The New York Herald Newspaper, April 23, 1872, Page 6

NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. All business or news letter and telegraphic despatches must be addressed New Yorke Henravp. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the vear. Four cents per copy. Annual subscription price $12. Volume XXXVI AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway and 13th street.— Lonvon Assurance. NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway, between Prince and Houston sis —BLack FRIDAY, wot MUSEUM, Broadway, corner 30th st.—Per- form: afternoon and Ska or low. FIFTH AVENUE THE. Auricie 47. ST, JAM Broadway. » Twenty-fourth street.— ‘8 THEATRE, Twenty-eighth street and MacKvoy's New Hingrnicon. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—A Lost Lire—Srectre Bripecroon’ OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway.—Tuz Barer Pay. Toutux or Huxery Doxrry, BOOTIVS THEATRE, Twenty-third st., corner Sixth av.—Tue Iron Cuxer, LINA EDWIN’S THEATRE, 720 Broadway.—Tux PowEr or Love; ox, Woman Put to Rigurs. GRAND OPERA HOUSE, corner of 8th ay. and 23 st.— ‘Latta Rooxn. THIRTY-FOURTH STREET THEATRE, near Third @v.—Vaniety ENTERTAINMENT. BRYANT'S OPERA HOUSE, 23d st Un Carricx—Acexanpeg Dumas, &c. MRS. F. B, CONWAY'S BROOKLYN THEATRE.— ‘Tux Kino’s Riva. THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 Brondway.—Comtc Vocat- isms, Necro Acts, &¢.—Tne Fixup or THe CLoru or Goin. ‘nencn Comepy— UNION SQUARE THEATRE, Fourteenth st. and Broad- way.—Tux Voxxs Famty. UNION LEAGUE THEATRE, 26th st. and Madison ay.— Matinee at 3i¢—Oucan Coxcunt. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, No. 201 Bowery.— Nxguo Eccenrnicities, Burtesques, éc. Matinee at 2;. SAN FRANCISCO MINSTREL HALL, 585 Broadway.— ‘Tax San Feancisco MInstRELs. STEINWAY HALL, Fourteenth street.—Granp Con- curr. ROBINSON HALL, Sixteenth street.—Irattan OreRatic Rergusentation—Nokua—La Favorit, NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, 618 Broadway.— Sorence anv Ant, HEE New York, Tuesday, April 23, 1872. ie TRIPLE § “CONTENTS OF TO-DAY'S HERALD. Paau. 1—Advertisements. 2—Advertisements. 3—The Liberals; Earmarks of the Cincinnati Con- vention; Five Candidates in the Field; The Managers of the Melee; Every State Repre- sented but South Carolina; The Public Press on the Convention; Miscellaneous Political Notes—Our Counter Case ; America’s Analysis of England’s Case; A Categoric Carving of England's Cavilling; Notes about Neutrality. 4—Financial and Commercial: Opening of a Fresh Campaign on the Stock Exchange; Brilliant Dash of the Bears This Morning; Pacific Mail Carried by Assault; Erie and Union Pacific Neutralized; Successful Movement Along the Entire Line; Grand Rally of the Bulls This Afternoon and Recovery of the Ground Lost; A Tactical Demonstration; A Feint Attack on the Money Market, the Key of the Position; England’s Difficulties Strengthening Gold} The Business of the Treasury; Boutwell's Re- serve; Revenue Receipts; Bond Market Firm; Foreign Exchange changed—Mar- riages and Deaths—Advertisements, 5S—Advertisementa, 6—Editorials:—Leading Article, “The Alabama Case—Reply of the American Government— What is the Situation #’—Amusement An- nouncements. T—Premier Gladstone’s Position—The Alabama Claims—Cable Telegrams from England, France, Spain and Rome—The War in Mex- icor-Miscellaneous Telegraph—News from Washington—Interesting from Aibany—Mr. Beecher on the Sabbath—Bnusiness Notices. S—Advertisements, 9—Advertisements, 10—Our Counter Case (Continued from Third ret —Fanny Hyde—The Second Avenue Homi- cide—Shipping Intelligence—Advertisements. M—Adveftisements. 12—Adverusements. Ex-Conorrssman Grrnnewi and Henry Clay Dean, of Iowa, have declared for the liberal republicans and shaken hands over past per- sonal grievances. And yet the world moves. Present Troers’ Prnriextties.—The French National Legislative Assembly reas- sembled in session after the Parliamentary recess yesterday. President ‘Thiers was at his post. The Chief of State proposed a pro- gramme of the order of business, recommend- ing its adoption by the members. The versa- tility of a French opposition was shown in the fact that the House adopted the measures for debate, but exactly reversed the rule of the members, placing their first measure last, and deferring it to an indefinite future, and mak- ing the bill which the President said should be deferred the second on the paper for debate. M. Thiers has a hard time of it; but he is a very patient as well as a prudent and able man. Tue Crtcaco Tribune (liberal republican) asserts that the organization of a reform party at Cincinnati will no more be a resurrection of the democratic party than it was a revival of the whig party when Trumbull, Palmer, Geary, Boutwell, Banks, Hale, Hamlin, Fre- mont, Hickman, Forney and other leaders of the republican party left the democracy and united with whigs and abolitionists to over- throw the slave oligarchy. This being the case, what hope is there for the democracy at Cin- cinnati next week ? Tae Retic or Barpanism came up before the Supreme Court of the United States yes- terday in an action appealed from a Georgina Court. The action was on a note given for the price of a slave. The Georgia Court held that the contract was invalid under the thirteenth amendment. Justice Swayne delivered the opinion of the Court, which was that the amendment did not affect the question, the contract being enforceable in all the Courts when made. The Chief Justice dissented, and will give his grounds hereafter. This is a very important decision, and will, doubtless, move many Southern planters to demand conse- quential damages. Tue Boston Journal (administration) says political reform is the Dolly Varden of politics. More properly it might be likened to Joseph's coat of many colors, and some- thing about thirty pieces of silver might be mentioned in the same connection. Cassrus M. Cray has been making an anti- Grant speech in Kentucky. It is so peppered all over with personal pronouns that it is diffi- cult to ascertain where the real sentiment comes in. ‘ NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, The Alabama Case—Reply of the Ameri- can Government—What Is the Situa- tion? ‘The danger with the present discussions of the Alabama case is that our people may be “disposed to drift away from the real issues. There is a strong effort to create false issues, which should be promptly met and avoided. Thus many of our prominent journals and publicists pretend to regard the whole matter as an effort on the part of our government to obtain an undue advantage over England, or to hold Her Majesty to an interpretation of the treaty altogether foreign to the purposes of those who signed it. In Washington this sentiment seems to have risen to the magni- tude of a lobby, and the unholy and desperate influences which we have been accustomed to meet in railway charters and land grants, and which have shed so pernicious an influence upon legislation and public morals, are striv- ing to determine a question of interna- tional honor and national peace. Tho champion of this sentiment is no less a man than our distinguished fellow citizen, Cyrus W. Field. Mr. Field’s enterprises and asso- ciations have thrown him so much into the so- ciety of Englishmen that he has become, in a peculiar way, a representative type of English feeling. And, having recently returned from Europe, his mind is naturally quickened and colored by the emotions that would arise from intercourse with lords and gentlemen in a con- dition of ignorant anger towards America. It is unfortunate, also, that many of our Ameri- can journalists are subjects of the British monarchy, and discuss this case as though the United States wero an English colony and under allegiance to the Crown. They write as though this treaty affected us as a ministerial measure would affect Canada or Aus- tralia; and their eagerness to con- demn America and to make it appear that we, in some way, took an advantage of Eng- land and induced Her Majesty's Commission- ers to sign a treaty which we construe far dif- ferently from what was intended—that, in plainer phrase, we deceived the Queen’s Am- bassadors. Their efforts could not be greater were they really in the secret service of the British Foreign Office. And yet, when we read closely the record, we find nothing that does not show on the part of Mr. Fish and his colleagues the most honorable and frank diplomacy. There are cer- tain landmarks in this discussion that cannot be overlooked, and when we review them we see at once the timidity, the pusillanimity—we do not want to say the disloyalty and perfidy—of those who discuss the Alabama case in the spirit of Englishmen. This treaty is more of an English than an American act. We conceded it in the spirit of friendliness. It is of no practical value to us, while to England, and especially the supremacy of the English naval power, it is everything. The English did all possible injury to the United States when it was felt that the rebellion would destroy or divide our ascendancy wpon this Continent. They are naturally anxious to condone those acts, and escape from their consequences, now that it is seen that the war has strengthened us and lifted us from a position among the minor kingdoms and nations to be one of the great Powers of the earth In any treaty England would have all to gain and America nothing to lose. We can gain nothing and we have lost everything. Once a great maritime Power, with our com- merce upon every sea, we have practically been driven from the ocean. This was done by English ships and guns and mainly by Englishmen. The painted rag which covered the deed and represented the con- federacy was an emblem only. The fact behind the emblem constitutes’ our grievance. The injury inflicted upon us by England, when we were a belligerent and she a neutral Power, would be retaliated upon her should she ever become a belligerent and we a neutral Power. To avoid this, to terminate a condition of affairs which virtually put Eng- land under bonds to America to keep the peace at all times and with all nations, was the sole purpose of the treaty. In consenting to the negotiation we did an act of kindness toEngland. And yet it is now contended that England in some way made an extraordinary concession to America when she agreed to the treaty. What did she concede? What had we to gain by any negotiations? When we had everything to gain, when England, by simply executing her laws and observing her obligations as a neutral Power, would have done us an incalculable service, she was our enemy. The moment we were powerful enough to defend ourselves and _ resent any injustice she became our friend, and yearned for a treaty which would save her com- merce from the injury she inflicted upon the commerce of the United States. This is the first landmark in the discussion The second is in the presentation of the case for consequential damages by Mr. Fish. This was done in the sittings of the Joint High Oommission, and not for the first time in our case, as is generally believed. It is a matter of record that Mr. Fish, when the Alabama ques- tion was reached in the discussions of the Joint High Commission, read a carefully pre- pared paper, setting forth these consequential damages as something in existence and to be | considered and decided. That fact was reported to England; it was known to the Ministry; Lord Tenderden, with his own hand, embodied it in the protocol There was no objection on the part of the English; no such objection as was made and recorded by us when the claim for damages on account of the Fenian invasions of Canada was made. Lord de Grey and his associates felt, as we felt, that it was wise and statesmanlike to refer these consequential damages to Geneva. They knew, as we knew, that we cared nothing for any money allowance and expected none; that we would, as a maritime Power, be quite con- tent to have the principle established that no neutral nation could be held for consequential damages by reason of violations of neutrality onthe part of her subjects. There was no mystery, no double dealing, no concealment, no surprise in the matter. And yet the argu- ment is made so assiduously as to be generally believed here to a great extent, and in England almost universally, that no such transactions took place; that we made no sign of our purpose to ask for the consideration of these claims until we camo to prepare our Geneva caso; that we really meant to compel the English to pay us an indemnity as great as France paid to Germany ; that, in the guise of amity and peace, we were disposed to exact the pen- alties of war. This is the view of the English, and this view is eagerly pressed by the English newspapers in America. Because the English people are angry and passionate, and, through the timidity of the Ministry and the apathy of their press, absolutely ignorant of the charac- ter of these negotiations ; because Mr. Glad- stone lacks the moral courage to tell his coun- trymen the truth andassume the responsibility of the truth, our government is censured as having deceived England and taken an un- manly advantage of its generosity. The third landmark, which the English press at home and abroad fails to see, is that Englan@ herself presented a claim for conse- quential damages against the United States under circumstances that reflect little honor upon the Ministry. By our constitution we absolutely forbade the payment of the confed- erate debt in any shape or form. When the correspondence took place between Mr. Fish and Sir Edward Thornton, preceding the Joint High Commission, our Secretary was careful to insert an express stipulation that no claim for the payment of such Confederate bonds as had been purchased by Englishmen should be pressed on the part of England. To this stipulation Sir Edward assented, and it became a solemn compact between two nations. And yet when the Board of Asses- sors met at Washington this claim for the pay- ment by the United States of Confederate bonds, purchased by Englishmen who gave their money to aid in destroying our govern- ment, was formally presented. The English regard it as a claim for consequential damages, and our government pleaded and accepted judgment. Now, here was a claim infinitely more annoying to us than any claim we have made could be to Eng- land; a claim that if admitted might have led. to our assumption of the whole Confederate loan. Did Mr. Fish publish this claim to the world? Did he excite the press to invective and denunciation? Did he pander to an excited and sensitive public sen- timent by creating prejudice against England ? Did he call upon the people to resent the dis- honor attempted to be put upon the country? Did he seek a popularity that would have swiftly come to him by perilling the treaty? He protested against the course of the British in presenting the claim, and met the obliga- tions of the treaty by pleading before the tribunal to its merits and accepting judgment. He did what he expected Mr. Gladstone to do. The judgment was in our favor in this in- stance, as it would most likely have been in favor of England at Geneva. All of this is a matter of record—of plain, intelligent history. It throws a living light upon the whole discus- sion and does great honor to our management of the question. We shall be glad, in the interest of peace and magnanimity, to have this whole questéon settled in a manner that will be honorable to both nations. We deplore the differences that have overshadowed the two countries with the darkest clouds that have been seen since 1812. We mourn for that harmony and good feeling nd alliance that but yesterday seemed to draw America and England together as one nation— to bring them nearer than at any time since the Revolution. We shrank from the calamity—we might say the crime—of war be- tween the great English speaking nations. We saw with pain the paralysis and atrophy of business that seemed to grow from year to year, and the interruption of which has cost us more in money alone than we could ever hope to obtain from the Geneva Tribunal. Above all, we grieved to think that the principle of arbitration, as a substitute for war, which seemed about to be hallowed into a compact of international law, should be cast aside. And we felt that the end of the discussion would be to throw both na- tions back for a generation, at least, in the path of progress, and postpone indefinitely the achievement of that splendid destiny for which true men in both countries have prayed solong. And if Mr. Field and the volunteer curbstone statesmen in Washington can show us any way to avoid what we fear and undo what has been done we shall feel that they are among the blessed. But we cannot hope for peace through dishonor. We cannot submit to the imputation of having in any way deceived England, especially when the record shows the contrary. Mr. Fish is nothing. General Grant is nothing. Let them be hurled out of place, if it can be shown they are in any way responsible for the misunderstanding. But no such responsibility attaches to them. So far as we can see they have shown delicacy and kindness. If the treaty is to stand England must recede. If, as we fear, it will fall, then we are simply where we were before it was made, no better and no worse, conscious that we have done our part in an honorable, brotherly, generous spirit, and waiting calmly for rulers to arise in Eng- land capable of understanding the two coun- tries and of making a treaty with America, honorable to both nations, and not the means of insult to either. The Proposed New Atlantic Cable. The London press generally has noticed favorably a new project for laying another Atlantic telegraph cable. It appears from an extract from one of the journals, which we pub- lished yesterday, that a company has been formed, entitled the Great Western Telegraph Company, with a capital of six millions seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars, and that contracts have been made for this purpose. It is stated positively that a contract for making and laying the cables—one from England to the United States and another from the United States to the West Indies—was made on the 8th of this month with Hooper's Telegraph Works, and that the contractors have stipu- lated to take one-third of the capital stock. So far, then, this looks like business. Combinations are spoken of with other cable and. telegraph companies, and e&pe- cially with tho Great Northern Telo- graph Company, for a connection with Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Russia and with Northern Asia. The intention is to bring the line direct from England to New York or to as near a point as practicable to New York. We are promised a reduction of charges for messages to one-half the present rate. There appears to be, however, some op- position from rival companies, and that mainly on the ground of exclusive privileges obtained for landing cables from the United States, Now, the people of this country are interested in having greater and cheaper telegraphic fa- APRIL 23, 1872.—TRIPLE cilities with Europe and other parts of the world, and whoever will give them ought to be encouraged in their undertaking. If any com- pany will find the capital and accomplish the work the right to land a cable should be con- ceded. All that the people and government of the United States should require is the cer- tainty of the work being done and that the charges for messages shall be within reason- able and moderate limits. With a reduction of rates there would be work enough for seve- ral Atlantic cables, and, therefore, a rivalry for this immense and increasing business may be useful. At all events there should be no ob- struction placed in the way of any Atlantic or other ocean cable enterprises. The Charter and Its Prospects—The Disfranchising Clause. A great deal of speculation is going on in re- gard to the constitutionality of the cumulative voting principle involved in the new charter passed by the Legislature for the city of New York, and as to the action of Governor Hoff- man on the bill, which is still in his hands. Some respectable lawyers publish opinions unfavorable to the constitutionality of the pro- posed system of voting, and probably as many legal gentlemen as might be needed would furnish opinions on the other side. To men of common sense it appears, at least, in conflict with our received ideas of republican government to authorize one elector to cast nine ballots for a single candidate for office. The argu- ment that every elector has the same privilege isa mere begging of the question. If eight thousand electors vote each for nine separate aldermen the candidates receive eight thousand ballots each. If five thousand voters divide their forty-five thousand votes between five candidates the latter receive nine thousand votes each, and are all elected. Thus a mi- nority of the people elect a majority of the officers, and democratic republican government isat an end. It is no longer the due repre- sentation of the minority, but the destruction of the rights of the majority. It is immaterial what course Governor Hoff- man may think fit to take in regard to the Chatter bill. If true to his democratic prin- ciples he will doubtless veto it. It is difficult to see how he can affix his signiture to sucha law, especially as, by the lavish use of the veto power, he has established the precedent of refusing his assent to bills on other than con- stitutional objections. But the republican legislators will probably pass the charter over his veto. They cannot afford to side witha democratic executive against the reformers of New York, and hence we may safely reckon that the election provided by the charter will take place on the 21st of May next. There is, however, one provision in the law that needs amendment. As it now stands, requiring thirty days’ resi- dence in a district to entitle an elector to yote, twenty-five thousund citizens who change’ their homes on the Ist of May would be disfran- ehiged. We can scarcely suppose this to be the intention of the Legislature, and hence we insist that a brief supplementary law should be at once passed abrogating this provision so far as the present spring election is concerned. This is a simple act of justicg to the citizens of New York, and there can be no objection on the part of any member of the Legislature to righting such an evident wrong. Rumored Change in the British Cabinct. The London Daily News gives currency to the rumor that a change is about to take place in the British Cabinet; that Mr. Gladstone and his friends will retire, giving place to a con- servative Ministry, and that a general election for Parliament will follow at an early day. The government defeat, it is predicted, will take place on Mr. Fawcett’s bill relative to the University of Dublin, which has been made a Cabinet question. A general election would not of necessity follow a defeat of the Ministry, and it is not im- probable, judging from past experience, that Mr. Gladstone will yet be able to bridge over what may appear to be a very difficult passage in his official career and still retain power. Queen Victoria presided at a Cabinet Council which assembled at Windsor yesterday. Ad- vices dated in London last night state that it was asserted positively in the metropolis at that hour that Mr. Gladstone will not resign, but will make a saving conces- sion to the High Churchmen and ultra Protestant spirit of the opposition by pledging the Ministry not to endow a Roman Catholic University in Ireland. This will secure a majority against Mr. Fawcett’s bill in the Com- mons, but will be very displeasing to Cardinal Cullen in Dublin. There is no doubt that the popularity of the English Premier has suffered during the past eighteen months, and the hitch in the Washington Treaty comes at an unfortunate time to add to the embarrassments of the Irish education question. In Disraeli he has a watch- ful and untiring opponent, ready at any moment to take advantage of errors or to avail himself of circumstances. Should the present Ministry fall, previous or subsequent to an election, it would no doubt be succeeded by a liberal conservative Cabinet under Dis- raeli and the Earl of Derby. Cincinnati’s Convention and Cincin- nati’s Candidate. The liberal movement, which has raked up 80 many political aspirations out of a chaos of conflicting elements, is settling in earnest towards Cincinnati. Our correspondence from the chief city of Ohio proves this in the activity of the avant cour- riers of the State delegations at that city. Curious, indeed, is the effort to blend and mingle things so as to make the road supposed to lead from Cincinnati to the White House a possible one for the most opposite politi- cal faiths to travel in harmony and com- fort. The possible success of this endeavor it will be impossible to prejudge, but we are assured that no known political device will be left untried which can trim the sails of protection so as to run her somewhat before the free trade wind. They are looking to the steering gear any way. But the main per- plexity centres in the candidates. It seems to be felt that the right man is everything, and the platform something to be suited to tho candidate. Of the number who aspire, secretly or avowedly, Judge Davés, of Illinois, seems to be pushing boldly to the front, while Senator Trumbull, who did so much to set the movement on its legs, seems in a fair way to be snuffed out by his bluff Illinois brother, who is in any case a Presidential candidate. Charles SHEET. Francis Adams, with the Now England people, holds a prominent but not endur- ing chance, as it seems possible the want of enthusiasm in his regard will send them to look for another oracle. Governor Brown, of Missouri, is another of the likely liberals. He offers some very tempting qualities as a stump orator, the Simon Pure success and first liberal Governor, but without anything very national in his re- cord. For the second place on the ticket Greeley and Curtin seem destined to grapple. Nearly every State has been heard from on this movement, and its friends believe it has gone beyond the region of a mere experiment. Time will tell. Rapid Transit for New York—The Fight Among the Speculators. The incorporators of the New York Central Underground Railway Company present a memorial to the State Legislature against the Vanderbilt Tunnel bill, already passed by the Senate. The effect and intention of this eleventh hour scheme, they say, is ‘‘to rob the Central Underground of its vested chartered rights, and to destroy the opportunity which now presents itself to that company to serve the public by the establishment of free and efficient means of rapid transit through the city.of New York.”” The memorialists go on to state that their alleged ‘vested rights’ were originally under the control of the Philistines; to wit, of members of the late New York Ring, who used their authority as directors to suppress the activity of the company and to destroy its char- ter for the purpose of promoting other schemes in which they were interested. Now, however, these designing persons ‘are happily disposed of, and the management has passed into the hands of honest and competent men, who were just on the point of setting to work in earnest, provided the Legislature would only consent to give them ‘‘that financial strength and standing which was needed for perfect success,’’ when in steps the Commodore with his Harlem Railroad extension bill and his powerful legislative influence to dis- turb all their plans. The object of the Vanderbilt proposition, it is charged, is to monopolize travel from the West for the Hud- son River and Harlem railroads. The new tunnel road is to run only to Fifty-ninth street, and a provision inserted by the Senate absolutely forbids its connection with any other roads than the Harlem and Hudson River, thus virtually excluding all other lines from entrance to the city. The memorialists declare their intention to fight the law in the courts should it be enacted by the Legislature, and thus an expensive and protracted litiga- tion is certain to ensue, and to still further em- barrass and delay the rapid transit so much needed and desired by the people. In addition to this appeal on behalf of the "Central Underground Company the New York and Boston Railroad Company enter the field against the Vanderbilt proposition, and declare it to be designed only to head off the new route of travel opened by that corporation by the construction of a line from the Harlem ‘River to the eastern line of Putnam county, to a point of connection with the Boston, Hart- ford and Erie road, which route will be open for use during the coming summer. If the Legislature passes the Vander- bilt bill this and all other lines will be dependent upon the Commodore for access to the city, and there will be no real rapid transit for the actual residents of New York and Westchester county such as the in- terests of the city demand. ‘The franchise for carrying passengers throughout the city of New York,’’ says the Vice President of the New York and Boston Railroad, “ought to be given toan independent corporation, and all ita privileges ought to be free and open on like terms to every external railroad corporation which brings passengers to the city of New York.” The remedy for all these evils and for all this squabbling and fighting is within the reach of the Legislature. Let the city build two great viaduct roads along the North and East River lines on both sides of the city, and let all exterior railroads terminate at Spuyten Duyvil Creek, and their passengers and freight be distributed over the city lines. This will be fair to all interests, and will encourage the construction of other roads, as well as accom- modate the citizens of New York. It is clear that by no other means can litigation be avoided and the much-needed rapid transit be secured without delay. The Legisla- ture has yet time to cast out all these schemes of interested speculators, and to pass a law au- thorizing the city to loan its credit and issue bonds for the construction of the viaduct railways, subject, if the members choose, to an endorsement of the proposition by the electors of the city. This is the only proper solution of the difficulty, and it is evident that personal and corrupt considerations alone can prevent the Legislature from doing this much, at least, for the suffering million and a half of people who now reside or do business in New York. THE NATIONAL GAME. Game at Baltimore for the Champion- ship Between Marylanders and New Yorkers—Victory for the Baltimoreans. Bautimore, April 22, 1872, An immense throng gathered this afternoon at the opening of Newington Park, near this city, to witness the game of base ball between the Mutuals, of New York, and the Baltimore Club, in their first contest for the championship. The weather was delightful and fully five thousand 0~ ple, a large number of whom were ladies, ‘were present. Both nines came upon the fleld with their best men in Bacal the Mutuals, Hat- field being at second base, Stout on the first, Pearce was short stop, Egeler in the right fleld, while Cammings tossed the ball. Bechtel took the left fleld, Boyd the third base, Hicks the right field, and Mills stood behind the bat At twenty minutes eae three P, M. the game was called, the Mutuals winning the toss and sendin, the Baltimores to the bat, Mr. A. V. Robinson, oI Washington, acting as umpire. The playing through- out the entire game was very poor, that of the Mu- tuals being the worst ever known of that club. Some allowance may, however, be made for their vd a as the grounds were new and exceed- ingly soft. The game lasted a little over two hours, and resulted in a victory for the Baltimore nine by a score of 14 to 8. In the first two innings the Mutuals scored one run each, while in the third and fourth they went out for a round. In the fifth two runs were added to their score; also in the sixth, while in the seventh and eighth one run only was made, and in the last one another blank was ‘their only compensation, There was much ‘astonishment at the result of the and considerable money changed hands, as ame, ‘ it odds in favor of ga the Mutual even, forthe e began. lutuals, even a! oJ ‘on Thursda; the return game between these clubs will be played upon the same grounds. This is the third game of the championship series won by the Baltimore Club. ——— ‘The ladies of St. Andrew's church, Harlem, gave a series of entertainments of pantomime, tableaux, &e., on Foeetay, Wednesday and Thuraday even- ings of this weel . AMUSEMENTS, ‘The Academy of Music. “Martha,” Flotow’s sparkling opera, was presented at the Academy last night, and, though the per- formance secured the constant applause of the audi- ence, we are inclined to think the selection of thia opera for presentation was a mistake on the Part of the management, The character of the music is not calculated to bring out the best pointa ofany of the artists, and the few occasions on which they have a chance to display their powers are not sufficient to invest the performance with ‘any very absorbing interest; last night it dragged visibly, We had formed no very high expectations in regard to Wachtel’s Lionello—the part is evi- dently unsuited to his bravura style of execution— but even we were disappointed. Of course at me- ments he was effective and brilliant. With a voice such as he possesses he cannot well avold being so . sometimes, were it only by accident. But in spite of these undoubtedly brilliant passages his render- ing of the rdle was unsatisfactory. He made his chief effort in the aria, “M’appart, tutt'amor,’ and, regarded simply as a piece of vocaliza- tion, it was certainly wonderfal in the clearness and fullness of the notes poured forth, The timbre of Wachtel’s voice is unrivalled 5 but though it possesses great flexibility, even in the higher notes, he seems incapable of expressing tenderness. In the rendering of the stronger passions his robusto style of singing makes him un- approachable, and it is very evident that he is never likely to achieve much success in others. Santley sang well in the small part of Plunkett, but it was not possible to do much with it, His rendering of the canzone “Chi me dira” was delightful, and secured him a warm encore, — Madame Parepa-Rosa can hardly be erioet as an ideal Lady Enrichetta, Her voice gives evidence of the overstrain which her constant sin; in uts upon it. This was especially remarkable in the opening trio and the celebrated spinning wheel quartet, but she pie forth all her power in the lovely Irish air which lotow stole to embellish his opera. She sang ‘The Last Rose of Summer” with great brilliancy and much feeling, and was rewarded by an enthustastic recall. Miss Phillips sang in the part of Nancy, a role quite unsuited to her voice. concerted pieces which abound in this opera were: orly rendered, the celebrated “Spinning Quartet’? being a complete failure, The only chorus which was given with striking effect was in “Ah che & voi portent iddio,” in the finale of the third act. We ope this opera will not be repeated. It is really an injustice to the artists and to the public., There are 80 many other operas in which the best qualities of the combination can be displayed, and as the time of departure draws so near that the company should be careful to appear only at their best. The orchestral ac- companiments were marked by a judicious execu- tion. On Wednesday night “William Tell” will be prngentod, with one of the most remarkable casts hat has ever been presented toa New York audi- ence, Santley, Wachtel, Carl, Parepa-Rosa and Doria will appear together. Niblo’s Garden—“Black Friday.” “Black Friday,’ to which the town has looked forward for the past week as its coming sensation, was produced for the first time last evening, and met with a very flattering reception. The house was full, but not very much overcrowded, in spite of an irruption of a couple of hundred Phila- delphians, some of whom were in an interest- ing though somewhat unpleasant state of spirituous oblivion to decency and good manners. There had been fears that the piece would be the occasion of a general disturbance, owing to its notorious connection with the life and death of the late Prince of Erib; but these proved, happily, unfounded, and, with the exception of a festive how! of “police” occasion- ally, set up by one ofthe strangers from the Quaker ity, and a feeble attempt at hissing at the fall of the cul on the final tableau, the play was permitted to peacefully succumb to its inevitable fate of a natu- death. It was indeed too utterly bad to provoke ahy feeling stronger than that extreme degree of disgust which finds its most fitting expression in the silence of contempt. The causes of its failure are painfully plain. It consists Bony. of a few de- tached leaves from the career of James Fisk, Jr., with here and there a daring admixture of ro- mance, such, for example, as a sneseation that Stokes committed forgery as well as murder. No doubt its author would claim that » the deviations from the known story of the _ chieftain of Erie Ring, and the the adoption of allases, have lifted the whole plece into the reap of fiction. But this is the perfection of special pRading. Rob King is in personal ap- pearance and manners a wilfully accurate copy of risk, and every now and then expressions and phrases are put in his mouth which are historic utterances of the Prince of Erie; and so, though they are revived with scarcely such marked suc- cess, Dash Hoffman may at once be recognized as Stokes, and Violet Spearheart as a certain other notorious actress in that sad drama of real life which ended the other day in the cemetery of @ quiet little village in Vermont. But the exciting materials thus seized by the Jreayes He have been so clumsily handled that they have utterly lost their natural coloring of dramatic interest. He has therefore outraged decency with- out even the weak excuse of having produced a sensation. Black Friday is indeed simply an inanimate \ogutinrey of certain melancholy passages in the lives of men and women who have attained an unenviable notoriety—not a drama instinct with that subtle reality a sense of which it is the province of art to create b: ae = ing the secret springs of thought and conduct. 'e need say no more to show that it must, from the very nature of things, be a failure, and it would be absurd to criticise the performance at further length. The parts are too bad to make pod Playing even possible, but most of the actors lid the! est to make them endurable. Mr. Collier, as Rob King, at times showed flashes of really powerful acting, though he evidently Ia- bored under a painful sense of constraint. Hoffman was ogee enacted by Mr. Charles Thorne, and Mi Price struggied hard to make something out of Violet Spearheart. Miss Sudiow and Lee were fortunate enough to have parts growing out of the subor- dinate plot that runs through the piece, and thus had an opportunity, which they improved, to’ secure the respect, if: not the sympathy, of the audience. In conclusion, we'can only say that the mounting of the piece is very good, and the man- agement deserve credit for @ liberality which has for once been utterly wasted. Musical and Dramatic Notes. “Humpty Dumpty,” Vol. IV., is bound to achieve the success which its predecessors met with at the Olympic. Mrs. James Oates’ Comic Opera Troupe have been secured for a brief summer season. at Niblo’s Gar- den, commencing early in June, The Théatre Comique closes its season carly im May, and commences a summer season about May 13, with the Panorama of “Chicago.” The St. Felix Ballet Troupe of Children, who were: in the “Crook,” at Niblo’s Garden, have been se- cured for the Grand A ag House, and will shortly appear in ‘Lalla Rookh,”’ On this evening M. Juignet, the well-known and pular French artist, has o benefit at Bryant’s ra House, in which he will have the assistance of Miss Carlotta Leclercq (her first appearance here in French comedy), Mile. Anna Cave and a strong company. THE WEATHER, Wak DEPARTMENT, OFFICE OF THE CHIEF SIGNAL OFFICER, WASHINGTON, D, C., April 23—1 A. M. Probabilities. Clear and pleasant weather will prevail very generally on Tuesday from the lower lakes to the . Gulf and eastward to the Atlantic. The barometer will continue falling north and west of the Ohio valley, with southerly winds, veering to westerly, and ‘increased cloudiness; and an area of low ba- rometer will probably move eastward over the Northwest and upper lake region. Dangerous winds are not anticipated. THE CHARGES AGAINST JUDGE CURTIS. A Sharp Letter to Speaker Smith Relae tive to His Associates’ Action. The following letter was yesterday forwarded by Judge Curtis to the Speaker of the Assembly :— Manrne Count, City or New Yors, April 22, 1872. Hon, ten a8 \ ginny Speaker of the Assembly of the State Yor! gf t avored, during the present sossion of the jature, to recure certain reforms. This fact it Wel ‘nown. to. many members of the House. tt haw excited the ire of some of my associates, and the extraor- dinary spectacle has been presented of three Judges upon, the bench going before a H of lawyers and an their own statements, aided by’ those of refuse of the profession, not under oath, striving to or ublic sentiment against an associate. "I need andy bo those who know me that the statements of these i ‘al have mercenaries, so far as I am concerned, are wholly fi and malicious. At the proper time and place I shall able to put these men In the pillory, where they belong. am told by those who" out of eti- riosity’ have attended theso extraordinary hearings that ‘the only sworn statements and documentary evidence introduced relate to the three Justices them= selves of wh.m I have spoken, and establish conclusively the trath of my charges against them. In. fact, they are making the last efforts of the legions of desperation. Aa presently constituted, the usefulness of this Court is at am end. It should be abolished. In its place should be created 4 municipal court with the same powers, except im the matter of references and the power to’ sit in sum- mary proceedings. The number of justices should be six, and made elective by the people, So far as 1 am concerned, I am willing to abide the verdict of the people. There is no relief, save in the Legislagure. T look forward with unbroken hope to its action. ¥ pray that this come ' munication be referred to the Judiciary Committee of t eet oes Ri ce ae ine nauere in dispute may fore ® constitutional hody, Yours, re tally, Gab. ve QURTIS, Justice Mariyg Court, _