The New York Herald Newspaper, February 21, 1872, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. Volume XX XVII. ————— AIUSEMENTS THIS AFTERNOON AND EVENING. POOTH'S THEATRE, Twenty-third st., corner Sixth av.— SULIUS CasaR. GRAND OPERA HOUSE, corner of 8th av. and 23a 6h— GERMAN OPEKA—L'AFRICAINE. WOOD'S MUSKUM, Broadway, corner 36th st.—Perform- ances afternoon and evening. —DARLING. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway ani 1uih strest. — ‘Tor VETEVAN NIBLO'S ‘Houston sis 2N, Broadway, between Prince and ox Croox. BOWERY ...cATRE, Bowery—Cnossina THE LInk— Burravo Brit. ST. JAMES' THEATRE, Twonty-eighth street and Broad- way.—MARRIAGE. FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, Twenty-fourth street.— ‘Tux New Drama or Drvoxor. OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway.—Tik BauLET PAan- ‘ToMIME oy HUMPTY Dumrry. Matinee at 2. MRS. F. B, CONWAY'S BROOKLYN THEATRE. — Tur Duxe’s Morro. THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 Broadway.—Coure Vooan- 168, NEGKO ACTB, &C.—DE-VOROR, Matinee at 255. UNION SQUARE THEATRE, Fourteenth at, and Broad- way.—NEGKO ACTS—BURLESQUR, BALLET, 40. Matinee. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, No. 201 Bowery. — NxGRO KOOENTRICITINE, BURLESQUES, £0. BRYANT’S NEW UPERA HOUSE, 28d st., between 6th and 7tb avs.--BRYANT’S MINSTRELS. THIRTY-FOURTH STREET THEATRE, near Third ave- nue.—VARINTY ENTERTAINMENT, Matinee at 2. SAN FRANCISCO MINSTREL HALL, 585 Bi — THE SAN FRANCI8CO MINSTRELS. a4 eetenn PAVILION, No. 688 Broadway.—Tug Vienna Lapy Om OUESTRA. NEW YORK CIRCUS, Fourteentn street.—SoxWES IN ‘tHE RING, Actonats, &0. Matinee at 234. NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, 618 Broadway.— BOIENOR AND ABT. DR, KAHN'S ANATOMICAL MUSE! - Somnow AND Ant. Lea iaaaNariaied TRIPLEX SHEET. New York, Wednesday, Febr CONTENTS OF TO-DAY’S HERALD. PacE. 1 Advertisements, 2—Adverusements, S—Wasmington: The “Sorehead” Senators’ “Cam- paign”’ with the French Arms; Schurz Delivers &@ Stunning Broadside and Several Hgotustical vos; He “Will Stand or Fail” by the Sore- heads; Morton Poars a Galling Fire upon Carl; Excitement in the Galleries; the Diplomatic Appropriation Bill in the House; Russian, Spanish and British Ditticulties; ‘Forney or Creswe.l—The Metropolitan Museum of ‘Art Hop of the Columbia Yacht Ciub—Sudden Deaths in the Station Houses. @—The HERALD on the Nile: From Catro to the First Oataract; Scenes, Incidents and Vicis<i- tudes of the Nile Season; The Slave ‘Trade on the Nue; oing the Good Samaritan Among the gyptians; Reception by the Lieu- tenant Governor in the ’emple of Esna; Two Girates on Their Way to the Centrai Park— Art Matters—The Great Bolt: The Anti-Grant Movement and Its Endorsers; Talks with the Libera: Leaders in the Republican Ranks— ae Movements and Views—Fatal Dummy pasualiy. §S—The kelurm Charter: Enthusiastic Mass Meet. ing at tue Cooper Institute in Favor of its Passage; Proportional Kepresentation De- Jended; Fierce Onslaught on the Office- Holding Remnants of the ‘fammany Ring— Amusements—The Boston Junilee—Historical ue Swindling Sirens: Libby Doris tombs Police Court—Arrest of Shop- it iew York University Commencement Exercizes—Repubiican Generai Committee— Afiairs in Texas—West Virginia Constitutional Convention—A “Git Enterprise’? Exploded— A Lorribie Tragedy—Smalipox in Baltimore— NEW YURK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY YJ, 1872.—TRIPLE SHEET. The Carnival of the Demagogaes—The Senatorial Cabal—The Country Sacrificed to Party. Another day was surrendered to the dema- gogues yesterday, The Senate met, listened to Mr. Schurz and Mr. Morton and adjourned. As we learn from our despatches it was what the reporters would call a gala day. All the galleries were filled, and the lobbies swarmed with dames and gentlemen who could not gain admission to the Chamber. The gallant Senator Fenton came to the rescue of the ladies, and the odd spaces on the floor, the cloak rooms, and the cosey corners around the Vice President's chair were decorated with the gay colors of the ladies of Wash- ington. Instead of a grave and sober Senate, drowsily listening to the still, sooth- ing waters of an old-fashioned debate, it must have reminded our exemplary Vice President of the scenes at the Young Men’s Christian Associations and temperance gatherings which, unmindful of his political duties in New Hampshire and Connecticut, he now and then honors with his exhortations, The demagogues can always attract an audience in Washington; therefore this sin- gular gathering was only what the Senate wit- nesses when there is to be a sharp debate. Mr. Schurz is a master of speech. His style is keen and logical, althouzh there is a poverty in his rhetoric and especially bis coloring, which is not unusual to a man who speaks a strange tongue. The speech of the Senator was marked with taste. There was a logical dis- cipline in bis phrases which satisfies the schol- arly taste; but it was a dishonest speech. The Senator occupied a false position in a twofold sense. Claiming to bea republican, holding an office by the suffrages of a republican State, and owing to that party manifold and distin- guished honors, far beyond that of any young man in the party, he has announced that, in the event of the nomination of General Grant by the Republican Convention, he will not support the nomination, Now, we care nothing about the republican or any other party, and we would sup- port General Grant should he prove to be as worthy as we have ever found him, no matter what party nominated him. But there is a law of honor in politics as in everything else, and by this law Mr. Schurz is open to the suspicion of being a dishonored man. He says to the republican party virtually, “I remain with you to destroy you; I sit in your caucus that I may act efficiently with the enemy; I make republican speeches as democratic campaign documents, because in that way they are more efficient. Were I to go over to the democrats and wear their showing that-we sinned’ as ‘gravely against Germany as England sinned against us in the time of the rebellion, We make these averments on the authority of Mr. Schurz himself, as expressed in his speech in the Senate yesterday. The offence which he committed is not unknown to our laws. In the Fifth Congress, during the Presidency of Mr. Adams, the elder, a statute was passed expressly forbidding any citizen to hold correspondence with any foreign govern- ment, or its agent, with an intent to influence the measures of that government in relation to disputes with. the United States, or intended to defeat the measures of the United States. This is made a high misdemeanor, and the penalty is set down asa fine not exceeding five thousand dollars and imprisonment for a term not less than six months or more than three years. Now, we do not know whether this statute has been violated by Mr. Sumner or Mr. Schurz. That must be determined by those skilled in law and the construction of statutes. There is one member in Congress new under conviction in Washington, and about to be sentenced for the violation of a statute no less binding than that of 1797. We should be grieved to see Mr. Sumner or Mr. Schurz in the dock with ex-Congressman Stokes, of Tennessee, and we shall be glad to hear that the point made by Mr. Conkling, that they may have subjected themselves to this punishment, is unfounded; but the fact that the suspicion of its violation has been aroused, and justly aroused, shows to what desperate straits impatient and ungry dema- gogues may be driven, when they allow for one moment their political necessities to inter- fere with their duties of allegiance, It is plain to the minds of all men that this latest intrigue against General Grant is a most unworthy proceeding. Is there no real ground of opposition to the President that Senators must dishonor themselves as members of a party or run the risk of indiciment for violat- ing the law? Have we lost all sense of that delicate and chivalrous 'oyalty to the republic and its chief which would load us, no matter how frail and weak the administration had been, to imitate the patriarchal example, and walk backward with averted gaze to hide the shame? Can we have no politics untainted with calumny and detraction and disloyalty ? It would seem from the debate of yesterday that all sense of this had departed from the Senate. We see little difference between this Senate of demagogues and partisans who now hold carnival in Washington*and the Senate of Rome in the latter days of the empire, and the Senate of France which tamely registered the decrees of Bonaparte. Beautiful is inde- uniform, I should become as_ help- pendence of thought, and all honor to the manly less as Dixon, of Connecticut, or | Senators who calmly tread the path of duty, Doolittle, or Frank Blair, or poor old Andrew | whatever winds of detraction sweep over it. But it is not independence to make a cow- ardly war upon the President, as the head of a military ring, because he gave offence to a sensitive scholar from Massachusetts, and an irritable and exacting young refugee from Missouri. Nor is there any path of duty which leads into the closets of foreign lega- tions, to find the inspiration of a conspiracy against the peace and dignity and honorable name of the republic. Johnson, out in the political desolation of Ten- nessee. I would be eclipsed, as they are eclipsed, by Thurman and Casserly and Bay- ard. Then, if I enlisted in that party, I could not make terms with it.” When the Hessians and Swiss mercenaries took their money and fell into line they were ordinary soldiers after all, It is surprising tous that Mr. Schurz should willingly occupy a position which no The Chelsea (Mass.) Murder—A Remarkable Scene in a Paterson Church—Alieged Malprac- ce, @—Eaitortais: Leading Arucle, “The Carnival of the Demagogues—The Senatoriat Cabal--The Couniry Sacrificed to Party’)—Amusement Announcements, 7—Editorials (Continued from Sixth Page)—The Alabama Claims—‘teiegrams irom England, France, Germany, Spain, Austria, India and Java- -General Sherman‘s Tour—Italy and the Holy See—Ocean ‘Yelegraphy—The Grand Duke Aiexis—Kuropean and Havana Mar- kets—Business Nouces. S—Emigration Abuses: Tne Investigation by the Legisiative Committee; The Finger Marks of Tweed and Norion—Quarantine Investigation: ‘The Committee on Commerce avd Navigation at Work; Tesumony of Witnesses; .The Health Officer acting According to Law—The Judiciary Committee—City Atfairs— Brooklyn Keiormers—Siokes’ Grand Jury—Proceedings in the Courts—A Belligerent Female —Another Cotton Brokerage Office on Fire—Two Men Killed tn a Quarry. @—Financial and Commercial Reports—Domestic Markets—Another Juvenile Homicide—Pecu- lating Peter—Death of a Reputed Thief=Mar- riages and Deaths—advertisements, 10—Tue Presidenual Campaign: The First Com- plete Piatform for the Coming Contest—Lec- ture by Victoria Woodhul! at the Academy of Music—Proceedings of the New Jersey, Ne- braska and Minnesota Legisiatures—Grand Upera House; “ivanhoe’’—snipping Intelll- gence—Advertisements, W1—Aaverusements, 12—Advertisements. Spzoiz PAYMENTS ARE DxFeRRep for at least two years, according to the opinion of the New York Gold Exchange, which body entered into a lease of their present quarters for a further term of two years from the let of May. Bap News ror Easter WeEEK—The report of the complete destruction of the clove crop in the island of Java, which is telegraped to the Heratp from Batavia. People must remain hopeful notwithstanding. More Disquier ror Jonn Butt.—The men employed in two of the largest breweries in England have struck work. What! no more beer! ‘‘’alf-and-alf” cut off? Worse than the Alabama claims. Misfortanes never come singly. Tne Heratp on THE Nite.—We print on another page of this morning’s issue a letter from our correspondent in Egypt. In the letter referred to the correspondent describes his progress from Cairo to the First Cataract. The description is interesting, full in detail, and will repay attentive perusal. Tae CapinetT Crisis IN Spatn.—Sefior Sagasta has been charged with the duty of forming new Spanish Cabinet. He is likely to organize 9 coalition Ministry, made up of his own immediate party adherents and some few members of the unionist party. This plan may work. Sagasta’s platform of political profession is set forth in his own words to the Cortes in the Hzraxp to-day. Disrurpep ConpiITION oF THE FRENcH Provinoxs.—The news from the French prov- inces continues to be of the most unsatisfactory character. The revolutionary sentiment is everywhere evident, especially in the South of France, and the authorities find it becoming more und more difficult to discharge their duties, Some time since it was reported that @ large quantity of munitions of war was dis- covered at Lyons. This report has been sub- sequently confirmed. Io the capital of the Rhone the revolutionary committees are as active as beavers and are making converts to their doctrines. No matter where we look throughout the French republic, we find mat- ters are getting 60 complicated that a political convulsion, more or less severe, cannot be auch longer delayed, honorable member ofa party can hold. It is still more surprising that the watery-minded leaders of the administration party should for @ moment permit it. This is a grave offence in a political view. However, the conscience of politicians is an easy and yielding influence, and the accepted ethics of party organizations are not always marked by an exalted sense of propriety. But Mr. Schurz has committed a still graver of- fence. He isa Senator of the United States, and whatever honorable enthusiasm and affec- tion he may entertain toward bis Fatherland, his oath of citizenship, as well as his oath of office, compels him to make every feeling sub- ordinate to his allegiance. There is nothing which an independent sovereign State views with more concern than illicit communication between its citizens and subjects and any for- eign Power. When Citizen Genet came to the United States, as the. Minister of the French republic, and endeavored to array the public sentiment of the country against Washington, because of what the impatient Frenchman regarded as Washington’s lukewarmness towards the new republic, he was promptly suppressed, although the political effect of that proceeding was as hazardous in its way as General Grant’s offence against the mys- terious ogre called the German vote, The country was enthusiastic in its friendship for France, and popular sympathy was extrava- gantly in favor of the new republic; but when the French Envoy attempted to invade the dignity of the Executive office the repub- lic was as one man against him. There is no name more infamous in our politics than that of Aaron Burr. His services in the Revolu- tion, his skill in politics, bis extraordinary genius and acquirements, his confessed supe- riority as a statesman and a jurist, did not save him from a fate so terrible that it is mournful even in its just severity. Aaron Burr was certainly the intel- lectual peer of Mr. Schurz or even Mr. Sumner, and at one time stood as high in the esteem of the people. He criticised General Washington, as these eminent Senators have criticised Grant, as a dull, heavy, mediocre soldier and the centre of a military ring, a6 grasping as any ring that has sur- rounded the present administration, He went further in his opposition, for those were fight- ing days, and accompanied the head of this ring to Weehawken one morning and shot him through the body. The unpardonable politi- cal offence of Aaron Burr was that he allowed himself to enter into illicit relations with a foreign Power, to take part in intrigues that menaced the national dignity. Now, we shall not do these Senators the discourtesy of comparing them with Aaron Burr, but his life furnishes an admonition which they of all men should remember. If tbis preamble and resolution and the conse- quent discussion mean anything, it is that Senators of the United States have been hold- ing illicit dealings with the representative of a foreign Power to the injury of the United | State Legislature would fall into error should States. Mr. Schurz confesses that in pre-| it regard it as any indication of the desire paring his case he took counsel of the | of the citizens of New York to be sub- Marquis de Chambran, an attaché of the | jected to the singular experiment proposed in French Legation, Why did he seek this | the Stern and Salomon charter. What our counsel? It was to prove that our government | people really demand and really need is a had violated its neutral obligations to Ger- | strong, centralized, responsible and simple many, to embroil us ina diplomatic difficulty | government, and the sooner the Legislature with that Power, and to prejudice our | gives us one, protected by a sound and efficient own case with the tribupal at Geneva, by Tue Seventy’s Charter Experiment=Tho Committee at Cooper Institute. There was a good attendance of the Com- mittee of Seventy and their friends at the Cooper Institute last night, to hear what the advocates of the experimental charter had to say in its favor. Several speeches were made, in many of which the orators fought over again the battle decided in the last election, and said little or nothing about the charter that is to give us as many votes as a cat is reputed to have lives, and to supply us with a city government in which every political organization, clique and faction is to have a representation. Messrs, Solomons and Sterns, the champions of the theory of cumulative voting and minority rep- resentation, were, of course, eloquent in its favor; but as a general thing the speakers fought shy of the question. No one explained how the little difficulty of the constitutional objection was to be disposed of or attempted to prove the advantages of having mixed com- missions at the heads of all the city depart- ments, some elected by one power and some by another, with no direct responsibility any- where and no direct authority vested in Legis- lature or Executive. There was no argument to prove, for instance, how greatly the despatch of business would be facilitated in the Department of Finance by associat- ing four Commissioners or sub-Comptrollers with the acting Comptroller in the management of our financial affairs. Yeta few words from Comptroller Green, who has so ably extricated the city from a terrible financial muddie, would have been both inter- esting and instructive on this point. Singu- larly enough, it did not occur to any orator to cite the well-known honesty and efficiency of our old, politically-balanced Board of Super- visors, or the incorruptible and honor- able character of the bygone metro. politan and Tammany mixed commis. sions, in which democrats and republicans have been sandwiched together as precedents to prove how admirably the proposed munici- pal hodge-poge of cumulative voting and minority representation may be expected to work. We were told how grand and glorious a thing it would be for every sore-headed pol- itician and dissatisfied conventionist to possess the power of turning his bolting proclivi- ties to practical advantage through the means of the legalized repeating con- templated in the experimental charter; but all were not informed how the citizens were to be protected against dickerings, bar- gains and conspiracies after these conflicting elements shall have been drawn together ina happy family of minority representation over every department in the city government as well as in the Board of Aldermen, The meeting last night, so far as the public sentiment of the city is claimed to have been made manifest at it, was a mere sham. The the interests of New York are too large to be made the subject of an experiment of doubtful constitutionality and questionable wisdom at best. We have had enough of irresponsible government, of mixed and muddled machinery, of anarchy, confusion and corrupt trad- ing and bargaining; and these are the only certain results that can be foreseen from the adoption of the charter proposed by the theorists of the Cooper Institute Commit- tee. Let us now have a practical law to live under, even if the various parties, cliques and factions that assume the character of political organizations should be doomed to remain unrepresented in the city government. The Alabama Question—Our Reel Case with England—Have We Committed Any Favit? The discussions in England on the Alabama case and the tone of the English press demon- strate a proposition that has all along been advanced by the Heratp. The anxiety of Mr. Gladstone to explain his speech at the opening of the session, and to make himself right with his party without invoking the maledictions of the Z'imes and the destruction of his government, shows that the whole clamor against America, so far as the Minis- try Is concerned, is simply an effort to retain power. To make this exhibit clear it was necessary to allege some violations of the treaty, or some subterfuge or trick on the part of the United States. In fact, the only basis of the English discussions has been that our Commissioners in some way entrapped the English Commissioners to sign a treaty which they did not understand or which had a meaning foreign to the letter and spirit of the treaty and its conception by the Gladstone Ministry. : Now, let us look at this phase of the dis- cussion for a moment. If it be true that we took an advantage of the English Ministers; that we signed a treaty which had one mean- ing on its face and another under the surface ; that we made a case and sent it to Geneva which advanced pretensions not warranted by the treaty nor by any of the discussions in‘the session of the Joint High Commission, then we have behaved dishonorably to England, and must either withdraw our case or make due explanations. We cannot af- ford to hold this position, Whatever we may think of the conduct of the English during our war; however we may resent the equipment of rebel cruisers in the Mersey to destroy our commerce, we have no right in a solemn treaty stipulation to go beyond the express understanding of the high contracting Powers, The whole value of our case, as we have regarded it, is that the record will show that in no respect have we taken an advantage of ‘England. We go to Geneva with clean hands. We shall say nothing to the members of that august tribunal that was not said at the treaty conferences to Lord de Grey and his associates by Secretary Fish. The whole mat- ter of consequential damages is not a new thing, but merely a legal expression of an old story. So far from abandoning our claims for reimbursement for the unavoidable losses caused by the Alabama and the other cruisers, we presented them in the deliberations pre- ceding the signature of the treaty. They were contemplated in the protocols, and not to have advanced them would have been un- worthy and improper. As we bave said, our treaty has this value or it is valueless. The whole argument of the English press is that it is void, because of the absence of these claims for consequential damages. Now, these conditions were ex- pressly understood by the English govern- ment, Every point presented and elaborated by the precise and careful author of our case had been considered in the discussions at Washington, The American Commissioners expressly informed the English Com- missioners that there could be no fair adjudication of the matter in issue that did not contemplate the sacrifices of our commerce. The expenses we incurred to catch the English cruisers and the prolonga- tion of the war; whether these claims were valid or not; whether or not the English could show that in some way the inefficiency of Secretary Welles and the apathy of our naval authorities in pursuit condoned the offence, and so relieved England from all responsi- bility; whether or not there were principles of international law which made it improper for the tribunal to award constructive or consequential damages; whether, in brief, we would get one million, or one hundred millions, or nothing, were questions which would have to be decided by the Court at Geneva. By that decision we should be bound. But we should certainly go into Court advancing certain claims, We sbould make our case in our own way. We plainly informed the members of the English Commission what the manner of that case would be. So we, therefore, dispel the illusion which seems to rest upon the mind of the English press and people. The whole discussion, so far as England is concerned, has sprung from the belief that in some way we deceived the English Commissioners. Now the facts are that the reverse is the truth, This will be further seen in our despatches from London, When Mr. Disraeli asked Mr. Gladstone whether the American case had been presented to the English Cabinet early in February, as he had supposed, or early in December, as he had been more recently informed ; whether, as be meant to infer, the case was a surprise to the Cabinet, as an old, carefully considered story, Mr. Gladstone declined to reply. What Mr. Gladstone should have said, had the in- terests of the government permitted, was that whether or not the exact case of the Ameri- can government came to him in December or February was immaterial; that the points of that case were known to him before the treaty was signed; for we are certainly bound to infer that if Mr. Fish, in presenting the Ameri- can view of the Alabama question to the Commission, referred to the consequential damages as a necessary consideration, the circumstance was reported to London. The English diplomatists were men of too much ability and experience to admit of these claims, or to permit them to go into the treaty even by inference, without taking the orders of the government. This is too plain @ proposition to be denied. Know- ing, therefore, that Mr. Fish advanced these consequential damages before submitting election law, the better, The population aud | the protogala: knowing (hat they were, |, We have eerie el a ee AF @pon immediate action on the bill as scon as the Legislature reassembles. Before election the republican party pledged themselves to overthrow the twin monsters of corruption, the Tammany and Erie rings. If they are false to this pledge the people who gave them their present overwhelming power in the State will hold them to a strict accountability, Already it is too well known that the infamous laws by means of which both Tammany and Erie conspirators have been enabled to consummate their schemes of plunder, have been the work of debauched republican Legislatures. The re- publicans now have over a three-fourths majority in both Senate and Assembly, and. they cannot either avoid responsibility or divide it with any other party, for all the legislation of the present session. Let them now sell their votes.once more to the Erie Ring and the Erie lobby, and the people will treat them next fall as they treated the Tam- many leaders last November. duly considered by Lord de Grey and his ool- leagues; knowing that they were submitted to the English Cabinet ; knowing that the Com- missioners had the orders of the Cabinet not to protest against Mr. Fish’s presentation, the conclusion is unerring that this whole case was well known to the English govern- ment, that it was accepted as the proper plea to be made at Geneva, and that it would be met in the proper way with all the skill and genius of the British Council. With this revelation of the truth of this un- fortunate complication which comes to us from Washington and is confirmed from London, where does America stand? Simply where she has stood from the beginning. Sbh® has surprised nobody, taken no undue advantage of her antagonist, advanced no claim that was not perfectly understood in the Washington discussions, The question then arises, Shall we amend our claim, or withdraw a case which is not a surprise to England, but made perfectly plain to her months ago, merely because Mr. Disraeli is anx- fous to overthrow Mr. Gladstone and the newspapers have had another visitation of the anti-American pains? This is really the whole situation, All of this surprise and anger and excitement, these open-eyed and wondering protests of Mr. Hughes, the unfor- tunate after-dinner rhetoric of Mr. Gladstone, which the cable now informs us he regrets and disavows, simply came from the ignorance of the English people as to the real merits of the question and the failure of the government to instruct them. But are we to blame for that? Mr. Gladstone has our sympathies. We would do no harm to his Ministry, but we had no concern with his quarrels with the tories. We cannot go to the world and admit that we were deluding England in the pre- sentation of our treaty, because such an admission would confuse Mr. Disraeli and save Mr, Gladstone. We cannot do this for one paramount reason—that it would be the averment of what we knew to be false and of what England knows to be false. From day to day our case becomes clearer. The position assumed by General Grant and the accomplished and wary Secretary of State grows stronger every day. We have acted in this whole matter with frankness and courtesy. declared our willingness to go into Court and come out without a dollar, if so decided. We cannot recede from that position. It may’ be, as Sir Charles Dilke says, that the English have made this blunder because they had no true conception of America or her institutions. We quite agree with Sir Charles Dilke. We have expressed the same view from the beginning of the discussion, The moral of it all is that America is enough of a country for English statesmen to learn something about its laws and customs, and especially its value of treaty obligations. Progress of the Mexican Revolutionists—Oen. tluuance ef Mexican Chaos—How Long? From our special correspondents in the Northern frontier States of Mexico we have information of the progress of the revolution- ists in that distracted country which warrants the opinion that before the lapse of many weeks President Juarez, driven from the “thalls of the Montezumas,” will be on the trail of his illustrious predecessor,. General Don Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, ‘‘benemerito de la patria,” heading for the island of St. Thomas. How is he to resist the cordon of revolutionary forces closing around him? General Trevino, then commander in Northern Mexico, telegraphs to General Quiroga, near the Rio Grande, that he is moving on San Luis Potosi with twelve thousand men, and would take the city immediately, whence, with his military supplies and reinforcements gained from this important victory, he would push right on to the city of Mexico, Mean- time reinforcements and some heavy artillery are coming down to Quiroga from Monterey to assist him in his attack on Matamoros, which is held only by a small force of the adberents of Juarez. With the capture of Matamoros all the northeastern section of Mexico, from San Luis Potosi to the Rio Grande, will be im possession of the revolutionists. At the same time in the Northwest, in the State of Sinaloa, which is on the Gulf of California, the revo- lutionary General Marquez has defeated the government forces under Pesquiera, capturing their artillery, arms and ammunition. All these reverses to Juarez, following that at Zacatecas, turn over more than half of the territory of the republic (such as it is) into the hands of the revolutionists. And yet again, nearer to the national capital, Porfirio Diaz is gathering strength ; rebel force of two thousand men is in the fieldin Jalisco, and General Maguna has pronounced against Juarez in Colima. So we conclude that be- fore the expiration of many weeks Juares will be driven out of the Mexican government, and that some revolutionary leader, most likely Diaz, will take his place. And then? Why, then we shall have » Cabinet, a new distribution of the spoils, elec- tions for a new President, say Diaz, anda new Congress; then a meeting of the new Congress, then a new tax levy and then another revolution; and all this before the present one is relieved of its fighting factions. And so among these fighting factions they keep it up all the time. One revolution rans, into another in the capital, while in the dis- tant States the fighting factions are still engaged in hunting and driving each other from the field. Of course, in the midst of this continual ferment, there is no security to the citizen or the straager in life or property. Highwaymen flourish, and flourish most oa the most profitable lines of travel; industry’ is prostrated, trade is suspended and all the vast and varied resources of one of the very: richest countries in the world lie dormant or are wasted from these incessant civil broile and wars. As Milton says of the wars of the Saxon Heptarchy, that they were as senseless as the squabbles of so many kites and crows in the air, we may as truly say of these Mexi~ can revolutions. They settle nothing and! they signify nothing but fighting. To besure,' the battles between these hostile Mexican face tions are not very bloody. They are, im fact, comparatively and ridiculously harmless: to the combatants; but they keep the whole country in pretty much the savage condition of Paris under the reign of the Commune, And still the question recurs, how can these evils of our sister republic (such as it is} be remedied? And still the answer is at hand, only by the decisive measures on the part of. the United States of armed intervention and annexation, On the plea of law, order and the general interests of humanity and civiliza- tion, Napoleon established his imperial pro- tectorate over Mexico; on the plea of the Monroe doctrine we convinced him that he was ‘‘in the wrong shop,” and he leftit. In the interests of the civilized world, therefore, the responsibility for law and order in Mexico falls upon us. Half a century of revolutions has proved that the Mexicans cannot goverm themselves; the feartul and scandalous revo- lutionary crimes and disorders established ia that country have reduced it to a conditiom which has less than the claims of a land of savages to respect as an independent Power. All savage countries are considered the lawful spoil of civilized States, and the Mexicans, im the broad political view of the law of nations, are savages; and we cannot afford much longer, in regard to Mexico, to play the part of the dog in the manger. We all regard the ultimate annexation of that fine country as “manifest destiny,” and in this view the policy of waiting until those unfortunate people shall have destroyed. themselves is a mean, cruel and cowardly policy. What, then, is our true policy? It is the simple policy of Napoleon in the cause of civil- ization and humanity—the policy of a military protectorate. Send down General Sheridan across the Rio Grande, with an army of fifteen or twenty thousand men, and let a pronuncia- miento go before him among the Mexicans in- viting them to the equal rights and the pro- tection of the United States, and without rein- forcements from this side his army will be continually strengthened on his march to the Mexican capital. Twenty odd years ago a Council of Notables in the city of Mexico of- ed ye wale gapater, to, General Scott 9, The Erie Railrond Billsa—An Opportunity for the People. There are at present two prominent bills before the State Legislature designed to secure to the stockholders of the Erie Railroad protection for their property and a restoration of their legal rights; the one, Senator O’Brien’s bill, to re- peal the Classification act and to provide for a fair election of directors in July next; the other, the Assembly bill, pressed by Attorney General Barlow, conferring upon that officer extraordinary powers over corporations for the purpose of enabling him to institute summary proceedings against the present directors of Erie and to obtain possession of their books. The two measures do not necessarily conflict ; nevertheless it would be well to withdraw the Assembly bill, which is open to serious objec- tions, and to leave Senator O’Brien’s repeal bill, which is a simple measure of justice, alone before the Legislature. Special legis- lation is at all times objectionable, and of late years it has been too much the practice of our legislators to crowd the statute book with laws designed to meet special emer- gencies or to accomplish special ob- jects. In the eagerness to effect a particular purpose no thought is given to the mischief that may be done in other directions. The present Attorney General may be honestly anxious to reach the Erie Ring for the public good; but to accomplish that end he would place in the hands of Attorney Generals of “the State who may come after him extraordinary powers never before contemplated under our political sys- tem, and liable to be dangerously abused by less scrupulous men. The repeal of tha Classification act, and the assurance to the bona fide stockholders of the Erie Railroad corporation of a fair election of directors at an early day, would render the legislation contemplated by the Assembly bill unneces- sary. The protection of the stockholders’ in- terests would be secured without a resort to extreme legal proceedings. The Erie Ring directors ask nothing better than an opportunity to avert a direct vote by the Legislature on the simple question of the re- peal of the Classification act, The reform majority can justify opposition to such 4 bill as that now before the Assembly committee on a dozen plausible pleas; but to vote against the direct proposition to end the term of office of the present corrupt combination and to re- store to the stockholders of the Erie Railroad the right to say who shall hold and manage their property, is to insure @ reputa- tion as unenviable as that which attaches to the debauched legislators of 1869. Not a single reform member can hope to justify a vote against Senator O’Brien’s bill. To sup- port the repeal of the Classification act and a fair election of directors is not even to oppose Gould, Lane and their associates, unless it be conceded that they are playing the part of freebooters and holding on illegally to prop- erty that does not belong to them. If they enjoy the confidence of the stockholders they will be re-elected; if they do not they have no right to the positions they now fill. To vote against Senator O’Brien’s bill is to vote to confirm lawlessness and fraad, and no one will believe that a representative elected un- der the banner of reform would so grossly betray the cause he professes to uphold with- out having been well paid for his treason. One-half the session is now over, and up to the present time, although the repeal bill was introduced by Senator O'Brien on the first day of the organization of the Senate, a vote has been avoided. The constituents of the Sen- ators who are hanging back from the work v4 / J .