prospect for the permanence of the re- public is much greater than are the prospects of either the Bourbons or the Bonapartes. The consent given by President Thiers to the mem- bers of the Orleans family to have the remains of Louis Philippe brought over from England and reintered in France reveals the strength of the republic, as well as affectionate remem~ brance of a former master, It is not forgotten that the transference of tha remains of the First Napoleon from St. Helena to the Hotel des Invalides was the ruin of the citizen King and the virtual restoration of the empire. It does not follow that the transference of the remains of Louis Philippe will be the ruin of the republig¢ and the virtual restoration of the monarchy. It may rather strengthen the republic; for it is only an act of justice, the doing of which does honor to the present government of France, and the not doing of which was the disgrace of the empire. Investigating the Herald Enterprise. The mock solemnity which the Senate puta on over the enterprise of the Henarp in getting and publishing the correspondence about the Washington Treaty is very funny. It is known that every Senator laughs in hia sleeve at this piece of newspaper skill, and ad- mires it, The little fuss made about it is only for effect, just as an admiring parent smiles aside upon the harmless tricks of his boy while pretending to scold. It is a tempest in a teapot. Itis always so. The Senate hardly over faily to lose its secrets through the lynx- eyed and quick-witied agents of the press.’ It pretends to be indignant for a time, and then the whole matter invariably subsides, and no discovery is made. Of course no Senator gives up the secret documents, and in this case of the Washington Treaty it is not likely that the State Department would. The treaty correspondence, perhaps, was found— picked up or came by some other lucky acci- dent. Who knows but some one of the Senators is a somnambulist, and in his dreams of excite- ment may have taken the copy from under his pillow and deposited it where a nowspaper man could get at it? We were toldin the “Ingoldsby Legends’’ of a man who rose every night in his sleep, deliberately walked out to the garden, dug a hole and buried his panta- loons, went to bed again, not knowing what he had done, and in the morning was astonished to find he had nothing to cover his nakedness with. May not the secret correspondence have come to light in some such way? If the ine vestigation is to goon we suggest that every Senator and Senator's family and domestica be oxamined as to the sleep-walking propensi- ties and other peculiar habits of honorable gentlemen. It is certain no burglary has been committed. The gentlemen of the press are above that. Great is the mystery of the enter- prise of modern independent journalism, and as the session of Congress will be too short to solve this latest phase of it, Senators would do well to give up the job in despair, A British Peer and Ex-Premler on the American Government, In his speech in the British Parliament on the occasion of the Ministerial explanations in relation to the treaty negotiations with our government, Easel Russell said “it ought not to be disguised that the case of the American government was conceived in terms of the most offensive character to the Ministers of this country. No swindler, no pickpocket at the Old Bailey could have been worse treated * than were the British Ministers by the Ameri- car. government." The compliment paid to the American gov- ernment is worthy the waspish, disappointed and embittered peer whose whole political life has been a failure. We are left to infer what must be the character of a nation that can act towards a friendly Power with offensive inso- lence and treat a foreign government worse than swindlers and _ pickpockets are at the Old Bailey. However, | Seeretary Fish and the American Senato ara | preparing to make amends for our previous bad conduct by acknowledging that we have ourselves been playing the part of swindlera and pickpockets by making unauthorized and. fraudulent claims against England, and by hunbly withdrawing them at British dictation. | Even Earl Russell must be satisfied with our | humiliation, and the noble ex-Premier of Eng- land will probably in his next bilious attack | upon America set us down as sneaks and cowards, instead of bullies and ruffiang. Judge Israel S. Spencer, of Syracuse, is at the Fifth Ayenue Hotel, General N. B. Forrest, St. Nicholas Hotel. Colonel R. F. Bates, of the United States Army, of Memphis, Tonn., is at the. | has quarters at the Grand Central Hotel. Commander Q W. Pickering, of the United States Navy, has quarters at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, Judges R. Hitchcock and S. W. McClure, of Ohto, | are at the St. Nicholas Hotel. Judges Granger and Sanford, of Connecticut, have arrived at the St. James Hotel. Captain Mayne, of London, England, arrived yes- terday at the Clarendon Hotel, trom Washington. State Senator KE. M. Madden, of Middletown, is at the St. James Hotel. Chief Engineer David Jones, of the Atlantic and Great Western Railway, is at the Grand Central Hotel. Obarles Wolcott Brooks, the Japanese Congnl at San Francisco, yesterday arrived at the St. Nicholas Hotel. Mr. Charles Erasmus Perry, the United States Consul at Aspinwali, yesterday returned to this city, and 1s now at the Sturtevant House. The of- ficial report of Commander White, of the United States steamship Kansas, of his action in regard to the steamer Virginius, teputed a Cuban privateer by the Spaniards, attests the ability of Mr. Perry, and his sturdy determination to uphold the honor of his country. Mr. A. M. Powell, editor of The National Standard, has been appointed by the National Committee for the United States a delegate to the International Penitentiary Congress, which is to meet in London in July, He will aa for Livervool on the 1ith of June