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On the platform are to be seen some of our most prominent citizens. Opening Proceedings. The business of the meeting was formally opened by Mr. HENRY CLEws, Chairman of the Committee, who, coming to the front of the platform, said:— In calling this meeting to order I have the honor to nominate as the presiding oficer a gentleman who isa distinguished representative of the mer- cantile community—a leader in all movements of public good, and President of the Chamber of Com- tmerce—Mr, Wim. E. Dodge. (Cheers.) Speech of W. E. Dodge. W. E. Dopcr was received with applause, and Bald :— ‘ Fe.Low CrrizENs—The rapid flight of time has brought us again on the eve of the Presidential elec- tion, and to look along the line of the last three years, There was considerable confusion at this point, consequent on the crowd in the lobbies demanding admission to the aisles. Mr. Dodge directed the police toadmit the citizens along the aisles. This was done amid loud cheering, when Mr. Dodge continued his address.) We are here to consult each other, to encourage each other, and to ask the question, “What has been the result of the administration of President Grant? (fwo rounds of cheers for President Iconfess myself to have been very happily disappointed as I have watched the course of the last three years in the administration of the atfuirs of our country by President Grant, “Bully!”) Although I gave in common with our fel- was a shade of doubt as to there whether his military training had fitted him for the low citizens, Chief Magistrate of the United States, The administration had been placed in 80 novel and so changed a condition — that under the circumstances lam more happily disap- pone at the result of the last three years, and believe I speak the sentiment of the great ma- jority of the thinking people of this country. (Cheers.) There never has been a President—there never will be a President of the United States who will administer the affairs of this great nation, sur- rounded by so many obstacles from all quarters, who will not make a mistake, There never has be jent but what may have made and has But the 8. record of General compare favorably with every that has filled the Presidential chair—at least from the days of General Jackson to the present President. I ask you, fellow citizens, in your review of these years, to note an amount of national prosperity that has been almost une- uaied in its history. We have had dilculties, put, as a general thing, our financial reputa- tion has stood high, and has been standing higher and higher before the nations of the earth. Our people—the great laboring people of this country—have been prosperous, and during the last three years they have had abundance of employment. (Cheers.) I have recently re- turned from a long tour in our South- ern States, and there are difficulties there, it is true; dficulties that no man could have antici- pated, But these changes could not have taken place without there being faction and difficulty at the South. The South started with the determina- tion to make slavery perpetual They have had to assume the’ responsibilities of the failure of that determination, and their wise men understood it perfectly, and they knew that their failure would result in the emancipation of the black man; for the black man is not only a free but un emancipated man. They find it hard to en- dure the fact that their old sla are their political masters. They are therefore looking to their old friends, who stood beside them in our civil war— namely, those democrats who always said that our war would be a failure. (Cheers.). They are an- ticipating that these men will get into power, and in some Way, and by some way, they scarcely know President how, these’ free men are to be made into’ slaves again, By some way a lank is to be laid) by the — disaffec- ion in the republican party, so that they go on board themselves and have everything their own way. (Cheors.) Thus they hope through the boit- ing republicans to get into power. If these bolters should succeed 1am here to say that it will be the ruin of the republican party, and if the: succeed it can only have the resnit of giving the government to the democratic party. Mr, Dodge concluded by stating that he had no doubt of the ultimate success of President Grant, He would urge all to work, for there is great work before those who were anxious to attain that great and desirable object. Mr. Clews read the list of Vice Presidents and Secretaries, many of the names calling forth loud | cheering. The Addre: Hon. E«DELAFIELD SMTH, on behalf of the Com- mittee of Arrangements, then read the following address, remarking that it was prepared by one of the most cminent and substantial of our business men:— The administration of public affairs under the | government of President Grant has been eminent! wise, conservative and patriotic; our foreign re tions have been conducted with a scrupulous r spect for the rights of other nations, a jealous re- gurd for the honor of our own; the noble aspiration With which General Grant emphasized his ept- ance of his great office, “let us have peace,” has been happily realized; the Unton has been com- pletely re-established on such principles of justice and equity as to insure its perpetuity; the consti- tution, with all its amendments, has n adhered to with rigid fidelity; domestic tranquility has been restored; a spirit of humanity has been infused into our Indian policy; the revenues of country have been faithfully collected and honestly disbursed, so that, while the burdens of ‘axation have been materially lightened, the public | All brane es of credit appreciably strengthened. industry have been stimulated to healthy activity, and throughout the length and breadth of the land vi prosperity and happiness reward the id sucrifices by which the rebellion was sup- he Union preserved, Itisan act of that the SOLDIER WHOSE VICTORIES IN WAR and the statesmen whose triumphs of peace have made the last decade the most glorious in the an- nals of American history should receive an earnest of the gratitude of his countrymen by his re-elec- tion to the Presidenc; It ts an auspicious circum- | stance that the people are evidently awakening to a higher sense of the duties and responsibilities of puns oMicial There is a general disposition to | hold men entrusted with place and power to | a strict accountability for their acts, and to | demand that honesty and capability shall be the | inflexible conditions of appointment to office. The recommendations of the President in favor of the principles enunelated in the report of the Civil | Service Commission were timely and apposite, and deserve universal endorsement. Numerous tnves- tigations have been set on foot during the present session of Congress, having for their object the dis- | covery of corruption in the public service. DISAFFECTED REPUBLICANS AND PARTISAN DEMO- CRATS have made common cause in the endeavor to elicit | evidence tending to show acts of wrong doing and to implicate the President in knowledge or tolera- tion of such ects. Asin the days of Daniel, “they sought to find occasion against him.” aut, like the enemies of Daniel, ‘they could find none occasion nor fault, forasmuch as he was faithful, neither was there any error or fault found | with him.’ The more incisive the scrutiny the alpable the demonstration of his purity. it of pursuing these investigations has ex- the aggregate loss incurred by the govern- ent through the dishonesty of its subordinates the administration came into power. A record so clear and honorable chalienges the admi- Tation and compela the approval of citizens whose only aim is to secure astable and beneficent gov- ernment, to pre: e inviolate the faith of the na- tion, to gi curity to capital, adequate reward to Tabor aud equal rights to all. With the grievances | of disappointed office kers the masses, who tinive by they own toll, cannot be expected to find | time or paticnce to sympathize. Whether this Sen- ator has had wore or that Senator less than his share Of patronage are Insignificant questions | compared with the grave issues involved in a Prest- dential canvass. It is the constitutic preroga- | tive of the dent to make appointments to | office. ‘That 8 Notexercised these functions unwisely the success of his administration abund- | antly proves. Believing that GENERA fitly supplements bi has brought to the di State the same c foresight and judg: which marked his achievements ip the fel made his campaign from Donelson to Appomatox | forever illustrious, and that he possesse: serves the confidence of the American ] pledge to him our united and hearty support as a candidate for ection. | ‘The reading of the address was frequently tnter- | rupted by the vociferous applause of the Vast au- dience. The Resolutions. GRANT'S CIVIC military gres 8, that he harge of his duties to th CARE a ‘The following resolutions were then read amid | Pisappolatment, cheers and plaudits :— Fird—That the merchants and mechanics, the bankers and business men of New York, represented in this meet ing and in the call under whieh it Is assembled, are satis fied with the wisdom, ability, moderation and fidelity with which the national government is adm with the bulk of our, brethren t uance of its distinguis! Jds with usefulness and hon practical result of the coalition move- ul, Would be to restore the democratic mont, if suc purty to po hird—That such @ restoration, after the late glorious triumph over rebellion, would read in history like the record of a tory resurrection at the close of our revolu- tiouary war. Fourth—lhat republicans elected to office mainly by those who assailed the Union at the South, and atthe Norih embarrassed its defenders, would inevitably be- that sustained then, lke serviceable to the powel Northern Presidents who were chosen by the South n. resident of id its bidding yh—Thet the patriotism that made Grant t saved Js akin to that which placed Wash- | ‘The trust ce’ of Interest | ni fugton at the |: and inelination with modest. int 4s to civil expe: Fience and qualification, But having n well and wisel Administersd, the contidence Implied In w roection fs ppropriaie reward for faithful services, ct Ni tagainet hostile criticisms {0 Bort ms and untounded theories, we fugurated a by the presen isting systems, yp placed in a course of hynelioration or rei jon of the national debt tas elicited th of the world, Our diplomacy lias made peace the ally of | national honor, and our President has been indeed we in naine a kind and “great futher” to the Indian tribes still ingering within our borders, | name of Ulysses 8. epeeuth—Thay while Lguorable opposition is entitied to | the republican party for NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, APRIL 18, 1872—QUADRUPLE SHEET. respect, every effort to blacken for itical put 8 thelchuracter of President Grane in & Baime agatne truth which vindicates him, and an ‘insult to the American people who honor and It him. Pure in private as irre- Proachable in public life, with strong convictions yet deterential to the popular will, patient under attack more ready to listen than to speak, with no display an No ostentation—those who know him best be to the sense, the sagacity, and the power of anal which his utterances are characterized and imp: Fighth—That in the judgment of this meeting, a major- ity of the people of the Country expect, desire and decree the renomination and re-election of Ulysses 8. Grant. i Loud cheers followed the adoption of the resolu- ons, Speech of E. Delafield Smith. Mr. E. Delafield Smith then made a brief speech, concluding by moving the adoption of the address and resolutions, Letters and Telegrams. The following letters and telegrams sent to the chairman of the committee from those who were invited, but were unable to be present at the mect- ing, were then read:— LETTER FROM SENATOR CONKL! x are CrAMnE, } Wasninaron, April 15, 1872. Gextinwen oF tie Commtrex—I rejoice that on Wedne day next the “merchants and bankers of New Yor! will speak for President Grant. In hours of supreme trial, how past, the nation recelved its best and wisest imputses, and its greatest aid from these same merchants and bank: ers. ‘Their voice 4s timely now again to hold the countr, steady on the course of sufe, honest and prosperous ad- ministration, and to check the restless spirit, which secks change at the cost of the gencral food. A people would be ungrateful and stolid, ndecd, who could find no cause of thankfulness to God auid to man, in the marvellous prosperity which has kly followed @ desolating and agonizing war. must be sadly constituted, who, looking abroad upon forty millions of people, blest as we ‘have been for the last thrée years, can find nothing better to inspire him than resentment, ambition and disappointment—nothing to upon but the flaws and faults from which humanity never will be free. A public sentiment would be strangely depraved and ungenerous which could patently tolerate the unjust accusations and wanton aspersions now heaped upon a firm and modest Chief Magistrate, who, in peace or in war, never shrank trom his duty, and whose civil adininistration, should it end to-morrow," giust ever stand among the best and purest in Nove there at ore fit a . Gra ‘alue to the nation, no one knows it so well as the ho represent the property, the credits, the public securities and the enterprise of the country, North and South. If the President has been a tower of ugth at home and abroad; if his silent firmness has inspired confidence and security; if turbulonce in the South has quatled; ifschemes of repudiation and expansion have hidden t ads; if restored curt and reduced debt and taxation have come; if f sed differences with us and 80 borne | or the weight and digni our government has for three ch-dog, cuarding rights, lberties the business men of the city Y ought to say it, and when’ th speak the be needod in nation Will "hear. stimony will not such a cloud of witnesses; yet, grateful for your invits- tion, I would gladly accept It did not other duties stand i way. Thope soon to address the citizens of New , but you will pardon ie if I say a further word here, ting Congress In 1850, T have tried to study close dons, and to learn thetr inner workings; ietion’ is, that In rigid honesty, in duties y and ‘stccesstully done, the last three st of the last thirteen, Writing, as I E four adminis a a my cor rnestly, wisely ars are the b 3 incoln’s great proclamation, r fe ‘our million slaves, and re: ing Lincoln's me: I believe that Lin rt votion to duty ne igher than Grant's. Of allt n [have seen in high station there is not one with less pride of opinion or of place; not one more ready to re- Vise his own judgments and weigh. the suggestions ot ; Not one more anxious to do all things well than ion you Will aid to secure, "No adminis- tration, no party, no majority in Congress has ever so re- ly Investigated, purged and pun its own ne Was ever ho courageous in meeting aceu- however gratuitous or unpatriotic. When the Committoes now seurebing for abuses shall report ir discoveries the country will be struck by the contrast between the truth aud’ the allegations, and not less by the contrast between the record of the present ad- ministration and most of its predecessors. Wednesday's meetlug will forecast the victory in the coming canvass. Under whatever namics or disgtises the opposition, may present itself it will, in nature and result, be the demo- cratic party still, and. the election of the tleket to be nominated at. Philadelphia is an ovent which Ino more doubt than I doubt the wisdom and virtue of the Ameri- can people. Your obedient servant, ROSCOE CONKLING. LETTER FROM MR. GORGE WILLIAM CURTIS. others; he whose re-el Wasiindron, D, O., April 18, 1872, Gente: am very sorry that my engagements prevent the acceptance of your invitation to speak at the hhecting at tite Cooper Institute on the evening of the 17th inst, Ail zood citizens desire purity and economy of ud: ministration; a faithiul observance ot the conditions un- der which the Union has been restored; the protection of the equal rights of American citizens; the diminuton of the debt and the reduction of taxation; the improve- meni of the civil service; the maintenance ‘of the faith of the United States and the stability of the situation under which national industry has so rapidly revived and gene- prosperity has been assured. But, in the present ition of the country, who are moré likely to secure who as a party have always sought ies in the yeurs, was iden- titled with and causeless” rebellion and which 13. steadily ‘hostile to equal rights—a party which includes every enemy of the Union and of the principles upon which “our late troubles ha been composed. The character of a coalition is de mined by its largest aud most powerful element; and, if the democratic party decide to act with the distatistied republicans, it will be an alliance of the wolf and the lamb, an alliance by absorption. Meat through the persistent and pitiless storm of calumny and’ inissrepresentation which has beaten upon the Presid; ring the last four years, his tellow-ci zens have scen him steadily and’ faithiully serving in peace the country he served so well in war. They have Seen his honest purpose and his constant fidelity to the principles which are dearest to the American people, and hey judge his firm and pacifle administration by its eneral character and good results, Every sign shows hat those patriotic citizens who, organized as the repub- lican party, forbade the extension of slavery, elected Abraham Lincoln, nerved the country for ‘the war, abolished slavery, 're- d Abraham. Lincoln, restored the Union and ‘regenerated the nation; having once elected General Grant because they trusted his devotion to their principles and purposes, now intend to re-clect hhitn because that trust is unshaken. Respectiully, GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS, LETTER FROM SENATOR EDMUNDS, Unizup Stars SeNATe Cranmer, } Wasitxeron, April 15, 1372, Thave just received your kind invitation participate In the meeting of merchants to be held at the Cooper Institute ing nest, with a view ty the renomin esident Grant. J regret that en- e will deprive ine of the honor of being pre- senton the oceasion. I share fully in the opinion of, I believe, three-fourths of the whole people of my State, that undiminished gratitude for pre-eminent services in the days of our country's pert, as well as a. {ust and in- creasing confidence In the genéral wisdom and great suc- ssof his administration of affairs, notwithstanding the cries and cabals of selfish and dixappointed ambition, whieh would destroy all undue pretence of reform, de: mand his re-election. [hail your meeting, therefore, as a timely contribution to the stire triumph of November. I am, gentlemen, very truly yours, GEORGE F, EDMUNDS. LETTER FROM VICK PRESIDENT COLFAX, 1C# PRESIDENTS CHamner, } Wasninoton, April 15. 1872. GextieweN—Tt would afford me great pleasure to attend your meeting next Wednesday night, in ac ith the invitation with which If have been honored: but, as my absence compels the Senate to elect a President pro teinpore, Linust remain at the post of duty here. It Leould be with you the thought on which Fshould speak would rt these results? Thos them, or those whose sole chance of success support of a party which, within tei thon and gagements li be the patr and political necessity of republ unity. The brilliant triumphs which in the past ten years have so int of the nation were won by toleration enees in its ranks, happily enjoined with an almost universal willingness to abide bi the decisions of a majority of its members. With its mil lions of despite se bitterest antagonisui after victory, tie hand, and thé by its political oppon ters thus un other. cannot shut my eyes the dangers of republican divisions—dangers not only to the party itself and its future, = but tothe hation ad its future also. Nor can any one else shut his eves to the fact that the grandest refor which the country owes to the fidelity of the republic: organization were carrled through when its unity permanency were warred on by foes fre hold, Who proclaimed, us is now again its usefulness and ability to achievd. gr ended, and that the tine What it has done since to bequeath to our i some of the brightest pages of our coun ave no fear, when im istrative results of Amer! that side by side with the once bitterly critictse: universrlly honored, Abraham Lincoln, will be Grant. Truly yours, SCHUYLER COLFAX, E, D. Morgan, Henry Clews, Geo. Opdyke, Commitee, TELEGRAM FROM LIRUTENANT GOVERNOR PINCHDACK. New Oguras, April 15, 1572. Grxrurwen—Imperative duties demand my presence at nd house- that r 1, but how found the home, and compel me to decline your kind invitation to speak on Wednesday night Though [ cannot be with you at this meeting my Voice will be heard in the campaign jon of the nominees of the republican urging the ele 88 of Its principles. party and the su v AM PROM GERRITE SMITH. xtLxMex—Your telegram comes too late to get letter to you, and T am too unwell to attend and address the me «My heart ts with Grant and I will do what litde I can tor his re-election. Speech of General Sickles. The Chairman then introduced General Sickles, who spoke as follows :— On the platform in December, 1867, we nominated General Grant for the Presidency. The nomination the republican proved acceptable to party and Was unanimously ratified by it at. the Chicago Con- vention, in June, 186%. In November Jollow- ing our choice was approved by an over- whelming majority of the American people. defection and death have deprived us of a few of our old. friends, but the recruits more than fill up oufranks and recruiting i$ still brisk. We are here to-night to present the sama illustrious name again to renomination to the Presidency, and we have an abiding that our recommendation will be as a to the Convention Which 18 to asaemble delphia as it to the Chicago Convention of 1868, General Grant's career as President has shown himself to be not Wise a8 a states- man than as a soldier. We enjoy to-day a measure of national prosperity without example in all our history, and we are at peace with the world. We have paid off a larger amount of the national debt Within the past th years than is recorded t he history of any nation. This has been a contemporaneously “with a larger reduction of taxation th any nation ever ventured upon under like circumstances. The foreign policy of the President is adorned with the most signal triumphs of diplomacy. He has settled forever one of the most dilleult problems in our relotions with European Powers, growing out of the status of na- turalized citizens when found again within the jurisdiction of tieir native country, By our natur- flilation treaties with Great Britain and Ger. many and other Powers are now enabled to | afirm, on the basis of international law, what we have long contended for in fame heretofore, “once an American, always an American everywhere.” The Treaty of Washington, in which comprehensive vasure all our numerous questions with Great Britain were amicably settled, is one of the greatest diplomatic ach ments in the history of nations, My own belief is that it will be honorably executed by Great Britain as I know tt will be by the United States, (Cheers) But whatever may be the course of Great Britain on the subject the Treaty will none the less remain a monument of the wis- dom of its negotiators and of the statesmanship of the President, under whose immediate action it was begun and concluded. The presence in our country of the enbaerr. from Japan, com- prising the most distinguished men ever sent from the East on a mission to any country, is a proof that General Grant, with a wise forecast, looking to the development of American commerce in a direction that history points out as the best source of our commeraial expansion. The Chicago platform of 1863 marked out for him the policy to be ce by his administration, He has faithfully followed and filled it. The Chicago platform re- quired him to maintain the reconstruction policy of Congress for the pacification of the rebel States and to prevent their being remitted to a state of an- archy. The President was required to maintain the national credit free from any stain or taunt of re- pudiation, Tn Maroh, 1869, when General Grant came into office, the price of our bonds, the depreciation of our currency, and the impossibility of negotiating our securities at a lower interest than the war rate, showed how much was to be done in this direction. To-day, in all these respects, the results are beyond the most sanguine anticipations of the framers of the Chicago platform. He was required to administer the government in the strictest economy. He has done this, and he has removed from the federal administration the corruptions so shamefully nursed and fostered by Andrew Johnson, He was required to resist the doctrine of Great Britain and other European Powers—that because man is once a subject he is always so. He was required to demand and obtain for our naturalized citizens the same protection for their rights as though they were native born; the proof that he has fulfilled this high and difficult duty is to be found in the treaties to which I have already re- ferred, I maintain, therefore, that as a republican President General Grant has discharged every political obligation that he assumed when he accepted the nomination in Chicago und was elected President, And I further maintain that he has discharged his duty as President to the whole American people, acting on all the great questions of public policy which he has been called upon to meet i the spirit of a statesman and a pa- triot. The democratic party is confessedly unable to contest the I idential return, It is divided about principles, and paralyzed by the inetiace- able stain of corruption in public trusts that has ruined its organization in this city and State. In the South one-half of its leadeis adhere to the Codfederate flag. The other half are en- deavoring to outmoye the cArHOE ARTOIS, in_an effort to secure the negro vote, and here in New York, Tammany Hall, that died out last yeer in the members of the Ring, is seeking resurrection this ou in the liberal republican movement. Tammany fall is fearfully and wonderfully made, Her wa are wiley and deep, (Laughter.) She takes many shapes, Having lost all favors for herself in the fine! i¢ eye, she offers the Presidency to some republican of her own choosing, and from her wits and wiles is born the liberal republican revelation, On the 13th of this month the Evening Post, of this city, an able organ of the liberal republicans, an- nounced the conclusion of a series of conferences that had been held at Washington between the lib- eral republicans from the different States and leading democrats in and out of Congress, After much dis- cussion candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency seemed to have been agreed upon, and the conference separated with every manifestation of respect and kindness between the high con- tracting partics. But what I most desire to so- licit your attention to is the great principle which guide the deliberations of its conferences, The Post soys, “They considered the whole sub- ject with reference to expediency and votes of candidates being placed on the same line.” This is, indeed, a fit business for the new reform party. I can well understand why these gentlemen, at least the republican portion of them, would desire to keep away from the Philadelphia Convention; for there at least they would have to rise to a higher level than expediency and availability in determining upon the nomina- tions to be presented to that body. They have done well to chose for their confreres leading democrats in and out of Cougress. For expe- dients to catch votes, at whatever sacrifice, is all that is left to the democratic party. The meet- ing held in New York on the same night was a fitting counterpart of the Washington conference. Look at its so-called declaration of principles. Without troubling yon with the repetition of it, I will content myself with a characteriza- tion given to it by the same authority I have just cited. The only principle announced was the one-time principle, as it is called, but that the Post justly characterizes “a mere political fetch.” Everything else was sacrificed 0 her brevity, which left all that was essen- tial to the platform unsaid. And now we come to the personages who figured on that occasion. For must we find the chairman, Colonel Fred- erick A. Conkling, a most worthy geentleman, but only distinguished as a politician for his eccentricities, the last of which seems to be that in view of our crowded ranks, as there did not ap- ear to be room enough, considering the large place in the republican , of New York filled by his distinguished brother, the Senator for another of the same family. ‘And then we come to the Vice Presidents, among whom we find = most conspicuous the honored names of John A. Dix, John K. Porter, Marshal 0. Roberts and John A, C. Gray, but it turns out that not one of these gentle- men authorized the use of his name, On the con- trary, each and every one of them distinctly prohib- ited the use of his name in connection with the meeting of the moveme' This is enough to impeach the whole list of names displayed with so much ostentation, and it will now require afl- davits a8 numerous as the list of vice presidents and secretaries to prove that any of the names were authorized. But the meeting was, nevertheless, not without the presence of remarkable men. Its chief significance was de- rived from the presence and utterances of Mr. Greeley. (Loud cheers for Greeley, which were long continued, and the counter renpatien. occa sioned great excitement for several minutes.) Horace Greeley, as we all know, is a great and good citizen. He has done more than any living man to create and sustain the republican party, and in the judgmen, of many, jm which I concus, he has Teceived from it the recognition that was due to him. None can regret so much as his admirers that he should have signalized his first act of hostility to the republican organization by ‘a disavowal of the doctrine of protection to Ameri- can industry, with which his fame and genius have been for thirty years identified. Mr. Greeley, more than any other man, taught me to be a republican and an advocate for protection to all industry; end Tam only one of them, I fancy, whom he will iind it more dimMicult to unlearn than to teach. Next to Mr, Greeley the most important person- who figured in the liberal republican meeting t week was the distinguished Senator from nois, Mr. Trumbull. (Cheers were given for Senator Trumbull and counter cheering for Presi- dent Grant.) Mr, Trumbuil’s speech—able and ex- haustive as he always is—was largely devoted to the doctrine of State rights and the just lines of de- marcation of the South. I cannot follow the Sena- tor without trespassing upon your indulgence, The constitution of the State has Stood in his way. Nor has Senator Trumbull been more fortunate in adapt- ing his practice to his polemics in respect to the equilibrium of the several branches of the federal government. In the famous McArdle case, which was understood to involve the power of the Executive in the execution of the reconstruction acts of Congress, Senator Trumbull was employed by the executive for a fee of $10,000, which was fixed in appreciation of his distinction at the bar, to argue that case be- fore the Supreme Court of the United States. He made, as Was generally conceded, a very able ar- gument, but he nevertheless seems to have doubted either his ability to convince the Court or the dis- position of the Court to be convinced; and he thereupon successfully oxerted his great influence on Cong § chairman of the Judiciary Commit- of the Senate to put through an act taking away the jurisdiction of the court, so that they could not decide the case against him. J don’t discover in cither of these indictments a better leader in the path of civil service reform or State rights than I am able to find among these honored statesmen who propose to seek their choice as heretofore within the ranks of the Republican Association. One of the most remarkable features of the Presi- dential canvass upon which we are now entering is the appearance of the Supreme Court of the United States in the arena. It has already furnished at least two candidates for the Presidency—Justices Chase and Davis—and it seems to be engaged in devolving from its political decisions a pc litical platform for the can- vass. Chief Justice Chase has overruled as a Judge pretty much all that he did as a member of Lin- coln’s Cabinet, except the Proclamation of Eman- cipation, and judging from what he has already done if that great act could be undone by a judicial decision it seems to many people that Judge Chase would be as ready to contribute to the success of his ambition for the Presi- dency in that way as Chief Justice Taney was to extend slavery into the Territories, in deti- ance of the will of Congress, by th cision, It cannot be a comfo conservative opinions of this country to st Supreme Court of the Union descend into the political arena, There is no doubt that a goodly number of restless peonie desire what 0 | | | they call a change Administration. Some democrats would no doubt be glad fora change that would put Mr. Tweed over the ‘Treasury at Washington, to enable him to employ Ingersoll to furnish and Garvey to plaster the White House regardless of expense. Some republicans would, no doubt, like a change. that would enable them fn 1873 to be more successfol in their applica- tions for office than they were in 1869. But the great mass of the people are unselfish, dispassionate and just, and therefore conser e They wish no ange, unless satisfied that the public interests mand other rulers. Before any impression can made upon the intelligent voters of the country against. General. Grant it must be shown ‘that he has failed to deal with ability and honesty of purpose with the great questions that have come before him during his occupancy of the Presidential office. Not only has this not been done but I only to refer you to the deciaratic week from the i ublicans to show ure to attempt any serious arraignment of General Grant's administration. ‘The gallant General closed an eloquent speech by a graceful tribute to the administration of President Grant, at the conclusion he was loudly and vocife- rously cheered, Speech of Senator Wilson, Senator Wison, who was received with a con- tinuous round of applause, then said;—Mr. Chair- man, Ladies and Gentlemen—f thank yon for the kind grectiog you have given me, and 1 have another favor to ask Pal you, ane I trust you will unanimously grant I few plain words to Ba} to you to-night, and I have litte time to say them in, and I, therefore, ask you to give me neither applause nor approbation. I am a republican from convic- tion and by association. 1 care more for ‘THE REPUBLICAN PARTY in the United States than I do for the interests, the aspirations or the ambitions of any lesser men in America, (Cheers.) I labored from the year 1836 to the year 1856—twenty years—to bring into being the great patriotic LIBERAL LIVING ORGANIZATION that should make the republic of the United States a free thing. Sixteen years the republican party was brought into being. religiously believe that it came into being by the prevcre and labors and the noblest aspirations of the best portion of our country. (Cheers.) I believe it was brought into being to meet THE NEEDS OF THE ENDANGERED COUNTRY, to carry out in America, under the Providence of Almighty God, its es mission. Iso believe, and so from the time it was created to this power I have never consciously uttered a word or per- ve a formed an act to drive a man out of those ranks. If any man leaves ue he will leave ua against my wish, and and I would, if it were of any use, go on my bended knees and ask him to stay with us, fight with us and goon with us to victory. I am not here to ap 1 to you for a small part of our organization, ‘The republican party is made up of THREE AND A HALF MILLIONS OF MEN, and for the most part of the noblest, purest and best portion of our countrymen. But I would still fight on, work on, toil on, pray on to make it better and make it worthy of that great history it has already achieved” and which is — destined to achieve greater results in years to come. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I would as soon think of returning to the little church of which my wife is @ member, and myself an un- worthy one, and seek to disband it, because some clergyman has proved false to his God and his soul, or some poor mortal did not live up to the*profes- sion he has made, as seek to do harm to the repub- lican party because of these disatfections, Gentlemen, I speak to you to-night from the deep- est convictions of my soul, and I ask you to have faith in the republican party, for it has produced the greatest character of our century— ABRAHAM LINCOLN. (Applause.) TI ask you who held up his hands in this city, and for him waded through blood for tour yeers, and who emancipated your country and your race? You who repudiated Andy Johnson, who could not be bought by him; who re-elected Abraham Lincoln; and you who stood by and voted for A GREAT SOLDIER im 1868; I ask you who supported your Cas Ha cause, its] iberty, its justice, its humanity, its Christianity, its civilization—I ask you, one and all, to stand together, and you who have started for a new departure to come bac! (cheers)—join our ranks, join in our victories, and let us rejoice together in the triumphs of our cause, Gentlemen, there was a meeting here the other night, about which I do not propose to say anything unkind or of the men engaged in it. I do not propose to imitate their example or to utter reproachful things of my old comrades or to utter words of condemnation of a party with which I have acted and whose measures I have assisted in carrying. But, further, I want to notice a few of those remarks that were made and adduced as rea- sons for calling a convention at the city of Cincinnati. It was said that the republican party is controlled by officeholders. Great God! Why, that party is three and a half millions of men—strong men, in- dependent men. What, these men controlled by a few thousand beggarly officeholders? Why, gen- tlemen, there never was a time, and no man ever saw a time, when OFFICEHOLDERS exercised so little control as they donow. Why, thirty years ago oficeholders were a power, but now look at the professions; lawyers, for example, receiving fees that Daniel Webster would never have dreamed of. Look at your railroads and their paronses. Look also at your telegraphs Indeed, all the vast industries by which talents and character find a theatre for action. These are the powers that control the governments, What is paid to these officeholders? There are but sixty thousand — postmasters; seven thou- and postmaster’s_ clerks, and fifteen thousand postmasters, who get a salary of less than $200 per year. We are told that these are the men who povern us. (Laughter.) Gentlemen, this is not so. will not say, but you can think what you please, that the Convention at Cincinnati will be AN OFFICE SEEKER’S CONVENTION. (Laughter.) I will undertake to say that the con- vention at Philadelphia will have fewer oftice- holders on it than any convention that has met for thirty years. (Cheers.) I find that on eight States who ibs sent delegates there are only live ollice- holders. (Cheers.) Senator WILSON proceeded to say—Let them go to any section of the country and they would find the republican party in favor of the measures of the administration, and the people were almost UNANIMOUS IN FAVOR OF GRANT. (Applause.) It was the ambition of the office- seckers that disturbed the unanimity of the republican party; but the great ideas of that party were stronger than that party itself, and he and they knew it. He was sorry that Mr. Trumbull had made these declarations he had recently uttered in his speech in that hall, Mr, ‘Trumbull was an old friend of his. He had honored and respected him, and he did not wish to say any- thing unkind of him. He made a speech in that hall, and every one who read it must say that it was a most disingenuous address, The Senator had told them that the republican arty had kept the men of the South under disabil- Ries? but did not Mr. Trumbull himself vote for all those disabilities? Yes, he did, and he (Senator Wilson) had something to say on that subject. He had been in favor of letting off every man who had gone into the rebel- lion, except a few who had_ held positions in the Cabinet. He would take of the disabilities of those who, since the rebellion, had behaved as respectable men; he would remove the disabilities of John C Breckenridge, who had behaved himself as an honest American citizen, Mr. Trumbull told them that these disabilities were maintaihed in the South, because ohe set of men wanted to keep office there; bnt had they not there in office twenty rebel generals and colonels whose disabilities had been removed by the republican pare He (Senator Wilson) wanted to show the meeting that General Grant had recommended the removal of these disabilities, The House of Representatives, by an almost unani- mous vote, voted to remove these disabilities. In the Senate Mr. Sumner voted to put in the bill a provision for civil rights—that if we should give amnesty to the slave masters, we should extend FREEDOM TO THE SLAVE, Ho (Senator Wilson) voted foi Mr. Trumbull and Mr. against amnest, nd if they had voted for it the bill would passed the United States. (Ap- planse.) Mr. Trumbull knew he voted against that bill, and he knew that the republican party had been trying to get through the House THE CIVIL RIGHTS BILL, so that they could have the Civil Rights bill and the Amnesty bill; but he ed they would bo able to accomplish that w this session, Mr. ‘Trumbull said he was going to Cincinnati to obtain. civil ‘vice reform; but upon this point it must be observed that the President of the United States had ap pointed a commission, at the head of which was their fellow-citizen, Mr. George W. Curtis, That commission taken into consideration the question CIVIL SERVICE REFORM, they sat for two months, and they had finally agreed upon a practical plan’ which would aid General Grant in the principles he had prociaimed to the country in regard to reform in the civil service. All through the last three years the departments at Washington had been trying to improve the condl- tion of the civil service and elect reforms therein, and he must say that never in the history of the country had they had such clerks as now; never in the city of Washington were there clerks so efti- cient as those who at present were employed in the departments there. Mr. Trumbull told them in his speech that they had passed a law that a iilitary man should not do civil duty. He was sorry Mr. Trumbull said that; for they had not passed such a law. They had a law that would not allow a military man to be appointed to a civil office, but there was no law to prevent a man who had been in the army from doing some civil duty. Senator Trumbull said ft was a military man who brought tho President's Message to the Senate; but if they looked {nto the history of the country they would see what had been done in that re- spect. The first Presidential message sent to the Senate was in August, 1789, and it was carried there by Major General Henry Knox, who had been Wash- ington's companion, and, perhaps, his most inti- mate friend, When Generai Jackson came in he ap- | pointed one of his old aids as Secretary, and Prest- dent Taylor appointed Bliss, a military man, as his Secretary and kept him ‘as long as he lived. President Lincoin detached John Hay for duty at the White House, and Andrew Johdson filled the White House with military men, When a Senator left his post at Washington to go through the country and speak at public meetings he ought to know what he speaks about. He (Senator Wilson) had never read a speech so full of errors as that two column speech of Senator Trumbuil’s. He said if Andy Johnson had FILLED THE WHITE HOUSE WITH OFFICERS they would have heard of it. Weill, the fact was, Andy Johnson had five oMecers of the army with him in the White House, including his own ‘son-in- law, Colonel Robert Johnson. He had a company of troops that he used to post in, around and about the White House, and when General Grant came of in on the first day they paid him a salute, and he wanted to know what it all meant, However, for the last two or three years there had not been Aa soldier nearer to the White House than Fort Washington, on the Poto- mac. When General Grant was made President he took three men who had been on his stat’; they went on (i ral Sherman's staff, and then to the White House, so that General Grant saved so much expense to the country, Mr. Trumbull talke about the encroachments of aah The Senator was a lawyer, and he (Senator Wilson) was not; but the Senator was the author of the Civil Rights bill, which went further than any of the measures that fhe republican party pan proposes The Senator talked of corruption, He (Sen. ator Wilson) stood there to say that ff there was @ man in the world who despised a thief he was that man—(cheers)— and if there was o man who despised A REPUBL N THIBP more than all other thieves, he was just that per. gon. (Renewed cheers.) The great boss thief Bul Tweed was 4 auict sort of man alongside thos i eee had | men who the republican party and then betrayed their trust the country. When Andrew Johnson was in power they knew the condition tl were in. The Republican arty promised to check corruption, and what was ‘he result? General Grant had convicted more thieves than all the administrations of this govern- ment from 1789 down. (Cheers.) Was there an, man who could show that Democratic thieves hi been sent to the penitentiary? Senator Wilson went on to declare that the administration of Gen- eral Grant had been marked by a large reduction of the public debt, and concluded by calling on the republican party to do their duty, and be as firm as the eternal of the country to all its great aud important interests, (Cheers.) Senator Morton’s Speech. Senator Morton, who, through illhealth, was com- pelled to remain sitting while he addressed the peo- le, said:—Mr. President and fellow-citizens of New york, 1am here to-night by the invitation of a com- mittee for the purpose of addressing you upon the subject of the next Presidency and the condi- tion of the republican party at this time in the United States. I am not invited by a committee of ofice-holders, I am advised that the gentlemen who got up this meeting are neither oitice-holders nor oftice-seekers, and that very few of them are in the position to take an office or could afford to take it. You have heard very much lately in regard to the evil influence of oifice-holders; that they are governing the country; that they are generally dishonest and demagogical, but t of the complaints that Lhave heard on that subj comes from a man who has been in ofice thirty ears, and who is now fearful that he may not die nthe harness. The Convention to be held in Philadelphia has been described as an ofice-holders’ convention, but I venture the asser- tion that there will be many more office seekers in the convention at Cincinnati than ofliée-holders in the convention at Philadel There are some men who are going to Cin ati who are good men, and who are able, and I part from them with reluctance, and would be glad if it had been in my power to reconcile them to the party of the administration. But take that convention all and all, it will be a more curious col- lection than Barnum ever had, and will include his celebrated “What is it.” It will not be so much a convention a8 a conspiracy. The men who will compose that convention will diifer almost entirely in regard to principles, and will ‘be united only in their resent- ments, It is too late to-night to enter upon anything like a discussion of the political situation, and to inquire what is the cause of this attempted disruption of the republican party ? But I now call your attention to the general statement that in this attempted disruption there is no principle involved, that it proposes no new fae ines er com- mercial or otherwise—that it is entirely personal in its and that it is not founded upon any pretext that the administration has come short fn any ma- terial thing. Now if what the country wants is good government, good and faithful ad- ministration, the country has it Jt is an old saying, “Let well enough alone,” and “bless the bridge that carries you safely over.’ And I undertake to say here to-night, in the full blaze of the intelligence ot this assembly and of this whole gouakey, that take this administration all in all, there “has not been a better one in fifty years in all essential respects. i lo not say that it is free from criticism; I do not say that Gene! Grant and his secretaries have not made some ors; but to err is the lot of all. In the great material respects of the government of this country, it is as well admin- istered as it has been in half a century, or, derhaps, as it ever was. Whut is your condition, merchants, mechanics, manufacturers and business men of New York? [call upon you all to-night as witnesses, without regard to party or past afiliations, to stand out and bear testimony that this government is well administered; that your condition financially was never better; that the! never was a time when there was 80 much general confidence prevailihg in regard to the future financially and commercially as there is to-day. We have now a better financial system than ever before, and there never was a time when you have felt so much con- fidence in the currency as there is now, or could calculate with as much certainty as you can now what will be the condition of the country two or five years hence? Every honest democrat here must admit that. Why, then, do you want to change ? You do not expect to improve upon it and ae might get a worse administration. herefore, leaving all patriotism out of view, and lookin to your self interest alone. alone,” and continue in power the administration that has accomplished such great things for the nation, Under that administration taxes have been reduced nearly sey even million dollars, and we have passed a bill in the Senate re- eatin $55,000,000 more, and though that bill as failed in the House, we shall hardly adjourn without repealing at least $50,000,000, and yet during this administration $317,000,000 of the public debt have been paid, and your interest ac- count, that on the 4th March, 1869, was $126,000,000, is now less than $106,000,000. Then the suc- cess of the Indian’ policy is peculiarly that of the President of the United States—the simple adoption of peace, goodwill, kindness and integrity in dealing with the Indians, He has taken William Penn fr his example, and now this country is more Dearly at with the Indian tribes, than at any periop since the foundation of the government in 1789, ‘That alone is enough to immortaiize this adminis- tration, and this policy will be persevered in as long as General Grant continues in oftice; and I have faith in it for the redemption of a portion of the aboriginal race of this country. ‘bhen there is our foreign policy. You have heard of the ‘Treaty of Washington—that great triumph of American diplomacy, that treaty which was alike honorable to both nations, and which settled a dif- ficulty that threatened the peace of this country, and which restored amicable relations between these two great nations, bound together by so many ties of blood, language, literature and tradi- tion. Like Gener Sickles, I believe it will be carried out by the English government in good faith, and I have no doubt that our government will stand by that treaty, come what may. We are at peace with all the world. An attempt has been made to embroil our government with the German government and to disturb the amicable relations between these two great nation. We know how intimately they are allied, and we know how Germany sympathized with during our reat struggle, how she purchased our onds, extended to us her confidence and how grateful we were to war was over, We know, material aid, and her when the too, how in the late struggle between her and France, the great republican party, for reasons easily understood, sympathized with Germany. France was our ancient ally, but we regarded the Isay “let well enough war as not made by France, but by Louls Napoleon, himself a usurper, who had trampled his oaths and the republic under his feet. We thought he had made the war without just cause, and our sympathies went out to Germany. The attempt to now embroil the two countries has failed. There was no foundation, no single circumstance that could be twisted into an ex- cuse for what is called the French arms scandal, That | seandal has been reported upon by a committee of the House within the last three days, after full ex- amination. That report has exonerated our gov- ernment from blame in every particular, whether intentionally or accidentally, and has stated that we, have done our whole duty and have not? violate: the law of nations, The general government understood this all the time | and had no complaint to make about it then and has none to made now, and_ the relations between Germany and the United States were never more cordial than they are to-day, and it is notin the | power of busybodies to disturb those relations for the purpose of making political capital or gain, | The French scandal may, therefore, be carried out | and buried in the Potter's Field amo f. the nameless graves of shameless and begotten calumnies. Now there are charges made of corruption, wholesale charges of corruption, as if this were the most cor- | rupt administration Known in the history of our government. I believe, andI say it upon my re- sponsibility as a man and a Senator, that there has not, all thin, considered, ever been a | more faithful and honest administratiqgn. I | tell you the difference between this and former | democratic administrations Is that, whenever a rascal has been discovered by this administration, he has been cast off at once, and then he has been put on his trial and held up to the pen gaze, scorn and execration, and everybody nows of his villainy. But under former adminis- trations these crimes were covered up and con- | cealed, and hence it is now sald, “What a dishonest | administration you have how; now meny criminals) have now to what you had | formerly.” No; not. so many’ by far, but those we have are dragged to light and pun- ished, There is no man, Whatever may haye been | his standing in the party or in society, or the | church or state, who, whrn discovered as being | guilty of malfeasance in office, will not be | promptly tried, and if found guilty, punished, | You have heard a great deal of Congressional in- vestigations. At the beginning of the session a proposition was made to appoint a smelling com- mittee inthe Senate, with inquisitorial power, to | sit till after the election, The resolution calling for | the committee was so drawn as to make the ap- pointiments upon the committee depend upon the whit of the presiding officer in each house, knowing that the etiquette prevailing under which the power would have to be exercised was such that | the man who would have been the chairman of the | committee would himself be a candidate for the | Presidency. But we did not propose to appoint one candidate for the Presidency to sit in judgment | on an opposing candidate. We did not choose to | appoint the coumittee in that way; but we pro- posed to investigate every charge that might take anything like a definite shay and | have such charges investigated by com- mittees honestly and composed ee of men of honor, character and intelligence, The charges were’ made that the President ha been guilty of personal corruption in connection with the New York Custom House. The charge wee insinuated rather than directly made eat ofticee the President's household were guilty of cortmptim inconnection with the Custom House pas se business we ordered an Investigation, and a ma- jority of the republicans in congress and zoe ytd Senator voted for investigation, and every “ipo of the administration voted for tt. That investigation was thoroughly made and resulted in a ONERATING THE PRESIDE from ever; suspicion of corruption— (cheers) —and resulted also In the complete exoneration of every ember of the President's official household on * which he could be considered yeaa Me aponaible. That investigation fas peon garried on for over three | that the n the Scriptures no obey pertain uatavee, Reform is now the order of rather the clamor of the day. I once heard a philanthro| described a8 one who loved a men, 8 neglected his own family. The professed reformer may be as & man who continually blows his own trumpet and calum- niates neighbors—ai ry to himseit all the virtues of the times, while he really posseses none. Tam for reform, I ara oe ps en a reformer throughout my whole reer, though I do not make public professions on that subject; I belong: O & party that has 7 greater reforms in its political career than any other great party in history. (Cheers.) The demo- cratic party have got to that point—it arrived there twenty-five years ago—that it is incapable of making ‘any reform, In fact you can no more engraft reform upon the demo- cratic party than you could engraft a living branch upon a dead trunk—tt won’t grow no how (cheers). The democratic party is like aman rid- ing on the cars, who never sees anything till he gets clearly by it (laughter). If the democratic arty were now to get into power they would ere jong wrest all power from our hands, Poets have written of the age of bronze, bat plain writers will record this as the of calumny. There is now at work a systematic attempt to thrust down the republican arty by calumny, oft and industriously continued, but which will be eventually overthrown, The Sen- ate, as it now exists, has been enacting the play of the “School for Scandal.” Because we not subject the overnment to the wrol contemplated by the resolutions of the smell- ing committee, to which I have alluded, the scandal went forth, that the majority of the Senate were opposed to the investigation and that hohorable members knowingly esvered up the alieged gross corruptions of the aaministration, ‘The play of the School for Scandal was repeated time andaguin till hunted from the stage, first in Conectl- cut and subsequently in New Hampshire, and the character of Joseph Surface has been performed again and again, till it has been discovered, like Sheridan's great original, that he had some one behind the screen. President Grant, in fact, is the only President wha ever took definite steps with regard to CIVIL SERVICE REFORM, In that direction, indeed, he has gone further than some of his best friends deemed advisable, But so determined was he on the subject that he has taken all the responsibility upon himself, and has adopted rules that put out of his hands that puronage it was charged against him he was usin, ‘for his own benefit. Aud now this very President who has been doing the only practicable thing in the way of much needed civil reform, is to be placed by these men who prate abot universal amnesty, and that this great republic must be broken up of the men who have been engaged aa the fomenters and leaders of the late rebellion, does not receive general amnesty. very late rebel in the South is allowed to vote, and no man to-day is disfranchised by the laws of the United States, ‘The only disability resting upon any man who en- raged in the rebellion is in his ineligibility to office. jet Davis has as much right to vote as any one here, and he has, in fact, exercised that privilege. But the great trouble with him is that he cannot return to a seat in the Senate of the United States. The House of Representatives passed a bill grant- ing complete amnesty to all but to three classes of rebels, First, those who had been in Con- gress at the beginning of the rebellion and abandoned their seats, going over to the rebellion. ‘Those who had been serving in the army of the United States and carried their swords into the rebel army, and, thirds those who had served as members in the secession conventions, and who had voted to carry out their States. Tho bill granted complete amnest; to all but those three classes, among which are such men as Davis, Toombs, Stevens and Breckenridge. Those were the men that made the rebellion, and for those men he had no further amnesty than that accorded to their class. Senator Moxon then proceeded to review the whole administration of the government in its financial policy, which he eulogised, and elicited the warm applause of the audience, Mr. J. H. Renney, Congressman from South Caro- lina, next addressed the meeting in favor of the ad- ministration, The speeches were so long drawn out that the proceedings did not close till twelve o’clock, when the meeting, which had considerably thinned at that time, broke up, and the people quickly retired. So ended the first great popular demonstration in favor of President Grant for another term, SCENES OUTSIDE. Speeches of Colonel Tenney, Delafield Smith and Isaac H. Bailey. ‘There were from two to three thousand persons assembled on the square in front of Cooper Union, unable to get inside, while their ranks were contin- ually recruited by others coming out who had hopelessly essayed to get within hearing distance of the great guns on the platform. A band of music discoursed stirring melodies from the por- tico of the hall, Pyrotechnical displays were made at each corner of the square, and Chi- nese lanterns, with the word “Union” upon them, hung across the roadway from house to house. A platform was erected in the centre of the square, lavishly decorated with flags and mottoes. The “Soldier's and Sailor’s Grant Club of the Twentieth Assembly District’? came marching through the crowd at half-past eight, and ranged their flags and banners alongside the platform. General Joseph W. Jackson was called to preside at the meeting, and asthe first speaker introduced Colonel A. W. Tenney. i Some few days ago, said the Colonel, the advance guard of a small army stood in this place, with the words inscribed upon its banners, “On to Cincin- nati... We are another army, and we propose to | inscribe upon our banners “On to Washington”— an army standing by General Grant, recognizing all that he has done for the country, both in war and peace. In his administration he has turned over new leafin the history of nations. He has taught the oid nations of Europe that great national difl- culties need no longer be submitted to the two- edged arbitration of the sword. They can be set- tled by peaceful arbitration. Tam not of those who believe that the Geneva arbitration is a failure. I hold no office and represent no_ patronage, but as a citizen of these United States I would rather a thousand times that not one dol- lar of damages be received for those claims than jon’s honor be compromised, ee General Grant has reduced the debt one hundree million of dollars a year since he has been in office, his treatment of the Indians has received the oe of the nation, and his foreign policy has een wise and statesmaniike. (Voice in the crowd—* How about his relations?”’) Ill tell you about that, for it scems to be all any one has against him. And the only reason any one alleges that against him Is because they say it es- tablishes a bad Precedent, Well, General Grant has done many things without precedent, and for the next five years will do many more. The speaker then went over the record of Grant's vic- tories in the war and said they were without prece- dent, He shouldn't have done it. He appointed his father postmaster at the Cross Roads in tage eee eeie of $5004 year, and he shouldn't ve jone Mr. E. DELAFIELD Samiti followed Colonel Tenney in ashort speech, in which he claimed that the de- mocratic ot had not been punished enough for its treasonable tampering with the rebellion, To restore it to power now would be to restore the enemies of the country to high places. There is such a thing as the unpardonable sim in politics, and this the democracy has committed. The United States was a laughingstock to the arrogant nations of the Old World. It was the “late’’ United States, the “disunjted” States, at the beginning of onr elvil war. We Uied all kinds of generals, tried quaker guns and iron guns, with no effect, until General Grant came forwa and then nga com ts able to stand up say, “We are vindicated, Nir. Isaac H. BAILY then addressed the crowd, speaking, he said, as a business man, He had no interest in the distribution of the patronage, Gene- ral Grant bas been an upright, faitiful and tnteltt- gont President. When you have got such a man it is the utmost stupidity to change him You can’t do better, and do worse. He has fulfilled he made, One had thought the ti arty,died in July Idst and was buried in Novem. ber; but these defections from the republican party seem likely to resurrect it. All great parties must suffer defections. We must expect them, but new recruits will come in and fill up the places in the old ranks with fresh and vigorous young 3 the conclusion of Mr. Bailey's speech the meet- ing was declared adjourned, and the concourse de- parted, except a few unsatistied bodies who per- sisted in remaining about the doors hoping te hear something of the sentiments of the greater guns still speaking inside, SERIOUS ACUIDENTS IN JERSEY. John Erhardt, &@ workman in James’ tin factory, Railroad avenue, Newark, had his limbs badly crushed yesterday, 80 that amputation was neces sary. At Communipaw bridge, on the Central Railroad, yesterday morning, Frank Power, a clerk of the company, had his skuil fractured while carelessiy riding on a freight car under the bridge, He was removed ina dying condition to the hospital im Newark. Dr. Eliiosgen, a Swede, was also badly hurt om the Midland Railroad, near Belleville. He was car ried under an cmbankwent. Ke is at the Hospital in Newark,