The New York Herald Newspaper, April 20, 1872, Page 6

NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, NE w YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. ‘All business or news letter and telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York Herat. Rejected communications will not be re- turned. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. Volume XXXVIIL.........::cceeseeeeeeee: No. 111 AMUSEMENTS THIS AFTERNOON AND EVENING. GRAND OPERA HOS er of 8th av. and 284 st.— Latta Rooxn. Matinee at NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway, Houston sts—Pout ano Pautwen Joi between Prince and ye. Matinee at 2. ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Fourteenth street—Iraian Opexa—Matinee at 2—IL TRovatore. WOOD'S MUSEUM, Broadway, corner 30th st.—Per- formances afternoon and evening—Sxa or Icx. FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, Twenty-fourth strect.— Auricie 47. Matinee at 14. 8T. JAMES THEATRE, Twonty-cighth street and Wway.—MacEvoy's New HipxnNicox. Matinee, '_ BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—New York Bunguars— ‘Tux Joy Copaiens. Matinee at 2 OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway.—Tne Batter Pan- ‘Tomimm OF Humpry Dumrry. Matince at 2. BOOTH’S THEATRE, Twenty-third st., corner Sixth ay,—A Suxer in WoL's CLoruind—tux Hoxsyatoon. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway and 13th street. — INDON ASSURANCE. LINA EDWIN'S THEATRE, Don Giovanni. Matinee at 2. 720 Broadway.—Litrie ROBINSON HALL, Sixteenth street—Matinee at 2— Buutus axp Mark Antuony. SROOKLYN THEATRE.— MRS. F. B, CONWAY’ Divorce. Matinee. PARK THEATRE, opposite City Hall, Oxiver Twist. Brooklyn.— THEATRE COMIQUE, 6514 Broadway.—Comrc Vocat- asms, Necro Acts, &c.—Buack Eyep Susan. Matinee. UNION SQUARE THEATR R urteenth st. and Broad- way.—Tux Voxes Fautiy, M 2s. ee at TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, No. 201 Bowery.— Neoxo Eccenraicities, Buniesquus, dc, Matinee at 24g. BRYANT'S NEW OPERA Hi and 7th avs.—Bryant’s Minst: F, 231 st. between 6th Matinee at 2. HALL, 585 Broadway.— PAVILION, No. 688 Broadway, near Fourth st.—Graxp ‘Concent. NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, 615 Broadway.— Somncr anv Ant. New York, Saturday, April 20, 1872. Sen en we _CONTENTS OF T0-DAY’S HERALD. Pace. 1—Advertisements. 2—Advertisements. B—The State Capital: Excitement in Albany Over the Charter; Governor Hotiman the Hope of the Seventy Solons; Looking for a Veto; Vanderbilt's Rapid Transit Scheme; the Broadway Widening Decision—News from aqcongressional Proceedings—The Government ngressional ‘ocee! — t Stonecutters—Cuba: The Vitality of the In- surrection—Father Gavazzi: The Great Italian Reformer on Religious a Political Affairs in Italy—Ahawath Chesed—The German Repub- licans—The German RKeformers—Miscellan- eous Political Notes—Franz Abt—Wendell Phillips’ Prognostication—Probably Fatally Injured, 5—L ‘ta Sherman: Her Trial for Murder at New iaven, Conn.—Fauny Hyde: Fifth Day's Proceedings in the Trial of the Alleged Mur- deress of George W. Watson—‘“We, The People: Lecture by Anna Dickinson at Cooper Institute Last Evening—The Bar As- sociation—The Referee System—The Oceanus Disaster—New York City News—The Wilson Industrial Mission—Outrage and Murder— Suicide in West Tenth Street. 6—Editorials: Leading Article, “The Washington Treaty—The Claims for Consequential Damages To Be Pressed”—Amusement Announcements. J=<Important News: American Congressional Ac- tion on the Subject of the Alabama Claims; Presidential and Cabinet Resolution in Sup- rt of Our First Position in Geneva—Cable Relegrams from England, France, ieee China and Japan—The Misery in ‘elegrams—Business Spain, lexico—Miscellaneous Notices, SeInteresting Proceedings in the United States, New York and Brooklyn Courts—Alleged Blackmailing of a ree Jack Glass Homicide—How They Do It _Now—Colored Methodist Gonserenioe ole Matters—Marri- ages and Deaths. o=Financial and Commercial: The Money Marke- Assuming Settled Ease; An Active Movet ment on the Stock Exchange; The Week's Imports of Dry Goods—Advertisements. 20—Louisiana Jockey Club: Grand and Brilliant At- ‘ tendance; Three Exciting Contests—A Tor- nado in South Carolina—Jealousy and At- tempted Murder—Shipping Inteliigence—Ad- vertisements. 11—Advertisements. 12—Advertisements. Tue Spanish Stave Trape AND SLAVERY IN Cuna.—Under this significant and time-re- membered heading the British House of Com- mons last night debated the subject matter of the foreign labor force which is just now ‘utilized by Spain in Cuba, and the manner and mode of her obtainment of the supply. Mem- bers were not by any means eulogistic of the morale of Amadeus’ government, so far as it obtains in the colonial system at the Antilles. 'The subject may become one of embarrassment to the Crown in Madrid, particularly when it fs treated by the legislative body of Great Britain in harmony with the principle which was at one time promulgated from Exeter Hall. Rorat Courrestes.—To-day Queen Victdtia pays a visit to the imperial exile at Chiselhurst. The visit was to have been made yesterday, but for some reason it was postponed until to- day. There is something graceful and becom- ing in the attention which the Queen has paid to the fallen Emperor, his Empress and their young son. Courtesy is becoming on the part of royal personages, and it has to be confessed that in this particular Queen Victoria has never failed in what she justly considered her duty. The family of the late Louis Philippe, when necessity made them seck England as an asylum, experienced the same kind attentions from the Queen and the Prince Consort. The Queen does not forget the attention which was paid her on the occasion of her visit to the French capital. The vicissitudes of fortune are such that the Emperor or his son may yet preside over the destinies of the French peo- ple. This attention to the fallen imperial family does honor to the Queen and presents royal courtesy in a pleasing light. It is not at all necessary, as some people seem to think, that the unfortunate should be despised. Tur Response of the republican administra- tive press to the late Grant monster meeting in this city, particularly from the West, is, on the whole, quite encouraging. “New York yersus Cincinnati” is the theme of many an editorial article, coupled with the “On to Cincinnati” cry of the liberals, which, some of the republican organs say, will end pretty much as the cry of “On to Richmond,” origi- nating in the same quarter, did during the wax for the Union | The Washington Treaty—The Claims for Consequential Damages to be Pressed. It will be gratifying intelligence to all Americans who have the honor of their coun- try at heart to learn that the report, which has in the past few days gained a certain importance in reference to withdrawing our claims on England for consequential damages, is entirely void of foundation. The rumor was one of those intangible things that took shape, no one inew how, but was whis- pered here and there on 'Change, at the na- tional capital, hinted at by newspapers and finally boldly asserted by the opponents of the administration. Thus, on the 9th inst., a resolution was introduced into the House of Representatives by Mr. Peters, of Maine, call- ing for the withdrawal of our claims for con- sequential damages. In the natural order this was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and was in time discussed by them. The first and perfectly logical step taken in the matter was the calling of General Banks, as Chairman of the Committee, on Secretary Fish, and demanding of him if there was any intention on the part of our govern- ment to withdraw the claim for indirect losses. The Secretary of State met this with an unqualified avowal that no such step had been taken nor was in contemplation, thus effectu- ally trampling the life out of the rumor. As the partisan journals mado a blatant use of this sinister rosolution of Mr. Peters, | parading it as the premonitory symp- toms of an administration ‘“backdown,’’ per- haps they will now admit for once their error. Looking back over the history of this canard, it is speaking mildly to call the action of tho introducer of the resolution unpatriotic as well as unprincipled. If its underground sup- porters could be induced to come into the light of day, where all men might see their faces, it is not improbable that some well-known reckless stock-jobbing, claim-collecting faces would appear, whose ideas of national honor would disgrace any country under the sun. At the moment, too, when the counsel for the two gov- ernments were exchanging their counter cases at Geneva the force of this rumor was well understood by its authors. The applause and “favorable comments” which come from Eng- land for the promoters of this rumor are per- fectly natural, for thero is no country in the world into whose diplomacy the alternation of threatening with cajoling is so well understood. It is what they have been contending for so long and so persistently, and it is a matter of faith in the right which it exhibited in the times that tried men’s souls, Our case has been presented without a particle of menace accompanying it; it has been answered by bluster in the English press and evasion by English diplomacy. But the days of evasion and polite shirking must come to an end on both sides, and if the treaty, around which so much hope for humanity's sake clustered, be torn in two by England, we shall know that the act is all her own. Before this barren ending the people of the United States would stand as calmly resolved to see justice done in the end, as firm and determined, as they are now patient to let the diplomats settle it if they can. We are satisfied for the present in the assurance that President Grant and his advisers have in no wise changed front, but are in no mood to act rashly on this matter, so vital to the country’s present honor and future se- curity. Presidential Movements—General Grant and the Colored Vote—The Cincinnati Men and the Democracy. The Presidential movements of the day appear to be limited to the Grant and the anti- Grant republicans. The temperance party and the labor reformers, from their February Con- ventions at Columbus, Ohio, proclaimed each their Presidential ticket and principles; the Grant republicans are closing up their appoint- ments and preparations for the regular Repub- lican National Convention, which is to meet in Philadelphia on the 5th of June; the anti- Grant republicans are busy in the work of getting up meetings and delegates for Cincin- nati; but the great democratic party—the late implacable and ‘fierce democracie’’—having become passive and pliant, aro awaiting the upshot of the Cincinnati flank movement upon the administration. The call fora National Convention of the democratic republicans at Parkersburg, W. Va., in the special interest of Chief Justice Chase, has been withdrawn, and the delegates concerned, including the liberal democrats from West Virginia, have been instructed to attend the gathering of the liberal republicans, and likewise the Reunion and Reform Convention (another coercion) at Cincinnati, and to use in both ‘all honorable means to secure the nomination of Chief Justice Chase to the Presidency.”’ The democratic republican and liberal de- mocratic Chase platform in this connection embraces national sovereignty, State rights, the fifteenth amendment, a low tariff, univer- sal amnesty, specie payments, the annexation of neighboring States, when we can annex them without force or fraud; protection to American citizens at home and abroad, not forgetting the Fenians, and the inviolability of the national debt. This is a glorious platform and remarkably comprehensive. ‘To be sure, small wonder that the ripple of self-satisfaction should spread itself into compliments on the ‘good sense’ of the government and people of the United States. As we have not been moved by the vindictive clamor of the English press on this matter through all the stages of the negotiations, since it was first known that our elaborate and logical case included claims for consequential damages, we have passed by quiet scorn the unprincipled efforts of those enemies of the President and his administra- tion who tried to “‘bear’’ our ‘‘case’’ here, as though it was the stock of some balloon specu- lation on Wall street. The position, therefore, really remains un- changed in all particulars, The English counter case asserts nothing new, and the Eng- lish protest against the indirect loss claims is the only feature which admits of grave treatment. Earl Russell has given notice in the House of Lords that he will defer until the 29th inst. the introduction of a resolution praying the Crown to suspend proceedings on England’s part before the Geneva Tribunal until we withdraw these terrible claims. It may, viewing this fact, be a ques- tion for tho future makers of histories to trace the possible connection between this ill-timed menace by Earl Russell and the un- timely resolution of Mr. Peters in the House of Representatives, There is as little excuse for the one as for the other. The di- lemma of the Gladstone Ministry seems to be as great as ever, and the injudicious course of its friends to hold their power appears only equalled by the poverty of manly policy visible in the opponents of the administration here. All eyes then will turn to the next utterances of the State Department in the grave front which matters have taken. The masterly statement of our ‘‘case,"’ which has so exer- cised the English mind, shows, as the controversy progresses, how it preserves its strength. England seeks to establish the principle that arbitration should be substi- tuted for war; but she wants it done very cheaply. We hail the same principle with joy, but insist that it be done justly. The opinion of Caleb Cushing that the English protest is valueless, and that the arbitration must go on, shows that his astute legal mind is convinced of the weakness of their ex- in cuse. In 1812, when this country was on the verge of a war with England, native assailants of Jefferson and Madison were not wanting either in num- bers, boldness or intelligence, but the great voice of the country swept them as completely out of sight as the old tories had been swept during the war for independence, In the present juncture, when political passions are at something approaching fever heat, and when time still remains for the small voices of cowards, semi-traitors and pettifog- gers to be heard, the country at large will look to the preservation of its honor and dignity e+ the hands of tho government with the same it is not quite up to the two Polar stars of Tit- tlebat Titmouse, ‘everything for everybody and nothing for anybody to do;"’ but it is the next thing to it, in providing something for everybody, which is all that we can reason- ably hope for this side the millennium, when that old serpent, Satan, which is the devil, is to be chained fast for a thousand years. Mean- time we have no choice but to deal with things as we find them, and in the Presidential field we find them, in the opposition camps, inex- plicably mixed. That portion of the people which adheres to the administration and to General Grant for another term is headed by a strong, disciplined and harmonious organiza- tion, while the opposing forces include half dozen incongruous political factions, whose only hope of success is in a coalition with the democratic party. Assuming, however, that this coalition will be agreed upon by the, various managing cliques interested (ex- cluding the temperance and women’s rights’ parties), what is the prospect for the defeat of Grant? Let us see, beginning with the colored vote, and the indications of the late elections. There are seven hundred thousand colored voters in the United States, and from several recent events these voters, with a few scat- tering exceptions, may be counted for General Grant. The events to which we refer are the action of the late Colored National Conven- tion at New Orleans and the speech of Fred Douglass before that body, and the visit on Wednesday last of the members of the Annual Conference, at Washington, of the African Methodist Episcopal Church to the President at the White House. The ruling ideas of the New Orleans Convention were these:—That the democratic party is not yet sufficiently re- constructed to be trusted by the black race, and that ‘‘all roads leading out of the republican party lead into the democratic camp.’’ The African Methodists waiting upon the President to pay him their respects spoke to him of the devotion of the Methodist Church to his administration, and of his services in securing to the colored race the right of peaceful thought and action all over the South, where the lately proscribed and persecuted race is now flourishing, and where in their churches and other institutions they are in the full enjoyment of their civil and_politi- cal rights. The President's kind response to these flattering compliments was all that his colored friends could desire; and so, put- ting all these things and other things of like import bearing upon the colored vote together, we think that throughout the United States, in the coming Presidential election, this vote may be set down almost as a unit for Gencral Grant against any and all competitors, The Cincinnati Convention of bolting re- publicans, therefore, displaced in the idea of revolutionizing or dividing the colored vote, is limited to the project of a fusion with the | democratic party. Now, as not one-half of the black vote of the Union, under the subse- quent fifteenth amendment, was polled in the election of 1868, and as General Grant had over three hundred thousand majority of the popular vote of the Union in that election, it follows that, other conditions remaining the same, the addition of even three hundred thousand to his colored vote will enlarge his popular majority to six hundred thousand. The elections of 1871 and of 1872, so far, show that throughout the country (largely, we know, in consequence of the collapse of Tammany Hall os the citadel of the demo- cratic party) he has lost nothing, but has rather gained upon his substantial strength of 1868. Jf the Prosideutial clection, then, de- APRIL 20, 1872.—TRIPLE pended upon the aggregate popular vote of the Union, the black vote, in being declared en masse for Grant, would settle the question at once. But it is the popular majoritics of the several States in the election of their electoral colleges that determine the issye. Even here, however, it may said that while the colored yote is the popu- lar majority in each of the States of South Carolina, Mississippi and Louisiana, and is very near it in Alabama, it is, properly handled in connection with the white balance of power, good at least for North Carolina, Georgia, Florida and Arkansas. The unscru- pulous carpet-baggers, with the Ku Klux Klans, have made sad havoc among white and black republicans South during the last two or three years ; but now, as these colored Method- ists have told the President, law and order prevail, and so, under new leaders, there will be a good Southern report for Grant next No- vember. In the North we may set down the black element as the balance of power—in Connecticut, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, and it may decide the issue in New York and Indiana. Pronounced for Grant as it is, this make-weight against them of the colored vote in a Presidential estimate will require for the democracy all the republican bolters that can be mustered, and for these bolters the entire rank and file of the democracy, to give the pro- posed coalition a chance of success. The problem, then, is, How can we at Cin- cinnati get all these republican bolters or mal- contents and all the democracy together against Grant? As Brother Beecher says, no prophet has been found who can tell. It appears to us as the problem of perpetual motion, or of squaring the circle, or the secret of navigating a balloon against the wind, which is a thing, as Lord Dundreary puts it, ‘that no fellow can understand.”’ First of all, at Cincinnati there will be a band of free traders from the West, with a posse of high tariff men from the East, and it will require dexterous juggling to har- monize them on a glittering generality. In the next place, the proposition, Shall we go over to the democrats, or half way over, or shall we re- quire them to come over to us? will be as per- plexing as the Schleswig-Holstein entangle- ment. A clean democratic ticket will drive all these bolters, except, perhaps, two or three implacables, back to Grant; a hybrid ticket, half-and-half ticket, will disgust your demo- cratic old-liner, and a clean, bolting republican ticket set up for the democracy, even if accep- table to Mr. Belmont and his committee, will be avoided by the mass of those sturdy demo- crats who regarded even Chief Justice Chase as an interloper in the Tammany National Con- vention. The Chief Justice now is evidently out of the question. We hear nothing of him except from Parkersburg. His associate Justice, Davis, is too heavy, and Logan is too light; Trumbull is too slow, and Gratz Brown is too fast, for the purposes of the proposed coali- tion. They talk of Charles Francis Adams; but he is too grand for your hard-fisted demo- crats, and Greeley is too gloomy and pecu- liar. Doolittle is mentioned; but Doolittle ean do nothing. It is agreed that the Cincinnati men cannot lead off with a democrat; and what, then, will they do? There may be a fusion of the opposi- tion forces, buta division is just as likely, which will give us a labor reform ticket, a tem- perance ticket, a bolting republican free trade ticket and a regular democratic ticket, accept- ing the fifteenth amendment, but opposed to its enforcoment. In any event the prospect is good for another Chattanooga victory to Grant and another triumphant march of his armies down to the sea, and along the coast, and around the country to Washington. WENDELL PaILiirs AND THE WoRKINGMEN.— Wendell Phillips has been addressing the ‘In- ternational Grand Lodge of the Knights of St. Crispin,’’ in Boston, in the course of which he predicted the downfall of republicanism, and promised the workingmen that, if they stood by each other faithfully, they could elect their candidate for the Presidency in 1876. This is a fine hobby for the “Old Man Eloquent’ to ride for some time to come. But can he make the workingmen stick to each other? Judging from the results in the late New Hampshire and Connecticut elections the labor reformers there sadly lacked the elemeut of cohesion. Latest Muntcrpat, Conunprums.—Who will be the next Mayor? Who will compose the next Board of Aldermen in the new game of “forty-fives?’’ Who willbe the next Police Commissioner? Who will be the next Chief of Police? Who will be the next Park Com- missioners? Who will be the next Commis- sioners of Public Works? Who will be the next Commissioners of Charities and Cor- rections? And so on, and so on, are conun- drums propounded at every corner by old political hacks since this blessed chartered city is to be reblessed with another charter, Tre “ MiserabiF Quarrets or SeNAToRs.’’— The Boston Advertiser (administration) talks ‘right out in meeting "’ to recusant Senators and to those who are ‘going to Cincinnati.”’ It declares that “the great body of the people will stand by their trusted servants,’ and “care for none of the miserable quarrels of | Senators.” These ‘‘ miserable quarrels’? have been so patent of late years that it might be asked whether it is not time for the people to take into consideration the subject of abridg- ing or defining the terms of United States Sen- atorship. The ‘‘one term’’ principle for the Presidency is now the great cry of the liberal republicans and reformers. Let us have a cry of ‘one term for Senators,’’ and possibly the «miserable quarrels’ referred to by our Bos- ton contemporary would cease. A New Supreme Court or Aprgat mn Ena- tanp.—The Lord Chancellor of Great Britain has just introduced into the House of Lords a bill having for its object the creation of a new and final Court of Appeal. Hitherto the final Court of Appeal has been the House of Lords. Stress of business has brought about a differ- ence of sentiment in the upper house of the British Parliament. The law Lords go in for the proposed change. The hereditary Lords object. The prevailing opinion is that Parlia- ment is not yet prepared to encourage the measure of the Lord Chancellor, If the House of Lords votes itself effete the world will not be without good reason for believing such to be the fact. The House of Commons and the House of Lords—are they prepared to be put in the shade by a Supreme Qourt of Appeals? SHEET. Repid Transit in New York for the People of New York—A Last Appeal to the Legislature. The State Legislature has yet some days to remain in session, and the “rapid transit’ that has been made through the Senate by the Vanderbilt hifl to extend the lines of the Har- lem and Hudson River railroads to the City Hall Park shows that the members, when they have the will to do so, can accomplish o great deal of business in a very short space of time. No subject has been considered at Albany this session more important than the question of rapid transit for New York. It directly in- volves the health, morality and happiness of a million and a half of people, residents of the city; it concerns the prosperity and progress of the metropolis, and it affects indirectly the pockets of every taxpayer in the State. Recent statistics show that out of the whole number of persons doing business in New York only forty-one per cent live in the city. Of the remainder twenty-six per cent are driven to find homes outside the State— twenty-four and a half in New Jersey and one and a half in Connecticut. While the Orange Mountain country, across the North River, would protably always attract more or less residents from the city, at least during the summer months, it is unquestion- able that this tremendous drainage of our popu- lation is wholly attributable to the want of rail- road facilities for local travel on the island. There are no more beautiful spots in the sur- rounding country than are to be found in the northern part of Manhattan Island and in the adjoining county of Westchester. If our busi- ness men could reach Spuyten Duyvil Creek from the Battery in forty or fifty minutes by steam cars not five per cent of our whole population would live in other States. We should then have some eighty thousand per- sons, with their families, added to our city residents, increasing the trade and profits of our retail dealers and enhancing the value of real estate, while nearly a quarter of a million of those who now live in New Jersey and Con- necticut would swell the list of taxpayers of this State. Owing to the shape of the island— fifteen miles long and about two miles on an average across from river to river—rapid transit is an actual necessity. The great bulk of the business of the city is done in its lower por- tion, say from Union square to the Battery, but mostly below Canal street. Without steam communication it is impossible that business men can live with any convenience or comfort in the upper part of the island, and hence they are confined to a limited area for the selection of homes, or driven to Brooklyn, Staten Island or New Jersey. The laboring classes are in a worse plight still; for they can less spare the time consumed in travel or the cost of the ferry crossings, and are compelled to huddle together in close, unhealthful locali- ties and in tenement houses where the indis- criminate mixing of the sexes leads to all sorts of viceand immorality. Give them rapid transit at cheap rates of fare; let them spread out into the country along Spuyten Duyvil Creek and into Westchester county, where they can find pure air and retired, clean attrac- tive homes, and the health and morals of the city will be more improved than they can hope to be by the efforts of all the health boards ever created and of all the missionaries that ever prayed and preached. These facts are familiar to the representa- tives at Albany from the southern part of the State, and should be understood by every in- telligent man, from whatever district he may come. Upto this time the Legislature has done nothing for the people in the way of securing rapid transit in the city for the city. The underground schemes that have been discussed in the Senate and Assembly, and over which a disgraceful wrangling and fight- ing have been going on all the session, are mere jobs, not designed to accomplish the work the people so much desire, but intended to put money into the pockets of lobby speculators. Some persons have fallen into the error of sup- posing that the Vanderbilt Tunnel bill is a project of rapid transit for the citizens of New York, but it ig only an extension of the Har- lem and Hudson River rai intended to distribute and gather the travellers by those lines at an extra charge of ten cents each, and to be used as a feeder for the freight trains to the West, The Vanderbilt road is to run to Fifty-ninth street for ten cents fare; but there are no provisions in the Senate bill requiring the incorporator to start trains every five or ten minutes both ways for the convenience of residents, even for that insufficient distance. To offer to the business and laboring classes of New York as a means of rapid transit o steam railroad running only to Fifty-ninth street would be very much like holding out to the commerce of the Western lakes the convenience of a railroad from the Atlantic coast to Buffalo, cut short at Syra- cuse. The Legislature has, therefore, done nothing as yet towards giving us any practical, sufficient rapid transit to meet the ‘wants the metropolis. Will they persist in obsti- nately denying this boon to a million and a half of people, or will they avail themselves of the time yet remaining before the session closes, to enact a law in the interest of the public as promptly and as swiftly as they pass dills in the interest of individuals? There is but one practical plan of rapid transit for New York certain to be carried out, easy of accomplishment and presenting no diffi- culties in the way of capital, engineering obstructions, litigation or any other causes of extraordinary expenditure or delay. Two viaduct railways, built of iron and masonry, should be constructed along the lines of the North River and the East River to Spuyten Duyvil Creek, and with such extensions into Westchester county as may become desirable. These roads should be built by the city; the money raised on the city’s credit and the work done under the control and management of such a commission as we have always had over the Central Park. The cost of the viaduct roads can be caloulated almost to a dollar; every difficulty that has to be overcome can be seen and known before the work is com- menced; the running expenses and the prob- able receipts can be shown by experts, and hence the fact that the investment would be remunerative cannot be gainsaid. Greater engineering difficulties must arise in the con- struction of any other road than the viaduct, and any other plan that would give equal capacity would be far more expensive and require much greater time for its con- struction. The estimated cost of the Bast River yiadug} is thirty million dollars, and we have already shown in the Hunatp, from statistics compiled by the most experienced railroad men and engineers in the city, that the receipts, calculated at a low figure, would pay interest of seven per cent on that amount of city bonds, meet all the run- ning expenses and ordinary repairs of the road, and leave a surplus of over one million dollars a year to form a sinking fund for the redemp- tion of the debt. The same result can be established by figures in regard to the North River viaduct; hence these two great arteries of travel could be constructed by the city without the cost of a single dollar to the tax- payer. At the same time they would improve the whole river line property through which they would pass, and would speedily double the assessable value of the real estate of the city and lower the rate of taxation on all property. These are plain, undeniable facts, and they should be of themselves sufficient to insure the building of the roads, without the additional consideration of the advantages to be derived by the whole people in health, morality, comfort and economy. But when we reflect further on the wonderful future in store for the city of New York; when we remember that the removal of the obstructions at Hell Gate will soon open the East River to commerce, which will spread all along its shore, from Harlem bridge to the Battery, working revolution in the business face of the whole city ; that the comprehen- sive plans of the present Dock Commissioners, if faithfully carried out under the new régime, will speedily give us magnificent broad streets along both the rivers, with piers and docks such as can be found in no other city in the world, we are astounded at the narrow-minded stupidity or the reckless venality that can with- hold this great public blessing from the people of the metropolis. In another column will be found a report of yesterday's legislative proceedings in Albany, Touching the subject before us, we call atten- tion to the bill proposed by Mr. Moulton, ad- vocating what has all along been advocated by the Heratp—the appointment by the Gove ernor and the Mayor of a commission with full powers to construct and operate such rail- ways as will meet the requirements of rapid transit, atthe expense and for the common benefit of the city. We reserve fora future oc- easion the discussion of the details of Mr. Moulton’s bill. For the present we only make an appeal to the Legislature to take it into se- rious consideration, and to pass a law before the final adjournment authorizing the appoint- ment of such a commission for the sole pur- pose of devising and carrying out a generous scheme of rapid transit. Mr. Moulton’s pro- posed measure meets also the objection as to the expediency of allowing the city to become the builder and manager of railways by provid- ing that o clause should be inserted in the law requiring the consent of a majority of the voters of New York city to be cast in its favor before it becomes operative. No honest objec- tion can be made to a bill so framed. The roads are to be built for the benefit of the people, and if built by themselves they will have the advantage of the profits in cheap fares instead of being compelled to pay heavy rates to put moncy into the pockets of stock- holders. At all events we call upon the Legis- lature to let the people decide for themselves whether they are willing to “loan the city’s credit to construct the viaduct roads, We aro aware that there is no money for the members in the law we call upon them to pass, but they will at least derive the advantage of finding one honest, disinterested act recorded in their favor when the history of the session is told. They have rushed forward enthusiastically to the aid of Commodore Vanderbilt ; now will they show at least some portion of this energy in the cause of the people? Personal Intelligence. Congressman William Williams, of Buffalo, is at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. Judge Joshua Loring, of Boston, is at the Grand Central Hotel. Admiral William Rogers Taylor, of the United States Navy, has quarters at the St. Nicholas Hotel. General Quincy A. Gillmore, of the United States Army, is at the New York Hotel. Professor B. Silliman, of Yale College, is stopping at the Brevoort House, . "y) George W. Childs, of the Philadelphia Ledger, yes- terday arrived at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. J. B. Chaffee, Congressional Delegate from Colo- rado, is staying at the St. Nicholas Hotel. Lieutenant Commander W. W. Brownson, of the United States Navy has quarters at the Hoffman House. General T. G. Pitcher, of the United States Army, formerly commandant at West Point, is at the Stur- tevant House. oy Ex-Postmaster General A. W. Randall, of Elmira 1s domiciled at the Astor House. General John E. Mulford, of Virginia, has arrived at the Grand Central Hotel. Commanders C. A. Babcock and J. Young, of the United States Navy, have quarters at the St. Nich- olas Hotel. General Albert Pike, of Arkansas, the poet and ce a aad has arrived at the St. Denis Hotel. renzo Deimonico, the veteran pioneer of the fashionable restaurant system in New York, leaves to-day in the St. Laurent on a trip to Europe. W. G. Case, of Philadelphia, is at the Metropolitan Hotel, Mr. Case is the President of the Company organized to construct the National Railroad between New York and Philadelphia, and the object of his visit to this city is to arrange for the speedy commencement of the work. Since its inception this project has been an object of hostility to Tom Scott and other monopolists, whose interests it wild very much affect, when consummated, SALE OF THE LOOKWOOD COLLECTION. Leavitt's auction rooms were again crowded to inconventence last night by people anxions to pur- chase some of the works which formed part of the famous Lockwood collection, From the begin- ning of the sale a good deal of enthusiasm was evinced, and as the competition for the smater works was pretty close they realized good prices. In the case of the larger paintings the case was different, and they were sold at scarcely one-fifth what they are said to have cost Mr. Lockwood. We give a list of prices of the prin- ayn Pot hag and some objects of vertu:— “Watel ing, te Wheel” Perry. $4204 “scene in the Rocky Mountains,” ‘Blerstadt, $720; “Rocks” (a Study), Durand, $225; “Lake Trout,” ays, $230; “Swiss Landscape,'? Herzog, $530; “Landscape” (Winter), Gignonx, $410; “Sheep,”’ Verboeckhoven, $320; “The Chris- tening,” Salentin, $1,050; |) “New = Engiand Landscape,” Bristol, $40; “The Pet Lamb,’ Schrader, $1,050; Landscape,” Doughty, $250; Mother and Child,” Irving, $460; “The Monastery” (visit to the eying), Secobeem” $800; “Grandmother's Birthday,” Siegert, $1,1305 “The Coming Storm,” Achenbach, $2,450; “In the Swing,” Brown, $570; “The Forbidden Book," Krans, $2,800; “Crushed In the Icebergs,” Brad- ford, $8,000, bought by Lord Walter € hell; “The Annunciation,” Van Schendel, $1,500; “The Domes of the Yosemite,” Bierstadt, $5, bought by Mr. Hatch, of the a of ik & Hatch ¢ “Kissing Cherubs,” Hazeliine, $410; “Samuel,” Stebbins, $480; “Pocahontas,” Mozter, $680 5 “Wept of the Wish-Ton-Wish,” Mozier, $6835 celsior,”” Hazell 0603" “Isaac Rogers, $1,050; ‘ Clock," bought by George ¥ A pla, $6,000; “Orchestrion,