The New York Herald Newspaper, April 13, 1872, Page 6

6 ZW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET, JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR me XXXVIL. AMUSEMENTS TRIS AFTERNOON AND EVENING, FIFTH AVENUE THEATRI Anii0Le 47, ‘Twenty-fourth stroet,— Matinee at Ly. Twenty-etehth atrast and Broad- HMIBERNIOON, Matinee at 2 BOWERY THEATRE, Howery.—ANTONY AND CLKO- PATRA—SHOE BINDER CF LYxN. Matuce at 2. varteenth street. ITALIAN BROADWAY THE, GOLD. Matinee at 2 OLYMPIC - THEATRE, ToMIME OF Hunrry D » opposite New York Hotel. — —TH BALLET PAN- nes at 2. ROOTH'S THEATR A Suekr in WoL Ast. corner Sixth ay. = TUE HONEYMOON, WALLACK'S THEATRE, Broadway and 13ta sire. — Faust. Tux VETERAN. Matinee at 14 —Fa LINA EDWIN'S THEATRE, 720 Broadway.—LiTTL% Don GIOVANNL Mativee at 2. GRAND OPERA HOUSE, LALLA Kooku. Matinee at NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway, between Prince and Houston sts.—POLL AND PARTNER JOR. Matinee at 2. ener of 8th ay. and 3a sL— WOOD'S MUSEUM, Bronaway, cornor 49:h st. —Perform: ances alternoou and evening—HUNTED Dow, MRS. F, BL conway's BROOKLYN 4 _ CuUIsTIE JOUNSTONE, Matinee at 2. pene PARK THEATRE, opposite City Hall, so Tkoppen Down; on, UNIER Two acs. Bers THEATRE COMIQU: 18K6, NEGRO ACB, a UNION SQUARE THEATRE ‘way.—NEGKO ACTS—Is UZLES: TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, No. 201 Rowery. — NEGRO ECORNTRICIUITS, BURLESQUES, 40. Matinee: 514 Broadway.—Cowio VooaL- BLACK EYED SugAN. Matinee. Fourteenth at. and Broad- Bauer, &o. Matinee. BRYANT'S NEW OPERA HOUSE, 934 at.. betwen and Tthavs.—Brrar’s MINetRELS” Maliiee at 2 THIRTY-FOURTH STREET THEATRE, Third ave. Bue—VARIKTY ENTERTAINMENT, “Matines at Seon” BAN FRANCISCO MINSTREL HAL! = ux San Feancisco Minwruria Sul 58 Broadway, NEW YORK CIRCUS TLE RNG, AckOBATE, ROBINSON'S HALL, 18 East Sixteenth atrect.—After- MOON—DRAMATIO AND MUSIUAL ENTERTAINMENT, eteanth acraat. SORNRS IN Matinee at 2 STEINWAY HALL, Fourteenth = Gann Conor L, Fourteenth street.—Matinee at 3— PAVILION, ‘Conogrt, NE 8o1 No. 688 Broadway, near Fourth et.—Granp 'W YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, = Coes ue + 818 Broadway. New York, Snturday, Api 13, 1872. CONTENTS OF Te-DAYs HERALD. ' Pack I—Advertisements, 2- Adverusements. 3—The Presidency: Anti-Administration Mass Meeting at the Cooper Institute; The “One erm" Advocated; Senators Trumbull and Scnurz on the Presidential Rampage; The Soreheads in Council; ‘The Cincinnatt. Con- Yention and What is to Come of It; Letter from Senator Fehton; Bitter Denunciauon of Preatdeut Grant by the Peripatetic Senators; Speeches, Resoluuona, &c,—Mormon Afiairs— Erastus Coraing’s Funerai—Weather Report. 4=The Oceanus Holocaust: The Belie of St. Louts Arrived With the Survivors; The Dead, Miss- ing and Burned—The ‘1ugboat Expiosion— Insuit to the Fiag: The Haytuen Savages Dely We United States—The War in Mexico: ‘The Origin and Secret History of the Great Revolu- Uon—Who Gordon 1s; His Estates in Scotland and His Erie Stock—Testing the Appellate Ju- Tisdiction of the United States Supreme Court im Criminal Cases—Art Matters—Music and the Drama—The Kight-Mour Law—Tripie Rail- road Colilston—the American [ustttute—The ‘Trenton Bank Robbery—Fire at New Brigh- ton, Staten Island, S—Congress: The Vance-Abbott Contest in the Senate; House Amendments to the Executive Appropriations—The Robeson Investigation— Reitgious—Cojored National Convention—Mis- ceilaneous — Political Notes—Horse Ni Louisiana Jockey Club Races—Cock Figniing in New Orleans—Aquatics—Pigeon Shooting: John Tayior vs. William Hughes, for the Jersey Diamond Badzge—The Confidence Game—Co.lege Exnivition—Police Matters—A Dishonest Clerk—The Catholic Cruzen of America, Mdivorial ading Article, “The Anti-Grant Repubi tue Cooper institute—The Pro- rane’ usement Announcements, ‘7—Euttorial nued from Sixth Pagey—The Alabama Claims: The British Position on the Question of Consequential Damages Defined by the Press; The Subject Devated tn the Eng- lish Parlament—Cable Telegrams trom Eng- Jand, Ireland, France, Spain, Rome, Russia and Swiizerland—Agramonte —Kitled—Bra- 1es Home Again—News from Washington—Business Notices, S—Fioanciai and Commerciai: Money Down to Seven per Cent; Activity and Buoyancy on the Stock Exenange; Governments Up in London ‘x; Progress of the Speculation ia e ‘Confidence Queens’ — ting Proceedings in the New York ana Brookiya Courta—Interest on the Brooklyn City Funds, 9—Stolen Goods—Rapid Transit—Supposed Sul- cide—Marriages and Deaths—Adverusements. 10—The State Capital: Kesurrection of the Seventy’s Charter; A New Divorce Bili; The Judiciary Investigetion in New York—The Academy ot Music—Stipping Intelligeuce -Advertise- ments. £$—Adverusements, #e—Advertisements, Tur INTERNATIONAL Socrety was defended against some serious charges which were made against it in the British House of Commbns last night, by a gentleman who represents a very aristocratic constituency—the member for Brighton. His line of argument will scarcely benefit the cause of industrial trade unionism—the object which he professed to have in view. Srxor Casrutar, the Spanish orator, is eloquent in his advocacy of the formation of the United States of Europe and the founda- tion of a universal republic. The very idea is encouraging to the cause of the peoples; but the substance of our news telegrams from Madrid to-day affords reason for the enter- tainment of a doubt as to whether the Spanish people would remain happy and contented members of the family. Tue Torkisit BunGer.—A version of the budget of the Sublime Porte has just been made public in Constantinople. It consists of 8 report of the finances of tue empire for tho years ending March, IS71 and 1872. peculiarities of this exhibit show that while the revenues of the nation have increased the expenditures have also been larzely augmented, Since March, 1868, the revenues increased upward of fifteen millions of dollars, while the expenditures atiained during the same period expanded in a greater ratio. Wor the year ending March, 1872, however, there is a de- crease ofa million dollars, Noticeable with the present reign of economy, there is every ceason to look for a still further reduction during tho present year. The reform move- saapt utgatated in Turkey during the latter part of the year 1871 is likely to produce good results if itis sincerely meant and honestly carried out, Tink Brannon (Miss) Republican (demo- cratic) declares that ‘tue democratic party is now the strongest party in this nation.” The same paper calls the editor of the Vicksburg Republican a “malignant Puritan blatherskite, who came here (to Mississippi) to palm off pinchbeck jewelry on ignorant freedmen,” Language like this is slightly more personal phan elegaut, NEW YOKK The Antl-Grant Repablicans at the Cooper Institute—The Programme, The walls of the Cooper Institute, which have hedged in many curious and enthusiastic crowds in their time, re-echoed last night to the call of the republican ‘“soreheads” for & rally at the Cincinnati Con- vention, Senators Trumbuil and Schurz, with all the usual surroundings of hot, fo gy impetuosity, laid their little panacea for the ills of the Union before the meeting, and retired in the full expectancy of seeing the seed of republican discontent, which hey bad sowed for the first time in New York, develop before morning as fast as the fabled Japanese radishes that grow ten feet in a night. And what pas the burden of the seductive song which, with Schurz as its Orpheus, is to woo not only the republicans away from the administration, but bring the rank and file of the democracy into a radical camp, where Jeff. Davis and Sumner and Tvombs and Trumbull will lie down together? After a very modest intro- duction, recalling some sixteen years gone when New York last had seen his face, Senator Trumbull ponred forth his bluff Western story. He complained of the dis- abilities of the South and applauded | The | Mr. Greeley for his amnesty suggestions, but strangely omitted to say that his co-sorehead Senator, Sumner, killed with a civil rights amendment the best Amnesty Dill which came from the House. Carpet- baggers were next severely handled, and the Custom House paironage over which Brother Fenton mourns and will not be comforted came in for its share, Civil service reform naturally followed, and was treated with a disingenuous- ness as creditable to President Grant as his friends could desire. Then the encroach- ment on the rights of States was lamented over with a number of crocodile tears which suggest much inward remorse. Then camo the military despotism and the sixty thousand office-holders, and then the corruptions, with Comptroller Hulburd and the Secor claims as the frightfal examples. We have said that there was a disingennousness about the grouping of these windy charges which is all the more pointed when we find that he gives credit to the administration for professing to make reforms and afford full investigations. But he thinks that nobody save the opponents of the adminis- tration can achieve the reforms and correct the abuses which still exist. This is modest, As Mr. Schurz simply takes up this note and makes it, if possible, more absurd by a display of egotism which would make him the sole fountain from which all the reform is to flow, we shall not follow it fur- ther for the present. To be sure, there is nothing very new in all this, and after all the ontside horn blowing it isa very weak show when we come to examine the wax- works, and find they are the same old “figures” damaged about the heads that have been modelled in Missouri by Brown and Blair, and are to be melted into a Presidential can didate group at Cincinnati. Now the important question recurs, what is the prospect for this anti-Grant republican movement? It has been charged that the enterprise is a creation of the Free Trade League and for the purpose of a split in the republican party, whereby the free traders in the coming fall elections may secure the bal- ance of power in the next Congress. This idea is a plausible one in view of the end pro- posed ; and, from the fact that in the call for the Cincinnati Convention free trade is the prominent feature of the accompanying reso- lutions of the Missouri Convention making the call, we are strongly inclined to the con- clusion that the free traders have a long finger in the pie. We know, however, that the Missouri republican bolt was engineered by Governor Gratz Brown, Carl Schurz and other republicans disappointed in the division in the federal offices of Missourl, and that these men, with General Blair and other lead- ing democrats, arranged the coalition of dem- ocrats and anti-Grant republicans by which they carried the State and returned General Blair to the United States Senate in the place of anadministration republican. Local issues in Missouri favored the movement; but its success, on the first trial—forty thousand majority on the popular vote—ited the man- agers concerned into the mistake of magnify- ing {t into a movement which might be suc- cessfully applied to all the Statesin the Pres- idential election. But Virginia and Tennessee, and Georgia and Alabama, and others of the States in the late war committed in whole or in part to the fortunes of the Southern confederacy have, since the rebellion, in the terrible tortures of a radical reconstruction, undergone the same political convulsions and revulsions as Mis- souri. First, sweeping disfranchisements in those States eut off large bodies of voters, and next, in the restorations of the franchise large bodies of voters were gained by the parties opposed to the national administration, and hence these violent political upbeavals in the revolutionary ex-rebel States. They are the revenges, the ideas, the unexpended pas- sions of the war, breaking out in these politi- cal conflicts of the conflicting elements; and, wherever (the combustibles exisi, for their selfish purposes desperate politicians will be found to set them on fire. Hence the success of Brown, Schurz and their confederates in revolutionizing Missouri, with the assistance of the democratic party. But the managers of this Missouri revolution, we say, are wide of the mark in supposing that what they have done in Missouri can be done in Iliaois, Obio, Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. Missouri is like a mountain not yet cooled down from a recent volcanic upheaval, and still subject to the dying spasms of the eruption, while the loyal States are like the quiet Apennines, undisturbed by the flery commotion of Ve~ suvius. Nevertheless, the anti-Grant republican bolters of Missouri and their democratic allies have been go fully convinced that their Mis- souri game may be applied to the whole Union, and so zealous and plausible in urging the experiment, that they have captivated the managers of the democratic party of the na- tion. So it is that Mr. Belmont has appointed the meeting of his National Committee a week after the gathering of the Cincinnati reform republicans. But what else would you have Mr. Belmont do, when, after some twenty odd rounds in the elections of 1871, from New HERALD, SATURDAY, APRIL 13, 1872.—TRIPLE SHEET, Hampshire to New York, the democratic party in the ring against General Grant throws up the sponge and gives him the fight? At all events, the fortunes of the democracy are now blended with those of the reform republi- cans in the outcome of their Cincinnati Con- vention, which brings us again face to face wiih the main question, what is the prospect ? Mr. Schurz and Mr, ‘rumbull think it very charming; but their magaifying spectacles deceive them. There was, once upon a time, a funny carpenter, we are told, who undertook a practical joke upon his cow by putting over her eyes a pair of green goggles and then in leading her up to a pile of dry pine shavings to see if she would not, from the green color given to them, fall upon them as upoa a heap of delicious grass, But the cow had the sense of smelling as well as sight, and was not to be deceived by her green goggles, and so she turned away from those shavings in a rage. So, we apprehend, will the “fierce democ- racie” turn away from the dry shavings of the Cincinnati Convention. This grand idea of bringing in the great democratic party in the rear of the anti-Grant republicans and asa tail to their little kite is agrim joke. It is like moving the mountain over to the prophet, or like putting the cart before the horse; yea, it surpasses in its amazing absurdity the military plans of Gen- eral Boum and Corporal Fritz, for Boum was a disciplinarian and Fritz was a great success, This Cincinnati venture is out of the common order of things—out of the frying pan into the fire, We have never had anything like it be- fore, and shull probably never have anything li it behind. It comprehends the unpar- alleled fantastics of a great political party of three millions of men dancing attendance upon a company of strange foxes who have lost their tails, But let us see if in the many vicissitudes of our political parties there is not some precedent to give this Cincinnati wild goose chase a show of reason and a hope of success, Beginning with the old federal party, on the issues of war, its misfortunes are strangely repeated in those of the democratic party. The old federal party never recovered from its defeat by the old republicans under Jefferson ; but it did not really begin to fall to pieces till boldly arrayed in opposition to the war of 1812. Then it was so badly beaten at all points, from campalgn to campaign, that in 1820 it was quietly dissolved and quietly dis- appeared, and our politicians became ‘all republicans and all federalists.” In fact, we had no political parties in 1820 of a national character, and Monroe was re-elected without opposition. All that is needed now to give us again the re-election of Monroe and his “era of good feeling” in the re-eloction of Grant is the quiet dissolution of the exhausted democratic party, for lo! are not the other conditions of the two epochs all the same? But here this Cincinnati Convention is interposed asa stepping stone for the. democracy from their “new departure” into the republican fold. It would be much better for them to follow the good example of the old federalists, when there was nothing more for them to do as a party, by quietly disbanding and merging their forces in the great body of the people. For are we not now all democratic republicans and all republican democrats ? We shall probably have, in the course of the political cycle through which we are passing, a Presidential scrub race like that of 1824, but not yet. Barring this Cincinnati Conven- tion, the situation of the opposition forces would indicate a contest like that against the re-election of Jackson in 1832. Then there were three or four little parties arrayed in opposition to the administration, and as they could not agree they did not combine. Now there is one great opposition party and two or three small ones, and tho smallest of the lot is put forward as Aaron’s rod to gobble up all the others. The precedent of 1832 will not, then, apply to the present democratic passive policy. But perhaps the election of 1844 may serve us, In that contest the small squad of some fifteen thousand abolition whigs in West- ern New York, in voting for Birney, defeated Clay, and elected Polk our President, May not Trumbull, Schurz & Co., as an outside party, do the same good turn for the democ- racy in 1872? No; for while Birney repre- sented a great principle which triumphed in the abolition of slavery, Trumbull and Schurz represent only their personal grievances, which signify nothing. It was the abolition idea, too, in the name of “free soil,” that gave to Van Buren the balance of power in 1848, whereby he defeated Cass, the regular democratic nominee, and elected Taylor. ‘fo these small beginnings we owe our present republican party, our new constitu- tion, the administration of General Grant and all the present conditions of the opposition elements—all that we have and all that we are, There is, indeed, nothing in all our past political history to compare with this Cincin- nati experiment, excepting the anti-Lincoln Republican Cleveland Convention of 1864. That Convention set up Fremont and Coch- rane, two good fighting generals and earnest reformers both; but as the democratic party, then, had not finished its fight against the war as a failure, it was not ready to fuse on Fre- mont and Cochrane; consequently, with the renomination of Lincoln, both these fighting generals gracefully retired. Now the dis- gusted democracy, tired of fighting and anxious to hang up their party fiddle, await hopefully the deliverance of the Cincinnati Convention. What will it be? According to Messrs. Trumbull and Schurz it will be a full- Pho Alabama Claims—Position of the British Government. Our special cable despatches from London, giving the debate in the two Houses of Parliament, as well as the news from Washington, show that the British gov- erament will submit its case, or coun- ter reply, as it is sometimes called, on the Alabama claims, to the Geneva arbitra- tors, It had been stated that England would proceed no further in this matter, or in ex- ecuting the Treaty of Washiagtoa with regard to the Alabama claims, till the United States should abandon the claim for consequential damages. But we learn now that the counter case or reply of the British government will be delivered at Geneva on the 15th of this month, the time appointed in the treaty for the documents to be delivered. So far, then, it is gratifying to know that the business will go on, nothwithstanding all the bluster and protests of the English press and government, But we are told that the British government will not regard this act of submitting its reply to the arbitrators as prejudicing the po- sition it has taken in opposition to the American claim for indirect damages, or as prejudicing the argument that the au- thority of the Geneva arbitrators does not extend to the consideration of consequential damages. It holds that if the United States shall not, before the tribunal is ready to make an award, have abandoned the claim for con- sequential damages, England may and must retire from the board and withdraw her rati- fication to the Treaty of Washington. There blown and full-armed Minerva, all powerful for battle, fresh from the brain of Jove; but, according to the Franklin Almanac, after all the smoking and groanings and tremblings of the laboring mountain, the outcome will be only a little ridiculous mouge. Brninp.”—The Buffalo Hxpress—administza- tion—thinks the Cincinnati Convention is the “hope of the democracy.” Tne Missowrt Democrat (administration) grows somewhat humorous over the move= ments of some of the leading republican bolt- ers in Iowa, In regard to one of them it says his candidate for tho Presidency has long been Hforace Greeley, and that his admiration for Horace ‘dates from a visit to Chappaqua, where he learned that the Tribune philoso- pher hoped to raise a fino article of silk by crossing the Southdown ram with the Benga. laaa conaan.” are two months, afler the time appointed for the delivery of the cases, allowed for argu- ments to be presented, and the hope is ex- pressed in England that the United States may during this time reconsider the position taken with regard to claiming consequential damages. In the meantime Mr. Disraeli is spurring the Gladstone Cabinet to an explicit expression and course on this question. If, therefore, Mr. Gladstone should hold to the ground he took against the American case, and the United States government will not change its position, as we believe it will not and cannot, Mr. Disraeli may be called upon fulcrum against Gladstone's point of tenure of office, At an early hour this morn- ing the House of Commons rejected, by a large majority, a motion for the presentation of an address to the Crown praying the Queen ‘‘to take measures for the withdrawal of Great Britain from any treaty binding her to interfere with other nations by wi The matter thus returns almost to its initial point of divergence, and so stands before the world with all its blush of first in- terest and all its points of danger in the future full upon it. The British people are evidently excited. Their legislators may experience cause for alarm in the end. The City Charter and the Department of Docks—A Word of Warning to tho Legislature. The State Legislature now sitting at Albany has not laid up for itself a very favorable record, as will be more clearly seen when the full list of its sins of omission and commission are grouped together and placed before the world. Elected with special reference to the great work of reform commenced by the people in the election of last November, it has proved false to every pledge made on its behalf and has disappointed the hopes that were raised by its success, A Senate and Assembly, each with a three-fourths repub- lican majority and responsible for the whole legislation of the session, have trifled between them with all the great interests of the city of New York and frittered away their time on the corrupt schemes of the lobby. Rapid transit was desired above all things for New York, and nothing has been done to secure the construction of a railway through the island. The people have de- manded a bill to authorize the building of two viaduct roads along the river lines by the city, or at least an opportunity to decide for themselves at the next charter elec- tion whether such works should be built by the city or by private enterprise, and the legis. lators have refused to listen to their request, and have been instead fighting among them- selves over two notorious lobby schemes designed to make money illegitimately out of to find a solution of the difficulty. The course of the tories, as indicated by the speech of Lord Salisbury, shows the determination of the opposition and their resources. We think there are some signs of yielding on the part of England. At least the blus- tering and very positive tone assumed at first is quieted down considerably. As there remain two months yet for argument and considera- tion, and as the British Government has decided to proceed as far in the matter of arbitration asto submit its counter case to the Geneva board, there is some reason to hope England may find a way out of this dilemma she has placed herself in. The question of the submission of the Eng- lish counter case to the Geneva Court and of the position which has been assumed by the Queen’s government before that tribunal with reference to the American demand for compensation for indirect damages was brought to the consideration of both houses of the English Parliament last night by Mr. Rath- bone, member for Liverpool, and Mr. Disraeli, in the Commons, and by Earl Russell in the Lords, Premier Gladstone and Earl Granville replying on behalf of the government, Despite the consideration which attaches to the high position and talent of the parties engaged in the debate, and of the serious gravity of the general subject, it must be acknowledged that our cable report of the legislative proceedings does not throw any very particular light on the matter or afford us any additional or more hopeful or exact ground for the anticipation of its early final solution. Mr. Gladstone states that the English counter case has been pre- pared and despatched to Geneva. So far, good. The document contains nothing rela- tive to the claims for indirect damages. Ominous of delay and a prolongation of the diplomacy. A special note accompanied the paper in declaration of a reservation of ‘‘all the rights appertaining to the Queen” in the arbitration, so that ‘‘in the future the govern- ment would not be fettered by any implied compromise.” Tais looks very like a deter- mination to revert to the first principle and to again argue the proposition of the fitting out and putting to sea of the Alabama with a view to its legal justification, and its palliation for reason of a momentary oversight without ill intent, Mr. Gladstone states that Minister Schenck approves of the course which has been taken by the English Cabinet, and that he notified Earl Granville that there was no objection to it on the part of the United States. The American counter case will be presented in Geneva without prejudice to the rights of either party, and the Queen’s Cabinet has been assured by Minister Schenck that the American government concurs in the view that ‘“‘the presentation of the counter case would not affect the position assumed. by Great Britain on the question of the indirect claims.” Mr. Disraeli expressed a desire to have the papers produced. The Premier promised that they would be submitted to Par- liament at an early day, taking occasion, apparently well timed for his purpose, to praise the people of England and the people and Congress of the United. States for their forbearance in refraining from attempts to embarrass the general question. The latest English note to Washing- ton had not been yet answered, and when the American reply was received Ministers would inform Parliament, freely and fully, on the subject. Disraeli was again distinct in his warning against indirect damages by implication. Lord Granville was more decisive in his remarks than Mx. Giad- stone. England retains, he says, her right to withdraw from the Geneva arbitration should the ‘differences on the subjoct of in- direct damages not be settled.” Earl Russell alleged that the Ministry had placed the country in a difficulty. His Lordship gave notice that he will movo in the House of Peers, ten days hence, an address to the Crown praying that Her Majesty shall instruct that “all proceedings before the Arbitratioa in Genova be suspended until tho United States withdraw their claim for indi- rect damages.” Lords learned in the law fol- the franchise and not to build the road. The people have asked for a good, sound, practi- cal charter, under which they could secure a strong, responsible and concentrated city government, and the Legislature, having made its bargains, has been trifling over an impracti- cable, visionary scheme concocted by a set of highly respectable dreamers and theorists, without any intention to pass any law at all, unless it might be in the shape of a few patchwork bills under the provisions of which they might secure for themselves and their relations a few more municipal offices not now in the proper hands, The charter of the Committee of Seventy is certainly not such a law as should be given to the city of New York. At the best itis an experiment, and a very unpromising one at that. No representative at Albany under- stands it, the people of New York have not asked for it and the newspapers almost unani- mously condemn it. As amended in the Senate it kept in place some good officers, but left untouched the most glaring absurdities and errors of the original scheme. It still imposed upon the city the absurd ‘‘cumulative voting” principle, and it committed the out- rage of abolishing the present excellent and independent Dock Commission, and gave that important department over to the politicians as their prey. The Assembly refused to con- cur in the Senate amendments, and now a conference committee of the two houses has been appointed to consider the points in dis- pute. The chances appear to favor the de- feat of the whole charter; and certainly, if the Department of Docks is to be abolished, and the important work commenced. by the present Commissioners is to be abandoned or interfered with, it would be better that we should be left to live still under the present law. We therefore insist that our legislators shall at least so far respect the wishes of the people of New York and the in- terests ot the city as to leave the present Department of Docks untouched in any tin- kering they may do in the last hours of the session. Their record is bad enough; let them not defy public opinion by Interfering with a Board of honest, intelligent, responsi-- ble citizens who are laboring faithfully and well for the public good, and whose compre- hensive plans of improvement are certain to impart a wonderful impulse to the progress and prosperity of the city. No person has asked the Committee of Sev- enty or the State Legislature to interfere with the Department of Docks. It is a piece of impertinent meddling that can have but one object—the desire to control the patronage of the Department. On the other hand, two or three hundred of our most wealthy and enterprising commercial houses and the agents. and proprietors of all the great shipping lines in the city have pati- tioned the Legislatnre, whatever may be done in regard to a new charter, to continue the Dock Commission as a separate and independent department of the city government, These firms, who have an enormous interest in the commercial prosperity of the city, know full well that the labors of this department are destined to have an important influence upon the future business of the port. If the plans of the Commissioners are suffered to be car- ried out without. interference we sball soon have magnificent river streets two hundred and fifty feet wide on the North River side and two hundred feet on the East River side, with a solid goanite bulkhead wall and piers projecting from it, allowing the free flow of the tide undezneath. Along these two splen- didriver streets can run the viaduct railways leading to Westchester county, and afford- ing magnificent avenues for travel and freight along the entire water front of the sity. The steamship companies have already made propositions to the Dock Commissioners for renting a nomber of the principal piers, and the rents they have offered are sufficient to provide for the payment of interest upon the total estimated cost of the improvement, ag well as on the value of the land under water covered by the plers; to supply an ample fund for such repairs and expensos of supervision as would fall upon the city, and lowed. Tho pith and marrow of the argument was against the Indirect damages claims ac- knowlodgment by England. The current and aim of the discassion on the part of the opposi- ion was to work the leverage of the volltical leave a balance for a sinking fund fully large enough to meet the principal of the bonds as they fall due, The Commissioners, therefore, only require that the city shall pledge its credit io the issue of bonds to raige the mouey — for the construction of the contemplated work, The taxpayers will not be asked to pay a dollar for interest or printipal, both of which will be amply met by the income already as good as secured by the Do- partment. These are plain facts, and can- not be called in question by the Legislature, the Committee of Seventy or any other party, The present Commissioners of Docks are Joha T. Agnew, Wilson G. Hunt, J. Grenville Kane, William Wood and Richard M, Henry. They are citizens of wealth, character and integrity. No person will doubt their asser- tions, and the statements we make are apon their authority. They are laboring purely for the interests of the city. They show where and how those interests can be vastly pro- moted. Let us see whether a State Lezisla- ture pretending to be pledged to the cause of honest government will dare to interrupt the disinterested labors of such men and to take power away from them to place it ia the hands of political intriguers, Great Increase of Commerce and Immiv gration, It appears from the report of the Bureau of Statistics, lately issued, and published in the HERALD, that there was in the last year, ending December 31, a larze increase both of our commerce and immigration over the previous year. The total namber of immigrants that arrived in 1871 was 346,938, of whom 204,728 were males and 142,210 females. This is at the rate of nearly a thousand a day. Here is an astonishing stream of wealth in the labor of these people brought to enrich our country. In addition to that each immigrant lands, probably, with a hundred dollars in cash, True, many have not this amount, and soma very little, but a large number have more. The average, therefore, will hardly be less than a hundred dollars for each immigrant. The total, consequently, is little less than thirty-five millions, This helps materially to make up the balance of specie demand that the trade against us calls for. The accession of industrial wealth to the country can scarcely be well calculated, but it cannot be less than two hundred millions ef dollars. And thig continues from year to year. Our imports of merchandise for 187) amounted to $572,501,304, and of domestic exports to $445,563,653. Our export of specie, however, was $65,682,342, or, de- ducting $17,399,415 of specie and bullion im- ported, the balance of the precious metals ex- ported amounted to $48,282,927. The total commerce in imports and exports, including re-exports of foreign merchandise and specie, amounted to the vast sum of $1, 127,943,676, The total imports for the year 1871 exceeded those of 1870 $103,078,902, and the exports: amounted to $57,300,178 over those of 1870; Our commerce increased in one year, imporis and exporis included, $160,379,080. This is gratifying evideace of the progress and wealth of the country, and shows that we are recovering fast from the depressing influences of the war. The only drawback to this flatter- ing commercial exhibit is in the depressed and’ declining shipping interest and carrying. trade, through which much of the profit of our commerce goes into the pockets of foreign- ers. Nearly two-thirds of the tonnage en- tered and cleared in our ports in the foreign trade was not under the American flag. Yes, nearly two-thirds of it was foreign shipping. In the last year the increase of our tonnage employed in this trade was only a little over two hundred thousand tons, waile the foreign tonnage increased nearly one million three hundred thousand tons, thus showing rela- tively that we are going far behind all the time. Here is an important fact which ought to make an impression. upon Congress—a fact’ that ought to cause that body to.repeal the ruinous Registry law and to permit our capi- talists to buy ships wherever they can get them cheapest and best. The great want now is aw increase of tonnage, corresponding, at least, to the growth of our commerce, and, asa consequence, a much larger share of the profits of the carrying trade. President Thiers Still Distrus: President Thiers, who was understood to be somewhat favorable to the idea of transferring the French Assembly from Versailles to Paris,. has concluded that for the present the As- sembly must remain where it is.. Yielding, however, so far, to the pressure which has been brought to bear upon bim, he has de- cided to hold. his receptions in that city. This last can only be regarded as a sort of compromise, In refusing to transfer the Aesembly from Versailles to Paris President Thiers has in our judgment acted wisely and. well. Noman kuows so well as he does that in the past the presence in Paris of the various departments of the government has made it easy for Paria to dominate France. Since the days of the first revolution nothing has been more true than that Paris bas been France, During the protracted period of the first revolu- tion, and again in 1880, in 1848s and in 1870, this fact has been abundaatly illustrated. It was the advice which the Herarp gave to President Thiers when: first he came into power to use his best efforts to maintain the government and the Assemby at Versailles, and thus be away and safe from the influence of the Paris mob. Wa referred to our own example and also ta that of the New Dominion. Washington, aq the headqnarters of the government of the United States, is preferable to New York or Philadelphia, and Ottawa is a safer govern- ment centre, away among the woods as it is, than woold be Montreal or Quebec. France has found out the danger of having its govs ernment ina gveat, populous centre, and unless we greatly mistake the same experience begins to be associated with London, with Vienna, with Madrid and with Berlin. {n present cir~ cumstances it would certainly be a hazardous experiment to transfer the Assembly, and so make Paris the headquarters of the govern- ment. The Communalis killed, but tho Inter- national lives, and President Thiers is not without reason for dreading the Paris mob. ; We are sorry we cannot praise the President | 80 heartily for consenting to hold his recep tions in Paris, It is a compromise, as we have said—a compromise made all but a necessity by tho pressure which has boen brought to bear upoa him; but, as it seams to us to indi- cate a willingness to maks Paris, as soon aa possible, the headquarters of the government, we cannot say we like the concession, The Parliament canaot conveniently hold its meet~ of Paris —eEE=7=——— °°» ——_ a