The New York Herald Newspaper, March 26, 1872, Page 6

Ty NEW YORK HERALD —or BEQAE WAY AND ANN STRERT.- “6 vs - < t eeemmnammmmnner atta JAMES GORDON BENNETT, i PROPRIETOR. Volume XXXVII.. see No. 86 = —— AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING, OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway.—Tue BALLET Pan- TOMIME oF Horry DuMPTY. BOOTH'S THEATRE, Twenty-third st., corner Sixth av. — Ag You Lixe It. WALLACK'S THEATRE, Broadway ani 13th street. — THE VETERAN. GRAND OPERA HOUSE, corner of 8th av. and 33d st Latta Rooxn, NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway, Houston ste.—La BELLE SAVAGE. between Prince and 8T, JAMES’ THEATRE, Twenty-eighth street and Broad- way.—MABBIAGE. WOOD'S MUSEUN, Broaaway, corner 30th st. —Perform- ances afternoon and evening—LURLINE. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery—HUNTING & TURTLE— BurraLo BILL. . FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, Twenty-fourth street. Frovu-FRov. MRS, F. B. CONWAY'S BROOKLYN THEATRE.— SEs oF Ion PARK THEATRE, opposite City Hall, Brooklyn.— ‘burra.o Bi. THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 Broadway.—Cowto Vooat- 18M8, NEGRO AC78, AC.—JULIUS THE SEIZEB, UNION SQUARE THEATRE, Fourteenth st. and Broad- way.—NEGRO ACTS—BURLESQUE, BALLET, 40. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, No. 201 Bowery, — NFG@RO ECCENTRICITING, BURLESQUES, 40. Matinee. BRYANT'S NEW OPERA Hi and 7thavs.—BRYANT’S MINT! THIRTY-FOURTH STREET THEATRE, near Third ave- Due—VARIETY ENTERTAINMENT. Matinee at 2 SE, 232 at., between 6th LB. SAN FRANCISCO MINS’ THE SAN FRANCISCO MINS’ PAVILION, No. 688 Broadway, near Fourth st.—Gaanp Conosrt. s HALL, 885 Broadway. — NEW YORK CIRCUS, Fourteenta street.—SozNes 1m THE RING, AcROBATS, AC. NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, oo XBW, FORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, 618 Broadway. TRIPLE SHEET. New Yerk, Tuesday, March 26, 1872. CONTENTS OF TO-DAY’S HERALD. Pace. 1—Advertisements. FoAivertisemensa. ‘The Swamp Angels: Our Correspondent Amon: the Lowery Bandits; A Week in the Hands 0 the Lowerys; A Three Mile Horseback Ride Through the Swamps and Woods; The Mother of the Lowerys; Knody Lowery, {ne Queen of Scumetown; Face to Face with the Terrors; Reading McQueen's Story of Killing Boss Berns: A Night in Rhody Lowery’s Cabin; The Life of the Hunted Men; The Bandit Chief Dead; Terrible Tales from Terrible Tongues; Released from Bondage; Presents from_ the Bandits and Faith in the HERALD; ‘Ihe Chiv- alry on Outlaws and Enterprise. 4—The Swamp Angels (Continued from Third Page)—Past, Present and Prospective—Speech of Senator Wilson on the Position and Pros- cts of the Republican Party—A Dishonest Servant—A Jersey Guilloune—A Man Skinned Alive in Trenton—The Explosion at Trenton— The Japs in Jersey. S—Financial and Commercial: Erie Looms Up Anew; The Race Between the London and New York Markets; Money Easier; Gola Sveady—Domestic Markets—Interesting Pro- ceedings in the New York and Brook Courts — Mysterious Disappearance ‘arl Vogt, of Brussels—A Wife Beater—Ex-Gov- ernor Bullock’s Conduct—National sources of “The Alabama the Revenue. 6—Editorial Leading Article, gee lon—English Ignorance of America— r, Gladstoue’s Expedieats’’—Amusement Announcements, 7—Editorial (Continued from Sixth Page)—The War in Mexico—Cable Telegrams from Eng- land, France, Germany, Spain, Italy and | Cuba—The State Legislature—Miscellaneous Tel ms—Italian Opera—Business Notices, 8=The en Vouchers: Baulch and Hagerty in Court and Their Counsel Eager for ‘Their ‘Trial at Once—Emma Gouch, the Alleged Biackmailer—Marriages, Birth and Deaths-—- Advertisements. 9—Advertisements, 10 — Washington: Warmoth, Pinchbeck and Their Louisiana Henchmen at the Capital; Senate Tariff Tinkering—Retribution: A Gi! rious Day tor Jersey City—Smallpox—Ship- ping Intelligeace—Ad vertisements, 41—Adyertisements, 12 ~Aavertiseme! Tne REVOLUTION IN MEXICO is on the eve of collapse, to judge by our special despatches, which speak of nothing but disastrous defeats lately sustained by the revolutionists. Iadeed, so complete was the victory of General Rocha, and so crushing the collapse of the revolutionists near Zacatecas, that the fate of the whole struggle appears to have been decided in that one battle, which is generally looked upon as the death blow to the revolution, But there is little hope that the failure of the rebellion will put an end to the present reign of anarchy and red-handed robbery in the unfortunate republic; for Mexico cannot be ruled by Mexicans. Tue French Prosecr or Taxine Raw Materiats for use in manufacture has been abandoned for the present by the government, and will not appear in the Thiers budget, Queen Victoria has just passed through Paris on her trip to Berlin. Ir Suourp Be Borne i Minp that the Liberal Republican Convention is to be held in Cincinnati on the first Wednesday in May, which occurs on the first day of the month. The affair should not be made a muddle of in consequence of a misapprehension of dates— only, Eri ApvANcep Eicut Per Cent yester- day—viz., from 52 to 60—holding the rise to the end of the day. The dealings were on a very large scale, verifying the prediction that Erie, with an honest board of directors, and WEW YURKK HERALD, TUESDAY, MaKCUH 26, 1872.—T2IPLE SHEET, The Alebima Question—English Ignorance | ‘ef America—Mr. Giadstone’s xpedients. There ie a lesson underlying this whole Alabama discussion that should not be for- gotten by those who look for a genuine under- standing between the United States and Great Britain. The English newspapers seem to have awakened from a kind of editorial stupor and to find that their clamors have been premature and vain. On one side we have seen a press that is regarded as a model of decorum and dignity, free from passion and impulse, wrought into a state of high anger over the aggression, the chicanery, the perfidy of America. The humorous journals have had cartoons peculiarly offensive to the United States, Uncle Sam being compared to the Butcher Baronet Tichborne now in New- gate, while Punch has singled out the HzRaLD for especial censure and ridicule. Mr. Glad- stone has dissolved himself into a correspond- ence with some anxious Bohemian, while Mr. Disraeli has no keener subject for his taunts than the embarrassments of the Ministry; Even the Daily News, the one journal which has been especially kind to America, has had a series of paroxysms of the most dangerous character. On the other hand, the American press, which bas gener- ally been regarded as sensational, and: Ameri- can statesmen, who are supposed to be some- what empirical in their ideas of law and comity, have shown a calmness and a dignity in the discussion that have surprised their English critics, The English view of the question has been ably supported on both sides of the Atlantic, it being an extraordinary fact that many of our leading journals in New York are under the control of subjects of the English Crown. While in England the tendency of the press has been to affect continental public opinion, and ultimately the Commissioners represent- ing foreign Powers in America, the English press has made war upon the adminiatration as having been guilty of a trick or a make- shift, or an effort to control public opinion in favor of General Grant. There is a singular tradition in England that when a President seeks to win popular support he foments an angry feeling towards England, and the average British mind is under the impression that the whole difficulty is an ingenious experi- ment on the part of President Grant to secure his re-election; that England is to be harried and vexed and teased to induce the Irish to support his canvass, and that when the elec- tion is sure there will be no more questions raised. On the contrary, we see the reverse as plainly as can be seen. This whole ex- citement was simply the necessities of the Gladstone Ministry, taking advantage of the ignorance of England—perhaps we should say the incredulity and jealousy of Eng- land. We remember in Mr. Dickens’ Pick- wick sketches the author makes one of his characters advise another that if he desired to earn some money he should visit this coun- try and write a book abusing the Americans to pay the expenses. That Mr. Dickens was serious in his humorous suggestion was shown in his following the example himself shortly after, The English mind has always been prepared to believe anything of America that was discreditable, and the English news- papers in this country have pandered to this infirmity by belittling American institutions and holding up England as an example that we cannot too thoroughly imitate. The evi- dence will show that the English Minister fol- lowed the same line of reasoning, and that he took advantage of a constitutional infirmity of the English character to secure his administra- tion from the danger of an excitement on domestic questions, When we speak of a constitutional infirmity of the English character we do not mean it in an offensive sense. The English mind cannot forget that the Americans were rebels; that our grandfathers held the same attitude to the Crown that the Fenians hold to-day. Our nationality is, therefore, tainted, and by the measure of his loyalty to the Crown and his adoration of sacted majesty the English- tan looks with suspicion and aversion upon a nation that sprang from treason, and the heads of whose founders should have bleached on Temple Bar. He bas seen this treasonable confederation, with its rebel flag, rise in less than a hundred years to have more population than Great Britain itself, and with a territory capable of support- ing as many people as China. He thinks with mortification and regret of the failure of the statesmen of George the Third to retain these splendid dependencies, and feels that but for successful rebellion England might to-day be mistress of the American Continent and her fleets controlling the Pacific and Atlantic, But for that rebellion the empire of Great Britain, stupendous as it is, would have reached a splendor dimming that of Rome, and making it truly the ruler of the world. The Parliament Houses of Westminster would have representatives from India and Australia, Canada and the United States. This union of colonies, which to-day would have been the the dice not loaded, would be the great feature of the stock market, The speculation is even wilder in London, if we may judge from the cable quotations. SEHRSEYMEN have more reason than ever to be proud of their little State. The crush- ing blow given to monicipal corruption in the Court of Oyer and Terminer at Jersey City yesterday will be hailed with satisfac. faction, even in this city. The first of the trials for municipal frauds has resulted ina verdict of guilty against every member of the Board of Police Commissioners and the Chief of Police. Will the Legislature at Trenton take the lesson? Senator McPherson's bill to repeal the Jersey City charter comes up to-day, and it should receive a unanimous vote, greatest appendage of the English Crown—the true centre of its wealth and power—the “Greater Britain,” as Sir Charles Dilke puts it—has not only been rifted from the empire but presumes to contest with it the supremacy of the seas. We can fancy what the English think of America when we try to feel what our own feelings towards the South would have been, had it secured its independence and advanced to empire, So, when the rebellion came, the Eng- lish welcomed it with the joy the North would feel, if we learned that Texas or Louisiana had taken up arms against the Southern Con- federacy, Of course England wished that re- bellion to succeed, and of course the mighty power of England would be used to encourage our downfall. In addition to this the average Tae FirTeeNTu AMENDMENT rose up like a | English mind is in an astonishing state of dark spectre before the astonished Assembly last night in the person of the Rev. Mr. ignorance concerning the United States. Of course the English are intelligent, well read Rhodes, who prayed for the unfortunate | and inquisitive, and there are many of them bone hunters with zeal and fervor. He is the first colored gentleman, in the history of the who are thoroughly well informed concerning this country and its institutions. But, as a State, who was permitted to rush in the face | general thing, the people know as little about of Providence in this way. We like the inno- vation. White chaplains are unfortunately our people, our laws and customs, our geog- raphy and our resources, a8 we ourselves too much given to addressing the Throne of | know of Chins or New Zealand. Itis impossible Grace in reference to bills in committee, and | to read an English book treating on America, demanding spiritual interference in close Political contests. The New York Legislature | cackled « long time about the fifteenth amend- ment, and behold! here is a colored clerical Chicken come home to roost and crows or @ leading article on American affairs in a London newspaper, or even the notes of as keen an observer as Dickens, without seeing mistakes for which an American schoolboy would be whipped, It is mainly because the RR — ee English press ignores Amerioa,’ We read the London newspapers and see among the cable telegrams from this country little more than a despatch announcing the arrival of foreign steamers, the price of gold and of Erie. When an event as important as the overthrow of Erie or the Orange riots takes place there are three or four vague lines. Beyond this America {is a dead country to England. The newspapers tell nothing of American life— nothing but the extravagances of our laws and legislation. On the other hand, the Heratp prints despatches from England as full as from Washington, The American reader is every morning informed as to events in England, the debates in the House of Com- mons, the movements of the Queen, the tone of the London press on grave questions—every circumstance that affepts the well-being of the English people. As a consequence, there- fore, America is fully informed of every phase of English feeling, and whon a question like the present becomes prominent in the diplo- macy of the two countries our people are well informed and can decide for themselves, and cannot be cajoled into a panic by any adminis- tration. To the absence of this knowledge of America, added to the constitutional infirmity of the British mind, so far as this country is con- cerned, we attribute this panic. The English were disposed to believe the newspapers and the Ministry when they were told that our case was a surprise; that it contained pretensions utterly unfounded; that we had in some way deceived -the English diplomatists; that Lord Ripon and. his colleagues had signed one treaty, which upon examination proved to be another; that we had dealt with the great nation as Warren Hastings and Lord Clive were in the habit of dealing with the effemi- nate princes of India. When the journals talked of indemnity for Fenian invasions of Canada it was believed that Canada had been invaded and we were to blame in some degree. So from worse to worse, misrepresentation following misrepresenta- tion, until England was roused as one man—angry, defiant and ready for war. The Channel and Mediterranean fleets were set in motion, business was paralyzed, and more money really lost by that reason than would pay the whole Alabama claim. The spectacle of any nation arising in anger and speaking as one man in defence of the country and the flag is the most sublime that can be seen on this earth, and there was something terrible and thrilling in this people of England in the attitude of angry emotion, their Prime Minister in trembling and passionate rhetoric speaking of this treaty and the Geneva case as though it were a suddenly discovered “Gunpowder Plot,” and declaring that Eng- land, in the depths of national misfortune, would never submit to it. The Ministry was saved, Mr. Gladstone succeeded in introduc- ing a disturbing element into the Englis, mind ; America was insulted, outraged, cruelly wronged. That was nothing. The Ministry was saved, and American honor would be soothed by the honeyed phrases of Lord Gran- ville’s rhetoric. If the necessities @ the Gladstone Ministry had permitted the Premier to have dealt frankly with England he might have been driven out of power, but there would be a better feeling between the two countries, America would not feel, as she must feel, that her honor was wounded, that her good name was called in question to satisfy the exigency of a debate in the Commons, Mr. Gladstone should certainly be above the constitu‘iontl infirmity of the English mind. He knew the truth, Why was it not spoken? What is the truth? That the American case was in the hands of the English government in De- cember; that the claim for consequential damages was expressly mentioned in the treaty discussions in a carefully prepared paper read by Mr. Fish to the Commission; that the fact of its presentation was telegraphed to Mr. Gladstone; that ne protest was made against its submission to Geneva; that the whole Commission expected it would be so submitted and decided, accord- ing to law, and buried forever, and that, so far from desiring a great sum of money from England, America cared nothing at all about money, and that the highest figure estimated in any discussion or anticipation of the results was about twenty millions of dollars. Mr. Gladstone might have said further that Mr, Fish did right to press these claims, as they were in existence and sh ould be decided. He might have shown that not to press them now would be to make an imperfect treaty—to leave something undetermined—and permit the exist- ence of a grievance which some unscrupulous statesman in the future, under an administra- tion hostile to E ngland, might call into life as a source of anger between the two countries, Wish his wealth and subtlety of rheto- ric he might have showo how Mr, Fish deserved great honor for his com- prehension of the situation and his desire to make a lasting peace. If he was in any way annoyed by the criticisms of Mr. Disraeli he might illustrate his position by certain auxili ary facts, Referring to the Fenian invasion of Canada, about which the English desire us to allow damages, he might show that the Fenians never really invaded Canada; that they were captured by American troops under the command of General Meade, who went to the border for that purpose, and that the General of the invasion was tried, convicted and im- prisoned for two years for the attempt. He might well say that if the Duke of Cambridge, as commander of the British army, had only been hurried to Liverpool and Mr. Laird been put in jail for two years for an offence against the United States far graver than the foolish O'Neill's demonstration on our border at the head of o squad of enthusi- astic Irishmen, English honor would be more respected, He might have added that the Americans had shown no passion when the English advanced to the Board of Assessors now in session at Washington the Confederate loan as a claim in offset to ours, and he might have dwelt upon the passion which would have excited the English mind if, in imitation of this example, we had pre- | sented the Fenian bonds to the same Board for redemption by England. It is possible, wo say, that if Mr. Gladstone had taken this frank, direct, honorable course, and told the whole truth as it exists on the record, and will be so seen whenever it leaps to light, his Ministry would have been embarrassed and perhaps overthrown. but he would have done justice to America—Roman justice, it is true, that would have done him more honor than twenty Premierships, As it Is the attitude of America may well compare with that of England. We have nothing to regret, nothing to explain. While England, blindly and falsely led, and ignorant of the truth, has been in a storm of rage, America bas been calm, confident, patient, our Congress declining even to discuss the question or ask for information concerning it. The contrast will do usgreat honor, The lesson it teaches is that England should take pains to know a little more about America, and there would be no chance for a sorely dis- tressed Minister to save his place at the peril of a misunderstanding between the two nations, General Grant’s Views and Position on the Mexican Question. In the famous Lincoln campaign of 1860, which marked the beginning of a new period in the history of the government and the party politics of the United States, the Hon. William H. Seward, on the stump, taking o sweeping view all round the horizon through the telescope of “mantfest destiny,” fore- shadowed, on the one hand, the extension of the “Stars and Stripes” to the North Pole, and on the other to the Isthmus of Darien, including the Gulf of Mexico and its fruitful tropical islands. His purpose, while adroitly concealing it, was to divert the public mind from the gathering clouds and shadows and mutterings of the Southern rebellion to the illimitable expansion, power and prosperity which awaited us with the preservation of the Union. Yet this idea with Mr. Seward was something more than pecial pleading, as some years later we saw in his treaty for the- annexation of the little volcanic island of St. Thomas, and in his treaty for the purchase of the stupendous Arctic empire of Alaska—that. wonderful Territory where, as he tells us from his own observation, ‘‘the American eagle soars aloft in all his glory, and where even the humming bird dves not disdain to flutter.” Certain volcanic upheavals in the Carib- bean, with their destructive tidal waves, overthrew the St. Thomas annexation move- ment, or otherwise General Grant might have been successful in his St. Domingo scheme. We only want a beginning in the West Indies, in order to go steadily on with the absorption of all those fine islands, great and small, and St. Thomas, if secured, would have been a beginning. Failing in St. Thomas, St. Do- mingo would have served the purpose much better; but failing also in St. Domingo, we are reduced for a starting point to Cuba or Mexico, and either will do. But as Spain appears tobe as heroically attached to Cuba as Mrs. Micawber was to her worthless spouse; as Spain will neither sell the island tous nor give it the generous boon of inde- pendence; as Spain, in short, declares that she will fight for Cuba to her last man and her last dollar, we have just now no choice but Mexico in the opening of our Southern programme of annexation, And here we find that General Grant is sound as a cocoanut, His views on the Mexican question are the views of the HERALD, which are simply the views of common sense in their application to ‘manifest destiny.” General Grant, as a trusty Washington corre- spondent informs us, holds these opinions :— That the resources and capabilities of Mexico {nvite and demand a good government; that no greater blessing could be given that people than a United States protectorate; that such @ protectorate would be a great triumph to his administration and a grand step accomplished in ‘‘manifest destiny ;” that Mexico should not be left to the hazards of European intervention and of another foreign Prince, introduced like Maximilian; that as long as that country is powerless to command respect for its flag abroad or obedience to its laws at home it will be at the mercy of any adventurous Power, and that it would be much cheaper and easier to prevent the landing of a foreign force in Mexico than to drive it out when once fairly established in the country, like the late French occupation under Marshal Bazaine. These are the views of General Grant, in regard to the advantages to Mexico, and to us as her next-door neighbor, which are offered in a United States protectorate. They are sound and satisfactory. But on turning to the other side of the medal he presents usa different picture, in his St. Domingo venture, in the first place, warns him against taking the initiative in this proposed settlement of the Mexican question. He does not care to invite again the misrep- resentations and adverse criticisms that were inspired by his efforts to secure, for almost nothing, the splendid tropical island of St, Domingo. Accordingly he has made up his mind that if, under his administration, there is to be a practical movement for a protector- ate over Mexico, or for annexation, it must come from Congress. But as it is apparent that the Mexican government will not consent to the sacrifice of its independence, he holds that a protectorate on our part means the marching into Mexico of fifty thousand men and the conquest and occupation of the coun- try as in 1846-7, and Congress is the war- making power. And so in regard to Mexico we must, it appears, await the drift of events, The President appreciates the force of that predominant public opinion represented by the HERALD, and would most heartily give it effect and purpose; but he is in the hands of Congress, the law-making power. At any rate the position of General Grant upon this imporiant and momentous question is clearly defined, and is all that can be re- quired of him, especially after the wet blanket thrown over him in his St, Domingo under- taking. An ld bird is not caught the second time in the same net. Now, therefore, we should like to have another test, and a more deliberate one than the last, of the sense ofthe House of Representatives on the proposition of a Mexican protectorate. We all know that General Scott, as the representative of the United States, while he was oc- cupying the ‘Halls of the Montezu- mas,” was offered by a Mexican com- mittee of notables a Mexican dictatorship, but that he refused it because the negro equality of Mexico could not be harmonized with the negro slavery of the United States; and we all know that this supreme difficulty to the incorporation of Mexico of that day no longer exists, and we are not sure that the Mexican government of Juares is inflexiblv General Grant’s experience | opposed to any peaceable scheme tending to annexation, No hero of the hour in Mexico, no djstinguished American in his own country, no idol of — the populace in any country of modern times was ever received by a grateful people with amore cordial and generous welcome than that given to Mr. Seward by the Mexicans, in his delightful triumphal tour through their country some three years ago. They recog- nized him as thelr liberator from the yoke of France and the restorer of their independence, and all that they possessed was offered him, for nothing that they had was too good for him. Can it be imagined, then, that that people who voluntarily proposed a dictatorship to General Scott, as the agent of the United States; that these Mexicans, who in their enthusiastic. welcome of Mr. Seward sought an expression of their gratitude to our gov- ernment for relieving them of their French masters, are wholly unprepared for annexa- tion? We think not, On the contrary, we cannot resist these impressions, that if prop- erly approached Juarez himself may be made a champion of “‘manifest destiny,” and that if judiciously managed all the fighting Mexi- can factions, as well as the non-combatant property holders and property losers there, can be peaceably reconciled to, at least, a United States protectorate for a short time as an experiment in behalf of domestic peace and industry, and security against European ex- tortions and aggressions. We think we have a member of Congress or two from New York wise enough and strong enough to test the sense of the House on the subject in some practical resolution; for we expect that Mexico will be made a question in the coming fall elections for the next Congress. The Lowery Oatlaws—The Lesson of Their ExistencemA Great Herald Enterprise. In the face of a civilization outraged and trampled on we present to-day the story of our correspondent’s sojourn among the out- laws of North Carolina. That he has escaped from thelr clutches is due to no other influ- ences than the generosity of the outlaws themselves and their reliance on the HERALD to state their case to the world as they tell it. Here is an anomaly that we tell the peop'e and government of the United States not to underrate. It presents in all its details, from the swamp whence the outlaws mock their hunters to the sanctum whence the swagger- ing Robeson editors send forth their safe and cowardly defiance to those who would better their condition, a state of things which cries for a sharp and sudden remedy. When the outlaws of Sherwood forest held carnival England was an Anglo-Saxon slave ina Nor- man master’s grasp; when Rob Roy lorded it among the cattle thieves of the Scottish high- lands there was a wreck of the Stuart pre- tender’s fortunes strewn over the land, and his stand was a fierce scorn of submission to those he deemed tyrants and invaders, With the Robeson outlaws these ideal thieves of history have nothing in common save their outlawry. From the time when their dead chief took to the swamps rather than serve as a digger of the rebel fortifications at Wilmington down to the ‘present day we have the story of murders in hate and murders in revenge on one side or the other as thickly as the darkest stories of the half Bavage Oorsioan vendetta. When we turn from the outlaws themselves to the people, white and black, of the States surrounding, the view is almost as discouraging. A sullenness that only changes from its glowering to snap and bark at any ray of light that comes in upon them—to curse it as canines bay the moon—is the sole evidence of their vitality. The clouds of prejudice that so obscure the Southern mind have made their eyes unfit to see things as they are. They cannot see the shame and disgrace that is in their midst without enveloping it in party colors. If it is bad, says the Edgefield Ad- vertiser, itis Grant. If it is shameful, retorts the Raleigh Zra, it is the Ku Klux Legisla- ture. Gentlemen, it is neither. It is the want of manly energy, public spirit and the lapse of social tone among you all that permits it. We make this avowal not to increase bitter- ness, but to bid you fling away the used-up shibboleths of party vindictiveness and go to work like men, Cloaring the outlaws from the swamps would be a small thing if the South would clear the cobwebs from its brains. The escape of our correspondent from the desperate band, with the history of his ex- periences among them, is another victory in enterprise for the Hzraxp to inscribe on its banner, which it is our pride to carry forward wherever on the wide world there is some- thing to be gained for civilization, for humanity. The recital of facts will be found to beggar the stories of romance, and few of the scenes in Poe’s ‘Tales of Mystery” will create a more tentative horror in the mind of the reuder than that of the correspondent led blindfold by the armed murderers through their fastnesses of wood and swamp, with brutal threats hissed in his ears, half fearful jest, half demoniac earnest. But he has come safe out of their hands, and we rejoice at it, May the omen of his safe return be a bright one for our other heroic correspondent out, as this one has been, beyond the bounds of civilization in the gervice of the Hzratp, The gentleman who, if living, is searching in wilds of Africa for the great explorer, Dr. Livingstone, we hope soon to hear, like the correspondent among the Lowerys, has achieved the object of his mission and returned to reap the reward. Successful or unsuccess- fal, we glory in their feats, and in any case keep our reserves ready for fresh trials and triumphs in the broad fleld of journalistic labor. Tne Propner Not Sent to Prisox.—The Mormon Prophet is still comfortably lodged at home, with only a United States Marshal giving him a gentle supervision, The report in the telegram on Saturday that he had been sent to Camp Douglas, on account of the dance and a good high time generally in the City Hall Prison, was the offspring of the misplacement of a comma in the despatch, Brigham Young Hampton is one of the police who are indicted for the assassination of Dr. Robinson, and he is the ‘personage, and not the Prophet, who was sent to the military calaboose. —— Havixe Szen how smoothly the whole machine was working in Connecticut, Senator Wilson has winged his wav to Washington. the_ , The Legislative Scramble Over Rapid Transit for New York—The Advantages of Viaduct Roads To Be Constructed BY the City. The ‘unseemly scramble in the State Legis- lature over the New York Rapid Transit bills has not yet been brought to a close, The Senate has passed two of the lobby schemes— the Pneumatic Underground and the Two-tier concern—while the Assembly has reported adversely to the former and in favor of the rival job known as the Central Underground. This muddle may appear a mystery to those who are not familiar with the history of modern legislation, but is susceptible of easy explanation, The Pneumatic Ring has been made to Include the Senators who supported the measure, a majority of whom are repre- sented in the job through ‘“‘names in the bill ;”, that is to say, each friendly Senator naméa a “dummy” representing himself, who is in- troduced into the bill as.an original corporator. The Central Underground Ring has in a similar mannet secured the Assembly Rail- road Committee aud probably a majority of the members of the lower -house. The two fraudulent may thus bi ily defeat each other, unless, as as already been suggested, they can be united im one comprehensive swindle large enough to afford room for all the spaculators, Sinakes, Assemblymen, lobbyists and Bohe- mians on both sides, In this event the citizens of New York will have to depend upon Gov- ernor Hoffman for protection, and the Gov- ernor is too familiar with the interests of the metropolis to render his action doubtful. In the meantime we shall take care that our cor- respondents at Albany track to their holes and ferret out every incorporator in these impudent jobs, and expose their relations with the legis- latora who vote in favor of the bills, in order that the people of New York may know the sort of men upon whom the franchises of the city are bestowed. The Legislature, we are told, is ‘‘not ia favor of a viaduct road or roads to be con- structed by the city.” Of course not. Io such a work there would be no legislative incorporators and no stock to be parcelled out among Bohemians and lobbyists. The reform Legislature, having been deprived of the Erie Ring placer and the Tammany mine, can dis- cover no jobs more profitable than the New York city railroad franchises, and are unwill- ing to release them from their clutches, Butif any desire prevailed at Albany to secure rapid transit in New York for the public interests a law would be passed at once authorizing the city to build two viaduct roads along the river lines. Close calculations made by men of practical ability and experience prove that such roads would be remunerative even if it became necessary to purchase every foot of the right of way. The estimated cost of the line from the City Hall to the Harlem River, near Third avenue, a distance of seven and a half miles, including the purchase of the land through the blocks for a roadway of fifty feet wide, with sufficient additional land for depots, sidings, engine houses, car sheds and other necessary buildings; the most thorough construction of the viaduct, with four lines of track; the full equipment of the road toa capacity for the transportation of one hundred and twenty thousand persons daily, and the interest on the outlay during the construction, is under thirty million dollars. This estimate, which has been liberally made, does not in- clude the contemplated two-track road from the City Hall to the Battery, which would cost about two million dollargmore. The probable income from this east side road alone, imme- diately after its completion, has been calcu- lated by persons quite familiar with the car travel of that portion of the city to be equal to four million seven hundred and twenty thou- sand dollars a year. This is based upon one hundred and twenty thousand fares per day for three hundred and sixty days, which produces four million three hundred and twenty thousand dollars, and four hundred thousand dollars more for the rental of prop- erty required for the construction of the road but not needed for its operation. The latter calculation we regard as much too low. The road would cross about one hundred and fifty streets, and, besides its street property, would have ample space to rent along the line for storage, cellarage, stabling, &c., all of which is utilized by the London viaduct road. Nor is any allowance made in the -above estimate for the large income certain to be realized from freight and express matter. Raising the rental of unemployed property to six hundred thousand dollars, and allowing only one million dollars a year for freight and express, we have an an- nual income of just upon six million dollars, which we are confident is not too high an estimate, The probable time required to complete such a road along the east side of the city, provided the whole amount of capital was in hand and no extraordinary delay was experi- enced in obtaining the land, is set down by experts at about two years, If the city did the work the entire capital would, of course, be secured at once. The plan of construction considered best is of fireproof material—brick, stone and jron—except for the bearers of the rails. There are no material engineering dif- ficulties to be overcome in the construction of a viaduct raitroad, and whatever difficulties may be in the way are above the ground and visible, and the cost of their removal can be calculated to a dollar, The east side road would, as we have — sald, cross about one -hundred and fifty streets on the line first mentioned, and would pass through an equal nweber of blocks, Work could be prosecuted on each and all of these blocks at once, {f desirable, without greater public inconvenience than would attend the construction of dwelling houses in similar situations, and without any danger or damage to adjacent buildings No interference need take place with any sewers, gas or water pipes, and on the proposed plan of con- struction but little annoyance would be expe- rienced by property owners on the line during the progress of the work, and the road when completed would afford far greater comfort to passengers than would any arcade, under- ground, pneumatic, three-tier, ofijn out or, general combination humbug ever invented as a means of money making by a hungry Albany lobby. The carefully estimated coat of operating and maintaining a viaduct road op the east alde. as above deacribed. is one million five