The New York Herald Newspaper, April 6, 1872, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. No. 97 AMUSEMENTS THIS AFTERNOON AND EVEHING. BOOTH’S THEATRE, Twenty-thira st, corner Sixth ay. — Tux HUNOUBACK. Matinee at 13s. WALLACK'S THEATRE, ‘THE VETEKAN. Matinee—; ‘oadway and 13th street — THA. LINA EDWIN’S THEATRE, 720 Broadway. —THE PALAOR oy TauTs. Matinee at 2. ’ GRAND OPERA HOUSE, corner of Stu ay. and 2a sh LALLA Kooku. Matinee at 2. NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway, between Prince and Houston sts.—POLL AND PARTNER Jox, Matinee at 2 Fourteenth street.—-ITALTAN ACADEMY OF MUSIC vening—CONORRT, Oprea—Matinee—IL TRoys WOOD'S MUSEUM, Broadway. oorner $0 st. —Perform- ances afternoon and evening—-HUNTED DOWN. FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, Twenty-fourth atreet,— ARrtoLe 47. Matinee at 9. ST, JAMES! THEATR: way.—Tux New Hick wenty-nivhth strast and Broad- Matinee at 2, BOWERY THE. SALLY SMART—OUT OF THE Fine. Mat Broadway.—TWR BALLET PAN- Matinee at 2. OLYMPIC THEAT! Tomine OF HuNrTY DUMPryY. mrs, fF. B, CONWAY'S BROOKLYN THEATRE.— Frou-Fxou. Matinee at 2 THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 Broadway.—Couto Vooat 1KMB, NVGKO ACTS, ULIU6 THE SEIZER. Matinee. UNION SQUARE THEATRI Fourteenth at. and Broad- way.—NKUO AOTS—b UE, BALLET, £0. Matinee. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE. No. 901 Bowery. — NEGRO LCOENTLICITIFS, BURLESQURS, &O. Matinee. BRYANTS NEW OPERA and 7th avs,—-Beyanr's SE, 934 st., between 6th Matipee at 2, THIRTY-FOURTH ST. nue—VARIRTY ENTER’ Sa r TRE, near Third ave- BAN FRANCISCO MINSTRE THE SAN FikANCIScO MI NEW YORK CIRCUS, Fourtesntn street. -SORNRS IN (HE RING, AcnOuATS, kc. Matinee at 2%. i See \ NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, 618 Broadway.— Borrnor AND A turday, April 6, 1872. CONTENTS OF TO-DAY’S HERALD. Paces, ” A—Advertisements. 2—Advertisements. S—Tne State Capital: Senatorial Sins Analyzed and Discussed; the Case of Senator Wood; Corrupting influence of Tammany Thiev Cross Fires on the Supply Bill in the Assemb! Republicans and Democrats m Words Wa fare; Charges of Bad Faith and Trickery Pre- Jerred—ltailan Opera—Adjournment of the Virginia General Auiairs in Gollision—The Assembiy Sine Die— ae jotake toe - peated rgeant yatr— The Brooklyn Bridge Company Censured— The Swamp Angels: Our Captured Corre- Spondent with the Lowery Uutiaws; Story of His Adventures and Release; Escorting the Queen of Scuitletown; Permitted to Visit Lumberton; Tom Lowery Wants the Yankee Shot; Accused of Being a Spy: Blindfolded and Hurried to the Swamps; re rors; Cojoied and Threatel Saunders?” fhe Outlaws’ Stories; ‘They Say in Tueir Detence; ‘lured of Thei ulfe, but will Die Game. cae What 4—Tthe Swamp Angels (Vontinued from Third Page). 5—The Swamp Angels (Continued from Fourth Pe iat in Congress— Funeral of Protessor Morse: The services at the Madison Avenue Presbyterian Church; The Flags Hal!- Mast on Broadway for the Great Electrician; The Remains Taken to Greenwood Cemetery for Intertient—The Sieg{ried Potsoning Case— Confrmation by Archbishop McCioskey—Ger- man Reform—Obsequies of General Ander- son—Sad Drowning Accident—The Judiciary Gommittee: ‘The Proceedings in tne Case of Judge McCunn—aquatics—Singular Deata—A Burglar Committed. @—Editoriais: Leading Article, “Mr. Disraeli Foreshadowing a Solution of the Alabama Claims Difticulty”— Amusement Anuounce- ments, ‘Y—Editoriais (Continued trom Sixth Page)—Per- sonal Inteliigence—Japan: Atiempted Assas- sination of the Mikado in Jeddo—vabie Tele- grams from England, Ireland, France, Ger- many, Spaio, Italy and Greece—News from Washington—Misceilaaeous Telegrams-—Busi- ness Notices, §—Financial and Commercial: Exotting Times in the Money Market; The Interest Rate of Stocks Advances Fitty rer Cent; A Slight Ad- vance in Gold; Government Bonds Steady and Firm; Heavy Importsof Foreign Dry Goods— Uncle Sam’s Gold—England in a Dilemma: ‘The German Press on the Alabama Question— ‘The Kight-Hour Movement—Meeting ef Iron Founders—New York City News—A Pocket- en Grabber Nabbed—Excitement in New- wn. @—Interesting Proceedings in the United -States, New York and Brooklyn Courts—Marriages and Deaths—Advertisements. 10—The Robeson Investigation—The French Arms Fizzio—Retorm in the Filteentn Assembly Dis- triet—Hoboken News—Provable Murder—Do- mestic Broils—On the War Path—Obituary— Local News—European Markets—Snipping to- telligence—Advertisements. 11—Adverusements. 49—Aaveriisements. Tar Spanisn ELgcrions.—Up to the date of our latest news, the elections in Spain have resulted very mucli as we have already in- dicated. In some provinces, as was to be ex- pected, there has been trouble. The minis- terialists, however, seem to be oa the road to victory. The Electoral Colleges have not yet completed their work ; but so far they have elected to the Cortes sixty-seven ministerial- ists as against twenty-six coalitionists. It is @ significant feature of the elections that Madrid, the capital city, has gone dead against the Ministry. Tae GerMAN Press ON THE ALABAMA Craims.—Quite a change has come of late over the German press and the manner in which it treats the Americau demand on England. At first it was inclined to be somewhat hostile; now it appears friendly enough, and not only seems to think that our demands are fair, but that England will not dare to refuse to pay them. England is not in a position to refuse in case war should prove the result of refusal. In an article from a German source which our Ber- lin correspondent furnishes, and which is pub- lished on another page, the reader can form some impression ot the German idea of the disasters which would befall Ingland in case of war becoming the arbitrator in the settle. ment of the Alabama claims. Fatner Gavazzi En Rovre vo rae Unirep Srares.—In company with Rev. Mr. Thomp- son, of Pennsylvania, Father Gavazzi, the well known Italian priest and brilliant writer, is on his way to the United States, It is un- derstood that he will leave England for these shores in the steamship Russia, The Padre visits the Christian churches of America in the interest of the Free Church of Italy—a church of which he may be regarded as the founder, and which, from all accounts, is | making some proggess. It will not be wonder- ful if the eloquent priest should make some trouble when he gets among us, He bay a bitter tongue in his head, and he knows how to use it to make strife, If he makes an honest endeavor to keep the peace we know 00 reason why we should not wish bim success ia his mission. If, however, hé comes here for the purpose of stirring up religious strife, we cannot and will not wish him Godapeed, NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, APRIL 6, 1872—TRIPLE SHEET. } Mr. Disraeli Foreshadowing a Solution of the Alal a Claims Difficulty. The speech of Mr. Disraeli at Manchester confirms what we bave said all along about the trouble with England over the treaty to settle the Alabama claims, The difffeulty springs from ‘political considerations, or the political necessity of the British Ministry, and has been nursed for a political object. We say the difficulty springs from this, for, at the same time that the British government pre- tended to be astonished at the claims for con- sequential damages set forth in the American case, it knew that these claims had been brought before the High Joint Commission, and had never been abandoned. The British government had every reason to believe that the claim for consequential damages would be submitted by the United States to the Geneva Conference. It must have been convinced of this when the treaty was signed, for the mat- ter had been discussed by the Joint High Com- mission, and was left open. No bar to the claim for consequential damages was inserted in the treaty nor insisted upon by the British Commissioners, though the qnestion was dis- cussed. If it had not been understood as an open question, and that the United States were not at-liberty to submit this claim to the Ge- neva Conference, the British Commissioners would undoubtedly have insisted upon a clause in the treaty barring the claim, just as the American Commissioners had demanded that any claims for Fenian damages should be excluded, The difficulty arose, then, with the British Cabinet from an afterthought as to the political use that could be made of it. The Gladstone Ministry thought, no doubt, that making a great noise over this question would feed national vanity, awaken national pride, touch the English in that most tender spot, the pocket, and strengthen the power of the Cabinet. We now see what dangerous ground the Gladstone Ministry ventured upon, and the Premier himself may cow bave his eyes open to this fact. The voice of Parliament and the press responded at first to the strong langnage of Mr. Gladstone and his colleagues when they denounced the American case as prepos- terous and utterly inadmissible. Public senti- ment, in and out of Parliament, appeared to be almost unanimous. Mr. Disraeli and the opposition united with the rainisterialists in declaiming against what was termed the absurd pretensions of America, All this must have beer flattering to the Ministry. For the time Mr. Gladstone seemed td have united all parties and the public on & great and delicate question, and ho thought, probably, that this promised a long lease of power. But politicians, however prominent, are uncertain in England as else- where, and public sentiment is fickle. Mr. Disraeli evidently believes be sees in this Ala- bama cclainfs difficulty an opportunity to seriously damage the Gladstone Ministry, and, perhaps, to overthrow it. He, too, has an afterthought inspired by political considera- tions. A new light has illuminated his mind since this fresh Alabama difficulty was first sprung upon Parliament and the country. Judging from the telegraphic report of his speech delivered at Manchester, published in the HERAxp yesterday, he intends to take the solution of this trouble away from Mr. Glad- stone and to settle it himself. It may turn out, therefore, that Mr. Gladstone has over- reached the political object he had in view, and that he may have fallen into a trap while imagining he was treading on more solid ground. Mr. Disraeli admits that it is impossible for America to recede from her position with regard to the questions to be presented to the Geneva Board of Arbitrators. When we look at all that has been said in Parliament and by the press, at whit Mr. Disraeli himself has said, and at his position, this is an extraordinary admission. It is the most important indi- cation that has yet come from England that there is a way still open for an amicable settlement. Of course Mr. Dis- raeli does not contemplate war, and therefore, when he says the United States cannot recede from the position taken, it is natural to sup- pose he has some peaceful mode of settlement in view, and that in which the British Govern- ment will have to yield. True, Mr. Disraeli is reported to have said, in the course of hi remarks, that he believed the record of Minis- terial incompetence would be sealed by the ultimate acknowledgment of the principle of indirect claims, the results whereof must be fraught with utmost danger to England; but this must be taken as merely a political tirade against the Ministry. He wants to head off Mr. Gladstone on this question of admitting claims for consequential damages, and in a sort of rhetorical display talks of dreadful re- sults. The great opposition leader, who wants to unseat Mr.’ Gladstone and to take his place, has too much sense to believe there is any danger to England by ad- mitting what he calls the principle of indirect claims. He knows well that if even these so-called” indirect claims were allowed by the Geneva Board it would only result in the payment of some millions which England can very well afford to pay. He knows, also, that as the case now stands it is only a ques- tion of whether these claims shall be sabmit- ted or not, and that, if submitted, it is just as likely they will not be allowed as that they will, Take it at the worst for England the damages would not be overwhelming. Mr. Disraeli’s apprehension is merely assumed, or affected for a political purpose. His object is to make it appear that Mr. Gladstone must stultify himself by ultimately yielding to America, and that this will prove disastrons, But Mr. Disraeli, who is not responsible for the Washington Treaty and the blunders of the government, would find a way of solving the difficulty, if in power, and throw the odium, if any odium there should appear to be, upon the Gladstone Cabinet. This is just the game of politics he is now playing. After re- | viewing the past and present treaty negotiatious for a settlement Mr. Disraeli said there was but one course for England, painful as it might be, when she received the American case, with its extraordinary demands. This was the course he would have taken: He would have appealed to the good feeling and good sense | of the Americans, stated the difficulties and invited a confidential conference, at which they might be explained. He then condemned the government as the cause of the public alarm and indignation which existed. It is worthy of note that Mr. Diaraali delivered this speech at Manchester, the great cotton manu- facturing centre, where there must be a strong desire for a peaceful settlement of the trouble with America. The other remarks he made, lauding the English system of government and its monarchy and aristocracy, were only buncombe for tory consumption; but his at- tack on the Gladstone administration for en- dangering peace between England and the United States was just the thing for Man- chester. “Dizzy,” as the Eaglish call him, beats our politicians in cunning. * Looking at the embarrassing situation Mr. Gladstone has placed himself in by taking such decided ground against the American case, and at the improbability that he can now turn completely round and consent to the Geneva Board deciding upon the question of consequential damages, the best chance of an amicable settlement, perhaps, will be through a change in the Ministry. So far as Mr. Gladstone represents the liberal, progres- sive spirit of England and the times the sym- pathies of the American people are with him; but as there is really little difference between one leader and another, or one party and another, when in power, and as the present difficulty with England concerns us more than the local politics of that country, we care not who holds the reins of government so that peace may be preserved and justice done tous. Mr, Disraeli is the most plausible of politicians or statesmen, and full of resources, He might do what Mr. Gladstone may find it impossible to do. We think, indeed, he has foreshadowed in his speech at Manches- ter a solution of the difficulty about the Ala- bama claims, and that as this is the para- mount question now occupying the public mind of England he may ride into power on it. He does not, it Is true, definitely state any plan, of settlement, but as he admits the United States cannot recede from the position taken, and that he would, if in power, appeal to the good feeling and good’ sense of the Americans, state the difficulties and invite a confidential covference, at which these diffi- culties might be explained, there is reason to suppose he would prepare the way for a peaceful and satisfactory adjustment, The Pro Rata Freight Bill in the State ate=Mousieur Tonson Come Again. The Railroad Pro Rata Freight Bill is an old and familiar visitor in the halls of our State Legislature. Nearly every session it makes its appearance sooner or later, and asa matter of course it is always found ‘‘down among the dead men” at the final adjournment. ft is one of the oldest, and sometimes éne of re a ea Ce b the mdst tisefui of thé lobby telief measures, and generally furnishes sufficient funds to pay up back board bills, whiskey scores and wash- ing accounts at the end of the session. This year it comes in as a sort of dernier ressort, and in the absence of Tammany and Erie, the probable failure of the underground rail- roads and the general lobby famine at the State capital, is clung to tenaciously as hold- ing oyt the very last hope to the cravings of the hungry members. In the Senate there has been a fierce struggle to keep it still alive, in order that the ‘railroad kings may realize the necessity of using solid arguments in favor of its defeat, but not, of course, with any hope or intention of passing it into a law. After a disgraceful scene of confusion in the Senate on Thursday, the adverse report of the committee on the bill was agreed to; but at the evening session that action was recon- sidered and the report again laid on the table. So, although there is little chance of any other result when the battle is again fought, the useful bill still lives and there is hope for the strikers yet. The idea of prorating way freight on New York roads, when other rival lines to the West running through other States have no such restrictions placed upon them, is entirely absurd. It would simply destroy all New York roads if persisted in and enforced. The Pennsylvania Central or the Baltimore and Ohio roads cut down their through freight to the very lowest point—probably run their through freight trains without a dollar profit—in order to compete with the New York routes for the carrying trade of the West, They make up their profits, however, by charging fairly re- munerative rates for way freight. If a pro rata law should exist in New York and no where else the New York lines would be com- pelled eitber to lose money on their way freight or to give up all attempt at competi- tion to rival routes, and thus lose the Western traffic and ruin the commerce of New York, This is a plain proposition, and hence comes the conclusion.that pro rata laws for our rail- roads, if enacted at all, should be passed by Congress, and should apply to all States alike. There is no question that great railroad cor- porations are too apt to misuse their power and to impose upon the public, The stock of the New York Central, which, upon the basis of the actual value of the road, should be about forty millions, is dishonestly raised to represent one hundred and five millions, The Erie stock is, in like manner, ‘‘watered” more than fifty per cent. In order to pay dividends upon all this bogus, fraudulent stock, the peo- ple are taxed in extra rates of fare and freight, and in the extra cost of groceries and dry goods in the West and of produce in this city. The remedy for this evil lies with Con- gress, Itcan be reached oaly by a general law of the United States regulating the issue of stock and making such other provisidns as are needed fur the protection of the people. A single State can do nothing, because any special legislation to accomplish these objects is taken advantage of by other States to push the interests of the routes in which they are interested. Congress has the constitutional power to pass such a law under its authority to regulate commerce among the States, and, if reforms are needed, as no doubt they are, they should come from Congress, and not from the Legiglatures, It is notorious that the Pro Rata Freight bill is introduced in Albany for the sole purpose of inducing those interested in our State railroads to pay money for its defeat, The same men who go io the State capital aud urge the intro- duction of the bill return to Wall street and volunteer to become the agents for its defeat, ‘There is neither statesmanship nor honesty in the measure, and the sooner the Senate re- peats its first action of Thursday and gives it its final deathblow the better will it be for the character of the Legislature. At the same time it would be well for Congress to consider the subject. and see If some general law oan- not be enacted to protect the people and to accomplish the necessary reforms in railroad management, “The Swamp Angels”—Social Disorder in the So ‘An Evil Resalt of the War. We this morning close our present chapter of the “Swamp Angel” story. It is long since a matter of such romantic interest has attracted our attention. In our early days we had tales of outlawry in the extreme South- west and in the Territories outlying Mexico. We had also our pirate romances on the Spanish Main. But the popular heroes of our sensation literature have been rather among the Indian chiefs gnd pioneers. We have not canonized a robber like Jack Shep- pard or Claude Duval. Our most distinguished horse thieves have been generally hanged by a vigilance committee, with no one to write verses about them or transmogrify them into dramas or, imitating Bulwer, enamel them with the unhealthy fame of Paul Clif- ford. We prefer Leatherstocking and Buffalo Bill to all the Robin Hoods and Dick Turpins that ever defied the laws of England. Is it because we are better than our brethren over the seas, who still mourn for the comely bandits who were swung from Tyburn tree? We do not care to say that; but the question brings up a suggestion over which our philoso- phers should brood, Let them tell us what makes robbers and pirates atiractive to the éGommon mind. It cannot be said that the common mind is essentially bad—that it would, if it had its way, scuttle o ship for her treasures, or pistol a way- farer for his purse. May it not be that, poverty. being a condition of mutiny against society, the poor man naturally sympathizes with the more daring and reckless classes who draw the sword against mankind, and execute upon us their revengeful will? Have we not escaped the sentiment from the practical absence of poverty from our civilization, and in its stead do we not give expression to our naturally restless and nomadic spirit by hon- oring the pioneer and the soldier? There is always a reason for what we call “popular opinion.” Robespierre represented something more than his nature, Men like Robespierre are expressions of their time. The French Revolution was necessary to his career. In another time he would probably have been an old and eminently respectable justice in Arras. We are all of us more or less expressions of our generation, and our charac- ters as well as the public opinion to which we contribute are mainly influenced by events— by war, pros ration ip business, good hai oats, rellgious éxcliements an Tovivals thé dis- coveries of gold and diamonds, the introduc- tion of a new class of opera. We saw how the nabobs grew up in England after the exploits of Hastings and Clive, and the return of the rich men from India with their suddenly- gained wealth, their social ostentation and their craving for dignity and recognition. We saw the rise of the “‘shoddy” classes after our own war, their splendor and fondness for show and their evil influence upon customs and manners. The amusing feature of the Tammany régime was found in the Americus Club and the profusion of diamonds and trin - kets which distinguished our municipal rulers. We might multiply instances to show the effect upon our society of the war and the Tammany reign, but our subject this morning leads us into graver and more depressing con- siderations. The war which gave us “shoddy” has also given us in the South problems which may well vex and tax our wisest statesmen, After the war and the conquest of the South chaos was inevitable. The whole social economy was distracted. The industry of the great Southern States was paralyzed. The old systems of slavery and large landed es- tates and the monopoly of staple crops like cotton and sugar, rice and tobacco, were de- stroyed. Capital was absorbed by the war and the interruption of commer- cial relations with the outside world. Strange influences dominated. The haughty, highly-bred, educated classes were under the ban of disfranchisement, and their pride and self-reliance broken by the de- feat of Lee. New men came into the South, mainly adventurers from the North, craving political distinction and wealth, and with them acted the ignorant, docile negroes, who were lifted from the slave cabins to the ballot box. These classes, hostile to the traditions and custo.ss and pride of the South, warred and preyed upon it. And hence we have seen strife succeeded by disorder. This reign of disorder has one result in the career of the Lowery gang in North Carolina. We are apt to consider Lowery and his fol- lowers as so many outlaws seeking immunity in the impenetrable forests and swamps of North Carolina. Buta careful reading of the interesting narratives of the Hgratp, whose correspondent has emulated the daring and enterprise of his comrades in Africa and Mexico, will show, we think, a deeper rea- son. It is possible in any country, and especially a country under the peculiar influ- ences of nature which manifest themselves in North Carolina, for a dozen wicked men to fly into the swamps and carry on a predatory war upon society. But if this were attempted, even in North Carolina, under the ordinary tranquil conditions of society, the State pride, the sense of outraged justice and the necessity of sustaining the laws would compel their ex- tirpation, even if an army were needed. Law would not be worth the parchment upon which it was written were this otherwise. Painful as the scandals of Erie and Tammany and the whiskey ring have proved themselves to be, the unchallenged and permitted existence of a gang like that commanded by Lowery would do our institutions more harm in the eyes of the world than all combined. These men are not simply robbers. The grievance that drove Henry Berry Lowery into ontlawry was one that would have stirred the deep and lasting anger of many more civilized men. There can be no doubt that his father was shot down by assassins for political reasons in a time of great political excitement. It is believed that the murder was doue because of some fancied devotion to the Union or kind- ness to Union prisoners upon his part. With the blood of the Indian and the negro in their veins, tempered and fired by the Scottish tenacity and independence of character which come wiih their mame and their ancestry, it was natural that they should take a Highland vengeance upon their enemies. The step once taken. one act of revenge ac- complished, and this an act of deliberate mar. der, there was no return to society. So the swamp, which was their refuge, became their home, There is excitement and apparently immu- nity enough in the life of an outlaw, especially in a country as interesting and impenetrable as the North Carolina swamp regions, to make adventurous men welcome it. When society has po power to guarantee protection to its people it is almost impossible to exact obe- dience to the laws, These tramps see that in the South there is really no assured law. They know that all over the South men who served in the war with courage, and who have the blue blood of the old ruling race in their veins, have formed Ku Klux clans for purposes of political ter- rorism. These are suspicious, superstitious men, and they ask naturally, why should the public opinion which encourages and gene- rates the Ku Klax clans make war upon them? The clans kill and plunder at midnight, under masks and garbs. Why should not they kill thelr enemies in broad day and rob a bank when they want money? The spirit inspiring the Ku Klux rests with them. In the beginning they had wrongs—the result of their vengeance was outlawry. Society has nothing for them but the gallows, and yet society does not rebuke a group of disguised young men burning a negro schoolhouse, or for shooting a carpet- bag Congressman sitting on his hearth. There may be no reason, law or logic in this. Be- cause men kill their neighbors under a Ku Klux mask, Lowery is not justified in killing men by process of open and deliberate assas- sination, But this maxim belongs to civiliza- tion, We can understand it in New York; but there is no such civilization in North Carolina, In the North the existence of a Lowery gang in any neighborhood—say in Long Island or in the Adiron- dacks, or down among the Jersey pines, or near any settlement of citizens, would be fol- lowed bya general uprising of the people, who would pursue them as they would pursue a tiger ora pack of wolves. But no such thing is seen in Robeson county. The people tolerate and rather admire their Lowery gang, and would, no doubt, protect them as far as possible in the event of a military pursuit, This is what we mean when we say that the existence of a gang like these “Swamp Angels” shows a deeper cause of discontent than would appear upon the surface. We fear we shall continue to have these phe- nomena of outlawry until the South is thor- aushly puaed podreepeiucla I pal fication and reconstruction mus. Come instruc- tion. We must smite the Lowery gang and the Ku Klux clan with the strong arm of the law. We must remove from the South by general amnesty and wise legislation those irritating causes which underlie and, in many respects, justify the universal discontent ex- isting among its people. Then we must send the schoolmaster and the missionary. A good, painstaking missionary (Archbishop McClos- key or Bishop Simpson could name one in an hour) would do more good in Robeson county than a regiment of soldiers. Let there be law, then justice, then mercy, and above all, light. Let us deal with the South upon these principles, and we shall have no more romantic scandals like what we print this morning in North Carolina or in any other Southern State. Pregress of the Morm Farce=The State of Deseret. The Legislature of the prdposed State of Deseret met at Salt Lake City on Thursday last. -Erastus Snow was elected President of the Senate and F. D. Richards Speaker of the House. Yesterday the House elected William H. Hooper and* Thomas Fitch United States Senators. The Senate concurred in the elec- tion of Hooper, but adjourned after nine un- successful ballotings for the second Senator, Fitch lacking only one vote of an election. This action, so far as the Latter Day Saints are con- cerned, perfects their share of the business re- quired for the admission of Deseret to the dig- nities and self-government as one of the States ofthe Union, barring the little difficulty of Mormon polygamy. The Saints have adopted a State constitution, in which we believe they promise, when convenient, to abolish polyg- amy, and on this promise they count upon their recognition as a State by Congress; but we fear that all they have done to this end is “Jove’s labor lost.” .It will be remembered that the Prophet Brigham tried this Deseret State experiment over twenty years ago; but in view of Mormon polygamy the movement was treated as a farce by Congress then, as it will bet reated now. The case is too transparent to deceive even the most stupid squatter sovereignty men of Con- gress. The Mormons of the Territory of Utah number well on to & hundred thousand, aliens chiefly, against a few thousand American Gen- tiles, If we admit the Territory as the State of Deseret, under the constitution which the Saints have provided, they will soon show us what they mean by their dubious promise to abandon polygamy. They will at once calla State convention to revise their State constitu- tion, and will so amend the charter upon which they were admitted as to make polygamy the supreme law of the Commonwealth, and all other things subordinate to the supreme rights of polygamy. All this, of course, is as well understood in Congress now as it was twenty years ago, gnd the chances for the admission of the State of Deseret, subject to Mormon po- lygamy, are no better than the prospects of Alaska. But there should be no further in- dulgence of these Mormon vagaries by Con- gress. The House of Representatives, for example, should by resolution declare that the admission of the Territory of Utah or of any Territory into the Union asa State with the appendage of polygamy, under any pretence whatsoever, is simply out of the question; and that the people of Utah, therefore, need not make any further application for recognition as a State until they shall have, by law and in fact, abolished this abomination of Mormon polygamy. An emphatic declaration from the House of Representatives to this effect is needed to bring theso Mormon polygamists to their senses, But how are they to abandon polyg- amy when it has become the first and the last commandment of their religious creed? Leave them in their Territorial condition, and, with the co-operation of Congress, leave them to the discipline of President Grant: strengthen his hands fn his efforts to remove this blotch, this scandal from our republican system, and he, with the aid of the Pacific Railroad and those recently discovered gold and silver mines of Utab, in bringing in the Gentiles by hundreds and by thousands, will quietly settle the question, In the very organization of the republican party its mission was declared tu be “the abolition of those twin relics of bar- barism—polygamy and slavery.” Slavery has been completely extinguished, but the polyga- my against which this declaration was directed, still flourishes, General Grant, under many embarrassments, 1s doing all he can do for the removal of this evil; but this State organiza- tion under Mormon polygamy calls for some action on the part of Congress which will give those Saints distinctly to understand that henceforth, neither under the government of a State ora Territory can Mormon polygamy be recognized or tolerated by Congress. Let the two houses give a helping hand to the President, and this ‘twin relic” will soon dis- appear. Tho Funeral of Professor Morwe. Amid the genuine sorrow of a whole people all that was mortal of Samuel Finley Breese Morse was yesterday consigned to an honored tomb among the glades of Greenwood. The great, feverish, busy city did not halt in its ceaseless round of activity, but over baok, hotel, warehouse and public office the Stars and Stripes hung at half-mast, and, waving grandly in the April breeze, told, better than if the muffled drums were beating in every street, that the sun had seen its last of the great electrician now no more, An account of the moving ceremonies at Dr. Adams’ church will be found elsewhere, with a note of some of those who felt happy in honoring themselves by being present at his funeral; how some came in carriages and some afoot and how the poor, mistaken parsimony of a city officer took off a carriage or two from the funeral cortége, and how the great outpouring of the people's heart flooded the parsimony out of sight. The great ma- terial profit of the life of Morse, and its lesson of usefulness as a precious heritage, remain to us. Day by day we can enjoy the one and contemplate the other. It is but a day or two since we thought of Professor Morse as an in- ventor who had been well and fitly honored in the calm eventide of existence. Now his des- tiny has been fulfilled and the scroll rolled up; he has passed into the sphere, not of the great lives that dazzle us a moment and are quenched, but of the rare beings who, when the white Se gf Aeath 2 98, Petween, ug ind thom, vailing them momentarily, next are seen as bright fixed stars in the firmament of fame. He was of the world’s heroes of the peaceful way—men whom republics should most de- light to honor, because their object has been the improvement of mankind. Well may a nation build up bronze and marble to the great war captains who in terrible times have stood like giants between them and annihila- tion. There isa key of hot, human passion to the triumphs Rome heaped on its soldiers. There was and isa fierce pride in glorifying the death-dealing conqueror, whose power ‘and prowess are reflected back on the people that produced him, until, from a diffusion of this spirit by the lapse of time, his memory burns a red planet in the eyes of all the world. Our hero, Morse, met at the outset with none of the romantic halo that dances round the statesman and the general. It was a struggle against ridicule and indifference, but with an unwavering trust that bore up against it all, and the true mettle of genius that will assert itself in the end. As Galileo met with scorn and persecution, as Hervey was frowned on by the doctors of his time, Morse was scorned and frowned on until the world, by plain demonstration, discovered its mistake and hastened generously to rectify it. Of the merit of his discovery and its appli. cation we need not go into details, The in- ventor of the telegraph first made articulate the deep-pervading electricity of the rock- breasted earth. This will be his claim to last- ing remembrance. We need not, then, be- come transcendental in his praise ; the simple record speaks volumes. His true monument will be in the hearts of his countrymen and wherever the tinkle and click of the Morse in- strument serves 4s a vehicle over immense distances for the transmission of thought. Not the least claim of Franklin to grateful memory are his essays to fathom the depths of the mysterious power that was the raw material on which Morse labored to construct his tele- graph—a power whose essence and influence, subtle and intangible, we have not yet mastered any more than we have learned the full secret of the old rocks in whose bosoms it had so long lain buried and silent. But, incomplete as our knowledge may be, we can look back with self-gratulation to the not distant time when its sole sign to man for untold ages was the lightning flash and thunderbolt that taught only a lesson of terror in the unknown physical power that toppled man’s habitations, shivered and splintered the mighty trees of the forest and wiped out in an instant the life of the living beings whom it touched in its lurid visitation, These are some of the thoughts that will rise when the name of Morse is mentioned. But as Americans we feel a greater and more direct pride in him, He was man of whom no carping history-maker of the future shall say that it is time to fling the cloak of adulation from abont him and make visible the deformities hidden through the decency of his contemporaries out of that immemorial courtesy to the newly dead which comes to us crystallized in a Latin epigram, As the mortal remains of Professor Morse were laid to earth, amid the sym- pathy and sorrow of a mighty nation, in the fall hope of a glorious resurrection, so we can commit his name and fame to pos- terity in the certainty that neither critical malice nor heart-eating envy can ever remove or tarnish one leaf of the cypress-twined olive crown that garlands his memory to-day, Of the lesson of usefulness of his life we have spoken more than once since the venerable head, silvered with its fourseore years, first felt the Death Angel's gentle touch on its mas~ sive brow, but we cannot end our heartfelt tribute without pointing once more the differ- ence between the service of humanity and the vassalage of glory in the enduring words of Peter—“‘All the glory of man is as the flower