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6 NEW YORK MERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. + JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR, a Letters and packages should be properly FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, ArricLs 47. ST. JAMES THEATRE, Broadway.—MacEvoy's New Hr BOWERY THEATRE, Dartus—So.on Since. =e OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway.—Tae Bauer Pan Tomine ov Hvuurty Dumpty. y-cighth street and ON BOWERY.—Searcurxa tue BOOTH'S THEATRE, Tweniy-thiid streat, corner Sixth ay,—Tux Inox Curst—Katuenine av Penivenio, WALLACK'’S THEATRE, Broadway and 13th street.— NDON ASSURANCE. ACADEMY OF MU! rteenth stroet.—Itauian Orwea.—La Travista—Locia ot Lawaensoon, &c. THEATRE COMIQUE, Sl4 Broadway'—Come Vooat- teas, Necro Acts, &6.—Wonkixe Giris ov New Yore, UNION SQUARR THEATRE, Fourteenth st. and Broad. way.—Tur Vows Fauity. LINA EDWINS THEATRE, 72) Broadway.—Tux PowER or Love. GRAND OPERA HOUSE, corner of Sth av. and 23d st.— Latta Rooxn. NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broudway, Houston sts,—Biack Fripay. Between Prince and STADT THEATRE, 46 and 47 Bowery.-—Gernan Orena— Ta Jutve. BROOKLYN ACADEMY OF M Travian Orera—Ii Taova’ TC, Mantagne street.— PARK THEATRE, opp City Hall, Brooklyn.— Poe. WOOD'S MUSEUM, Broadway formances afternoon and evenin| CHIORERING HALL, 11 East Fourteenth st.—Graxp Concert. RS, F. B. CONWAYS’ BROOKLYN THEATRE.— 'TWixt Axe axp Crown TONY PASTOR'S OP! Nearo Ecceytnicitizs, Bi HO! No, 2 Bowery.— c. SAN FRANCISCO HALL, 885 Broadway.—Variery Per- FORMANCKS, PAVILION, No. 638 Broadwa: Conogat. NEW YORK MUSEUM UF ANATOMY, 618 Broadway.— Sorsnck AND Ari. ear Fourth st.—GRaxp ANATOMICAL MUSLUM, No. 745 Broad- ND AR T New York, Monday, April 29, 1872. CONTENTS OF T0-DAY'S HERALD. Paar. 1—Advertisements, 2—Advertisoments. 3—The Liberal Republican Convention at Cincin- nati—The Latest Opinions and Speculations— Views of Senator Sumner—Political Blo’ ments in Louisiana and Micligan—Notes About the Conven 4—Religious: A Sunn: bath; The Soul Salvation | 4 in the Suburban Churches; Father G Evangelization In R Life as by Henry Ward Beecher lica Warned by Father Bi vin; Father Kane Relates an Oft ‘told 1 Dr. Chapin Celebrates His Twenty-fourth Anniversary; Confirmation Services at the Church of St. Alphonsus—study the HpkaLp Sermons. S—The Florida Emeute: Governor Reed's Im- peachment and Day's Coup D'Etat; a Dis- Srecea Condition of Anarchy and Revolu- | lon—The Missouri Butcher Newspaper Ac- | Lukewarin Catho- nd counts of the Mass: lriling Particu- | lars—The Cherokee Bui : Further De- taila of the “Going & Court House Battle—Death in tt ombs—Probable Mur- der on Sixth Avenue—Financial and Com- mercial Reports—Marr 6—Editorials—Leading Ar tare for General Grant— True the Cincinnatt Movement"—Amu nhouncements, %—Euitorials, continued from Sixth Page—Pro- the Revolution tn Spain—The Erup- wes and Deaths. “A New Depar- swer to | ent Au- | ivius—News from England, France, Miscellaneous Telegrams— | Business Notices. | 8—General Paez—Stokes and Black Friday—Down | the Bay— tisements. O—Advertisen nts, 10—Tho British Counter C pecifie Featnres as, Presented to the Geneva fribuval—shippiag News—Advertisemcats, Advertisoments, It—Advertise Tae Barisn Cor of London, which arrived here last night, we | received the British counter case as presented | to the Geneva Tribunal of Arbitration, and | which will be found on svother page of this morning's ixsue. Tur Cuenoxns Massacrr.—The details of this terrible affair seem to implicate the United | States Marshals in being tho originators of it and to blame for its bloody consequences. The authorities at Washington should institute ® rigid scrutiny into the whole matter. Tar InteRNaTIonAL IN France.—President Thiors has evidently made up his mind to give the International no quarter. Driven from Spain, some of them have sought shelter in France. But tho eye of the government was upon them; and large numbers of the members of the society have been arrested in the city of Lyons. A Hist to THE Missovrr Orrictars.—Sup- pose the head officials of tho State of Missouri suspend President-making for a little while and try their hands at suppressing the horri- ple lawlessness that exists in the western part of the State. ‘The recent bloody disturbances | there may be a nut for the Cincinnati Conven- tion to crack next Wednesday, with Gratz Verr Coor.—Orton, the claimant of the Tichborne estate, who has been liberated on bail, thanks the British public for their for- mer subscriptions on his behalf, snd cooly asks for four thousand pounds more to enable him | power; and we remember the surprise of the Old World at the decisive vote which rejected the former convention. think, there should be these times of dissen- sion and _ irresponsibility. expressed his own contempt and dislike for them when he said that he would never have a policy to enforce thet was in opposition to the manifestly expressed will of the people. We remember the pleasure this assurance gave us, for we were trembling under our Johnson | experiments with the policy and the constitu- | tion. reform in this averment when we came to | — the constitution of the United States, n Uasti—By the City | instrument ! : | maidenly devotion, and whose integrity he | believed to be in peril. The True Answer to the Cincinnati Movement. While there is nothing in this Cincinnati movoment that surprises us or in any way causes anxiety, so far as the success of General Grant is concerned, we seo the necessity for wisdom and caution on the part of the administration, Ono of the inconvenionoes of our form of gov- ernment is the absence of flexibility. Tho people express their will every four years. That over the Executive is as powerful as a monarchy. In fact, considering the patronage wielded by the Executive, the practical irre- sponsibility of the Chief Magistrate, except to a Sonate which may refuse to confirm appoint- ments, and the growing power of the govern- ment, in business as well as political affairs, there is a rigidity and power in the Presiden- tial office which are not surpassed by any of the monarchies of the Old World. The process of impeachment is so cumbersome that except in cases of flagrant wrong and violation of law it is powerless. The attempt to impeach Mr. Johnson demonstrated one thing—that there could be no removal of a President for political reasons. In Mr. Johnson’s case many reasons of a political nature oxisted. The party in power was largely in power, and the President had made war upon it. Had he been the Prime Minister of a government like the Eng- lish he would have been driven out of power by a vote of want of confidence. Such a vote, however, implied no dishonor. The process of impeachment, on the contrary, suppressed crime, and carried with it not merely removal from office, but removal under circumstances that made it a penalty like imprisonment or exile, As we have said, no Sonate will over treat impeachment as a political punishment; so when a President drifts away from his party orfrom public opinion, he remains in power until the end of his term. Whenever we have seen an antagonism between President and Congress we have had scandals and weak ad- ministration and corruption and a lowering of the public virtue. We saw this in the timo of Buchanan, and conspicuously under Johnson. Public opinion acts periodically, and then is silent, and has no more power over the Prosi- dent than the public opinion of Russia over the Czar. There is no way of reaching the administration, and consequently we have a clumsy government, and are easily misunder- stood. We saw the English Ministry sign tho Johnson-Stanley treaty at a time when every- body felt that it would never be ratified, when | trackling to Spain, our failure to insist upon patriots. It fears that in the war between France and Germany we were careloss of our neutral duties. It looks with impatience and anger upon tho state of war which helpless and insubordinate Mexico has forced upon America. It cannot but think that, had wo dealt reso- lutely with Mexico, we might have freed that people from the rule of the bandits and given the States of the republic as good a govern- ment as was given to Texas and California. It is afraid that tho principle of the Monroe doctrine, so precious and sacred in our diplomatic traditions, has been wantonly violated. More than all, it looks with grief upon our relations with Eng- land. The treaty was a surprise, the presenta- tion of the case not what it should have been ; and it believes, whether justly or unjustly, that Mr. Fish, yielding to the menaces of Glad- stone and the blandishments of the lobby of amateur statesmen who now swarm around Washington, means to make a settlement which will sacrifice the honor of the country. We do not consider now how true or false thoee impressions are. We do not say one word of unkindness or discourtesy to the ven- erable and distinguished Secretary of State. But we cannot help seeing, to use an English phrase, that he has ‘‘lost tho confidence of the couutry.”’ As we have shown again and again, General Grant's foreign policy is the weakest part of his canvass for re-election. We havo admonished him on many occasions, and in tho spirit of the sincerest loyalty and kindness, of the necessity of giving strength to his administration and to | his friends in the canvass by changing his foreign policy. Nor oan this be done without changing his Secretary of State. Mr. Fish should recognize the situation as Mr. Glad- stone would recognize it were the House of Commons to pass a resolution similar to that about to be offered by Earl Russell in the House of Lords. Let General Grant ask Mr. Fish to rotire from the Cabinet and go to England. The English mission was thrown away upon General Schenck, and somo of his proceedings humanity and kindness towards the Cuban | : NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, APRIL 29, 1872—TRIPLE SHEET. ~. lent provisions in the bill which may be seen by reference to our issue of yesterday. There isone thing, however, which will hardly meet with the approval of the public, and which | has the appearance of being a job. That is the proposal to turn over all this business to a company. The Postmaster General is author- ized to contract with the Postal Telegraph Company for the transmission of telegrams for the period of ten years. Why assign this busi- ness toa private company? Why cannot the government undertake it and use the post offices, with whatever additional labor may be necessary, to carry it out? This isa matter requiring serious consideration, and we hope Congross will discuss it freely. If the postal telegraph would be profitable enough for a company to undertake the business a greater profit ought to accrue to the government with the facilities it would possess in the use of the Post Office organization, and then there would bo a better chance of reducing the rates still more than now proposed. We want the postal telegraph, but we want it established on the best plan and in the hands of the government. The Spanish Insurrection Extending Enormously—Dificulty of Exstablish- ing a Permanent Government. Spain is in much the same condition as Vesuvius. From Madrid, by way of London, wo have special telegram advices which report that the Spanish Carlist insurrection against the throne of Amadeus is extending enor- mously in the kingdom, and that the aid of tho soldiers of the regular army is demanded from His Majesty's Ministry by the loyalist population everywhere, and almost simul- taneously. Many skirmishes have occurred between the insurgents and the regiments of the line. Tho Carlist army numbers fifteen thousand men. Its more active operations are conducted ona line distant about twenty miles from the French frontier. The capital of the Province of Navarre is menaced, and, according to the very latest advices, the insurrection is assuming the proportion of a revolution. The source of the war trouble appears to be as deep seated and irrepressible as the fires of the old voleano on the Bay of | in London have injured tho President. A Minister so insensible to propriety as to be- come an agent for undeveloped silver mines should be permitted to retire from the service and give his whole time to their development and to securing the English shareholders tho worth of their money. Mr. Fish would be received with high honor in England. He the President who made it had no influence or It is a misfortune, we General Grant | But, really there was little genuine analyze it. A President must judge himself as to what constitutes the will of the people. No doubt Mr. Johnson thought that every | proclamation and veto which he hurled at Congress was in answer to the will of the | people. We know how badly he was deceived; | but the deception under which ho labored may | fall upon any eager, narrow-minded, zealous Chief Magistrate. There are no tyrants so implacable as those who persecute the heretics for the glory of God and the welfare of the | Church, and we have had no President who offended the solemn sense of the people as nati movement, | wantonly as Andrew Johnson when he defended | general who marshalled the forces of the re- | | | publican party to victory in 1868. We want him | an with | | which he worshipped General Grant's famous declaration was a step towards what might be called a flexible | government. When he said he would have no policy not agreeable to the people he | meant to make his government as responsible to Congress as Mr. Gladstone and his govern- ment are responsible to the House of Com- mons. He meant this or nothing at all, and | he is not aman given to idle speech. More than all, he showed what he meant in the St. Domingo business, Whatever may be said for | or against that measure it was certainly, as handled by the President, an unpopular scheme. | If Mr. Gladstone had presented it to the House | of Commons under circumstances similar to | those under which the President presented it to Congress, Parliament would have driven him out of the Ministry. This the President saw, end he frankly withdrew the measure from Congress as an administrative project. Mr. Lincoln did the same when in the early part of the war it was seen that Congress had no confidence in the War Office. He yiellea to the will of the people, and appointed a Seer. and himself. would roflect credit upon the country For Seerctary of State fresh, bright, independent wo want a statesman, who stands well with the country, well with the President and well with the re- publican party. so admirably as Elihu B. Washburne, our Minister to France. record—how true ho was to freedom and union; how loyal he was to Grant whon his fame was budding and friends were few; how brave and untiring he was as our Minister in France dur- ing the dark days of the siege and the bloody | | days of the Commune. No man fills these conditions The country knows his His record as Minis- ter was an honor to the American name, and gave him sucha hold upon the affections of the people that he would to-day, as a republi- can candidate forthe Presidency, poll more votes than any man that could be named ex- cept General Grant himself. Mr. Wash- burne's withdrawal from the Cabinet was one of the mistakes of tho administration, Now is the time to retriove it and to show our ap- preciation of Mr. Washburne’s gallantry, | ability and patriotism by calling him home and making him Secretary of State. This will be the true answer to the Cincin- | Mr. Washburne was the back again to command its columns, This can- vass will be the severest ever known. General Grant cannot miss a point uor take anything for granted, nor allow his gentleness of nature and his partiality for the amiable and winning men around him to weaken his canvass or add to the burdens that must be borne by his friends. Other changes may be necessary in the Cabinet and elsewhere. We do not desig- nate them now. Let Mr. Washburne be ap- | pointed Premier, and, like the Premier in England, let him indicate who should serve with him. We can then begin the canvass with the brightest and most inspiring augeries of success; and General Grant will show, as he has so often shown before, that he has no” policy to enforce in opposition to the wishes of the people. The in Postal Telegraph Question Congress, Senator Ramsey made a very important and | | valuable statement in the Senate on Saturday in explanation of the Postal Telegraph bill, | which he reported favorably from the Commit- tee on Post Offices and Post Roads, Mr. Ramsey's remarks were published in the tary of War who possessed the country's confl-\ dence. Lincoln, as well as Grant, recognized therefore the want of facility and flexibility of the government, and in so doing endeared himself, like Grant, to the people. Johnson, on the other hand, clung to the prerogatives of his office—to every right and immunity guar- anteed by the constitution, and his administra- tion went to pieces, while he himself narrowly escaped punishment and expulsion from office. While we see no way to practically engraft to continue tho contest for the possession of the property. Nothing like impudence. Here | is a follow who has ruined a splendid estate | and virtually robbed thousands who trusted him, and who, after a trial of unpralleled length, has been adjudged an impostor, yet having the hardihood to call on the whole British people to come to his aid. Whatever be the dotects of Orton’s character he is certainly not wanting in audacity. ‘Tax Prussian artisan combination, which is struggling for the attainment of an exact rogu- lation of the hours of work and the rate of wages for labor, bids fair to inaugurate a troublesome crisis between the interests of handicraft industry and capital in Berlin. ‘The masters of three leading sources of em- ployment—masons, carpenters and builders— have joined in the lock-out movement against the men, Thousands of operatives have been thrown out of employment in consequence. Troubles have ensued in the streets, The dis- charged workmen have ised a united appeal to the people at large for sup- port, They discountenance the use of force and of (throats to vrevent others from | Tt hasalways felt angry and mortified over | (our course towards the Cubaus, ous yorking the wise and salutary custom of the English | upon our laws, we cannot too highly commend | the willingness of Lincoln and Grant to shape | their administrations in harmony with public | opinion, The time has come for President Grant to once more redeem his pledge, to | do now, what he did in the St. Domingo business. Wesee many degrading and dis- honovable features in this whole Cincinnati movement. There was never a political enter- prise so seldsh, so unjust, so utterly re- prebensible and mean. best as a clumsy intrigue. movement there is a public opinion striving for expression, which the Prosident and his friends should consider. It is as strong as the public opinion which doomed St. Domingo. foreign policy. integrity and patriotism. been American. It did not like St. Domingo. We despise many of the men who lead it, and regard it at the But behind this Like St. Domingo, its objection to the administration is upon a question of | bill provides also for telegraphic money The country holds Hamilton | high honor asa man of experience, pave But it does not feel | that his administration of foreign affairs has | Henaxp yesterday. He commenced by saying ‘hat the rates under the present telegraph Sytem are high and irregular, and that the fackties for using it, except in large cities, are | limita, while the business is unregulated by any UDAym or competent law. After showing that the Nnership and control of the tele- graph are C\pratized in the hands of one man, he states the ject of the bill to be to reduce and simplify th ates, to increase the facilities, saul toe DtRess by law, to prevent the centralization Of Dyer so sngetoay to thie interests of the PEK and. to restrain and regulate the biz of the graph, so that it can be wielded neither by at dividual) however wealthy and great, by & CON ation, or by the Executive to the detriment o people. ‘The bill recognizes the telegraph at Beds mentality for the exchange of co! since a telegram differs froma 1 the method of its transmission, for the establishment of postal telegrap at post offices. It fixes uniform rates fe 1 distances. The reduction of the rates chai by the present system will be thirty-three a one-third per cent for distances under two hundred and fifty miles, thirty-cight per cent for distances between two hundred and fifty and five hundred miles, and so on, up to | eighty per cent, according to distance. The orders. The rates for the press for ‘‘speeials’’ | are to be about half the present charges, and | every paper will have a right to establish a pri- yate wire leading directly from the office of its | correspondents to the office of the paper, with- | out tho possibility of its news messages | being inspected. There ave some othox exeel | Naples. There the elements of the past and present conflict with more intensity than else- where in Europe, and the consequence is fre- quent and periodical convulsions and revolu- tions. The young King, Amadens, was hardly seated on his throne before factions began to work to depose him. Though but a short time monarch of Spain his reign has beon full of trouble. Now there is a Carlist insurrection, which calls for energetic efforts from the gov- ernment to combat it. The greatest mar- shals and ablest men in Spain—as, for exam- ple, Marshals Serrano and Concha—find it necessary to buckle on their armor and to enter the field in defence of Amadeus. Ser- rano, it is said, will be appointed general-in- chief against the insurrectionists, and Concha will havea high command. Judging from this reported action of the government and the facts which wo have published within the last few days and what we print to-day about the revolutionary movements in the peninsula, there is reason to believe the new dynasty is surrounded by danger. Tn connection with this fresh revolutionary movement and uncertain situation of King Amadeus it will bo interesting to recall to mind a letter, published in the Henaty March 7, 1871, signed Carlota, Empress of Mexico, and purporting to have heen written by that unfortunate lady. It was addressed to Maria.| Victoria, the wife and queen of Amadeus, and | depicted the perils, almost in prophetic lan- guage, which the young King and his consort | might expect. It was dated from the city of | Mexico, and, thongh evidently not written by | poor Carlota, was touchingly eloquent and full of warning. Some ascribed it to Castelar, the famous Spanish orator, and it is not un- like the brilliant effusions of that orator; while others said it was frem the pen of a dis- tinguished Mexican. Whoever wrote it knew Spain and the Spanish people well. In this letter Carlotta is made to say to her crowned sister, “I write to you to-day to predict that the day may come when we shall both be un- fortunate. I was also a queen, Maria Victoria; I also smiled and was deceived.” Then the desolate Empress is supposed to use the following language: “If you leave Italy; if you pass through the Gulf of Genoa—through the gulf of a noble city—-you can say, ‘when | I return across your waters you will sco me clothed in black.’ If you consent to your hus- band’s going, if a crown fascinates him, if that serpent atttracts him, prepare to receive | the following words:—Maria, all is ended! O, child of my heart, do not leave Turin, do | not leave Florence, do not leave Rome, do not | leave your country. See that they do not de- ceive you as they did mo.”” True enough may | it be said of such revolutionary countries as Spain and Mexico, that uneasy is the head that wears a crown. While Amadeus and Maria Victoria may escape the sad fate of Maxi- | milian and Carlota, their crowu appears to | hang upon almost as slender a thread. It is not from the Carlist rising alone that Amadeus’ throne is in danger. ‘The govern- ment is strong enough, perhaps, to suppress that if there were no other elements of revolu- tion in Spain. The republicans, who have considerable strength in the cities, and are | both active and vigorous, the friends of Mont- pensier and the young Prince of Asturias, with all the other opposition factions, have a common object in view in the deposition of Amadeus. He being out of the way each faction would have a chance of coming into power. That, at least, is the hope of the dif- ferent factions, and hence the first object is to overthrow the existing government. Amadeus was accepted by the conservative classes as a | sort of compromise, and to avert the political chaos that threatened Spain from intestine wor, and not because a majority of the Spanish people really preferred a foreigner to | rule over them. This young and inexperi- | enced foreign Prince appenred to be a neces- | ity for the time to bridge over the dificulties which Spain was involved. It was under m6 political exigencies thit a Hohenzol- of thince was invited to ascend the throne | Any other scion of monarchy answered the same purpose as ms or the Hohenzollern. It is, | ercly a dynasty or government | necessity, and has no founda. | conquest, great renown or | Dread of what might Aor Amadeus may rally ugh to overcome the the glements of dis- | tion in nation high executive a) follow the deposi conservative streng’ present insurrection ; | Island. cord would remain, and thé end of the young during the past season, for the Seorelary of the King’s reign would be, probably, only tem- porarily deferred. Under this state of things it is uncertain what may be the immediate result of the Car- list movement, how long Amadeus may re- main on the throne, or what party may gain | tho ascendancy in the event of the insurrection | formed as possible ultimately succeeding. Don Carlos represents the reaction in Spain, as the Count de Cham- | | bord does in France. Though his views may | containing a paper stating date, position and be modified by the liberal spirit of the age, and he might not think of falling back to the absolute monarchical ideas of the past, he stands upon the principle of divine right, as the old Bourbons of France do. We cannot believe it possible that Spain will return to this exploded dogma of the Middle Ages, though she might prefer a native prince and one of the race of her ancient monarchs to a foreigner. The aristocracy and conservative classes might accept Don Carlos rather than @ republic or the chances of prolonged revolu- tion. But can they stem the tide of demo- cratic opinions, which are based upon the rightof choosing a ruler and self-government, and which naturally lead to republicanism ? Spain has felt the impulse of modern liberal ideas, which the press, telegraph and steam power are conveying to all countries. Though the Peninsula is more isolated than the central portions of Europe from this mighty influence of modern development and progress, and though the masses of Spanish people, particularly in the rural districts, are more wedded to their old prejudices or views than axe the people of some other European coun- tries, Spain is moving with the times. The Spaniards are impressed quickly, have gener- ous impulses and are apt to act promptly. Hence they make sometimes important poli- tical movements before being well prepared for the change or the country is ripe for it. In the cities—the contres of advanced thought— and among the educated classes there aro many republicans. Through their influence, and as the consequence of corrupt and extray- agant monarchical government, the republic was proclaimed. But the reaction proved too powerful for it. The republican party is still too weak, probably, to establish a government. Still, every failure of monarchical rule brings Spain nearer to democratic self-government. The country may have to pass through a severo and bloody ordeal, or more than one--- and this appears to be the price of liberty in Europe—but it cannot go back to the dark Ages, it cannot resist the influences of modern thought and civilization, it must advance with the progress of the times. It appears to be the destiny of Spain to keep Europe in a state of convulsion, That was the position of France; but she has worked out the problem of conflict between the past and present further than any other of the Continental nations of Europe, and her late misfortunes keep her under restraint. The revolutionary fires are not extinguished in France, however, and from her central posi- tion in Europe and the activity of the French mind any great movement there must be felt all over the Continent. The feudal past, with its exclusiveness and bigotry, has been pretty | woll worked out of the volcano of French revolution. It is burning still in Spain. And it is this which makes the Peninsula subject to convulsions that disturb the nations of Europe. ‘There the fiery democrat and intense republi- can come directly in conflict with the haughty cavalier and proud aristocrat, and with the bigotry ‘of a medimval age. Spain was the proximate cause of the terriblo Franco-Ger- man war, which dethroned Napoleon and humiliated France so much. She has been | the cause of other wars, revolutions and great | changes, and will continue to be, probably, | till she is purged of the anomalies in her | political and social condition and settles down to a regular and liberal form of government. How long it may take or what troubles | Spain may have to pass through before she reaches that end no one can know. The pres- ent Carlist insurrection is but one of the phases of her revolutionary condition. The dethronement of Qneen Isabella was another phase. The candidature of Prince Hohen- | zollern end the elevation of Amedeus to the throne were also phases. While it is painful to contemplate this continued and irrepressible | revolution it seems to be the only way in which the deep-seated evils of that country can be cured. Tho tendency everywhere in Europe has been from absolutism and divine right of kingly government to constitutional monarchy, and now the struggle is for democracy, politi- cal equality and elective rulers, It is a strng- gle between the dark and repressive past and the enlightened, progressive present. King Amadeus, of Spain, or whoever else throws himself into the arena of conflict, must take the consequences, whatever they may be. Only those who comprehend the elements and na- ture of the political and social forces in com- bat and can use them skilfully may hope to retain power. The world is getting beyond being governed by sentiment or fiction, and is | becoming terribly in earnest, practical and pro- | gressive, Story About ptain Expedition a Hoaxt The long story relating the accident to the steamor Polaris, of Captain Hall's expedition, | it would seem, bears marks of being wholly spurious, A contemporary, in its Thursday's | issue, gave a long account, with all the details | of the alleged disaster to the steamer, but they do not bear scrutiny. It was not the intention of Captain Hall to be at sea in the mid-winter months, when the Arctic midnight reigns su- preme and darkness covers the cireumpolar regions for six months. But according to the | story now brought he was at sea in January | and February, and states “through the whole | month of January very little ice was seen,’? but he encountered a little on the “Ist of February,” and his vessel sprung a leak on the “8th of February.’’ The improbability of all | this news is further increased by the fact that the scene of the accident is in the midst of the Halls | great torrential polar and — ice-bearing | current, which in Arctic midnight — the | commander of the Polaris would avoid. ‘The injured vessel is said to have made Disco But Captain Hall, as the report of the Secretary of the Navy shows, left Disco at two | P. M. Augnst 17, and if the season was so | extraordinarily open, as the rumor says Captain | Hall found it, it seems positively certain he would have passed Cape Dudley Digges before February. This latter cape is fully four hundred miles north of Disco, and it was apparently the hope of the Navy Department that the Polaris would have made higher latitude then this te Navy, in his written instructions to Captain Hall, ordered :—‘ You will transmit to this department, as often as opportunity offers, re- ports of your progress and results of your search, detailing the route of your proposed advance. To keep the government as well in- of your progress, you will, after passing Cape Dudley Digges, throw overboard daily a bottle such other facts as you may deem interesting."” It seems incredible that Captain Hall, who ar- rived at Disco twenty days before the author ot the new report sailed thence, should not have sent some tidings to the Secretary, whose orders are imperative to spare no opportunity of communication with the department. The reputed fears of Captain Hall that he would find his way to the Pole, resisted by “a new and formidable race of beings'’—such, per- haps, as the ancient Britons, who resisted Ju- lius Ciesar's invasion—as also the statement, that he found ‘plants in the ice indigenous to Southern climates,’’ and found a whale with a harpoon stuck in him ‘in the South Pacific,’ to say the least, are not very creditable to the intelligence of Captain Hall. In fact, the whole story, however circumstantial it may appear, will hardly be accepted by intelligent and thinking men, and has a very suspicious appearance, The Great Fire Cone of the Meditere ranean=The Causes of Its Volcanic Belchings. Our telegrams to-day give additional accounts of the volcanic fires burning in the breast of Vesuvius. The great cone of fire has evidently been putting forth its doopest and grandest eruptive energies and thrown off again its smiling mask. From time immemorial it has been observed that whon either Etna or Vesu- vius has enjoyed a long period of repose the other volcano has erupted seriously and upon & grand scale. There is scarcely a spot on the globe more full of interest than Vesuvius, not oxcepting the Peak of Tenoriffe, whose flames illumined the path of Christopher Columbus on his way tothe New World. Around the crater of the now blazing Italian pyramid the classic Spar- ; tacusand his band of gladiators encamped. Tt was the subject of historic record for Strabo and Diodorus Siculus, who mention its earliest activities. Its greatest outburst was in 79, when the illustrious Pliny perished in its lava, and the citios of Herculaneum and Pom- peii were buried in its ashes. For 267 years, during which Etna, its sympathetic noighbor, was scarcely ever quict, the mountain was con- tinuously at rest ; but in 1682, in 1696, and | again in 1861 its slumbers wero disturbed by the subterranean forces, but not to tho extont by which they now seem to be so violently broken up. From earliest childhood, as Humboldt re- marks, we have been accustomed to contrast the mobility of the liquid sea with the immo- bility of the earth's solid crust. But when the latter illusion is dispelled man is suddenly overwhelmed with the sense of the mysterious, and is forced to inquire into the cause of such terrific phenomena as those now displayed in Italy. Of the only two theories yet offered in explanation of these phenomena that long advocated by the Hrrarp appears now to be confirmed. Some physicists have strenuously denied the existence in our planet of an internal ‘‘sea of fire,’’ and substituted thera. for in theory numerous small and discon- nected volcanic lakes, or local furnaces, capable, as they suppose, of furnishing material for the largest eruptions, This hypothosia is hardly tenable if we reflect on tho immonsa cyclopean forces manifested in Plutonic action. ‘The cities of Stabia, Herculancum and Pompeii, submerged to the depth of one hun- dred feet by the ashes of Vesuvius, aro ocular demonstrations of tho vast masses ejected from the crater veut, requiring almost incalculable force to discharge thom. The volcano of Sangay in Ecuador, in ceaseless com- motion since 1728, has buried the surrounding country to a depth of four hun- dred feet, and a French geologist has recontly shown that the volcano of Bourbon has thrown out no less than three hundred thousand tons of voleanic ashes. Such facts, if alone, would lead us to reject the idea that these lofty fire domes are mere local phenomena, ‘each one springing from its own comparatively small reservoir of molten matter.” - It is acknowl- edged by all geologists that, no matter how far distant voleanoes may be from each other, their fiery products are altogether identical in their general, mineral and chemical constitu- tion, and have no local peculiarities, and tha very odors they emit are nearly tho same wherever perceived. It seems clear that tha enormous furnace heat which characterizes the ejected lava which has been known to remain hot for ages after eruption could not rage in any superficial or local reservoir of molten matter without making itself felt in the most sensible manner. Added to these considera- tions is the well known fact that voloanic rocka are encountered in overy part and latitude of the globe, frequently continuous over vast areas of country, and everywhere preserving the same character. The only sound infor- ence is that the phenomena so extended and conterminous with the terrestrial surface are due to a Plutonic ocean everywhere beneath man’s feet. If anything were needed to certify this cone clusion it is found in the astonishing and long observed connection between the earthquakes and the volcano, The quiverings and crum- blings of the solid crust, and the numerous European shocks which commenced A. D. 63, and inspired the early Christians with the hope of the return of Christ and the millennial consummation of all things, were but the efforts of Vesuvius and her sister dames in the Mediterranean to relieve themselves of the in- ternal pressure, and had their brilliant and awful catastrophe in the great eruption of 79. | The same shocks iv Mexico preceded, in 1759, | the upheaval, ina single night, of the lofty yoleano of Jorullo. The earthquake in Chile, in 1834, ended in the outbreak of Osorno and three other Andean volcanoes; while, in 1868, the convulsion of the Peruvian coast received its quietas in the outblazo of Isluga—at last accounts still smoking. In what has been said we have not alluded to the co-operative action of great atmospheric and meteoros logic causes in the production of earthquakes and volcanic eruptions, When we remember that the aerial ocean presses on every square, mile of our globe with a weight of over a mil- lion tons, and that the passage across a vol- canlo district of a waye of giz, im which the