The New York Herald Newspaper, February 12, 1872, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. Volume XXXVIL. 0.00 ceceeceeesseseseree NOs 4B AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING, NIBLO’S GARDEN, Broadway, between Prince Houston streets.—BLaok Geoony” ~ BOWERY on THE Loo: ST, JAMES' THEATRE, way.—MARELAGE. ‘Twonty-eighth street and Broad- STADT THEAT! Nos, 45 and _' I. Pec "RE, and 47 Bowery.—Tann- FIFTH AVENUR THEATRE, ‘Twenty: se aux Naw Diana OF Divouos? sistas tion ZERATER, Bowery—Bor DeTxoT1vE—Ovr OLYMPIC THEATRE, Bi os ‘ToMIME OF HUMPTY ER. Mroodwep. ‘THR BALLET Pan. BOOTH'S THEAT! Twent - Pre ob, RE, ity-third st., corner Sixth av, GRAND OPERA HOUSK, corner of Sth av. — EUROPKAN HIPPOTHRATRIOCAL Courany. Matinee at F ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Fourteenth OPRRA-ZAMPA; OB, THE MARBLE BRIDE eee WOOD'S MUSKUM, Broadway, corn = ances aflernooa and evening. Dannawas nth ereoram WALLACK’S THEAT! i Tue VETERAN, Ry, Bevetwrey ant WE arene TAMMANY THEATRE, Fourteenth street, near Third Buc.—CONCERT AND DKAMATIC PERVORMANCE. bia MRS. F. B. CONWAY'S BROOKLYN - Tur Duke's Morto. paki PARK THEATRE, opposite City Hall, MATTIE MADOAP, THE HOUSEHOLD Inanet Brooklyn.— BROOKLYN ATHENAUM.—M 1 On IRELAND 1N AMERIOA. CEvor's HIDEENIOON, THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 Broadway.—Comic VooaL- 38MB, NEGRO ACTS, &0.—DI-VOROR, UNION SQUARE THEATRE, Fourteenth st. and Broad- Way.—NXGRO AOTS—BURLESQUE, BALLET, &0, THIRTY-FOURTH STREET TH f Bue—VARIETY ENTERVADOMENE Set Tea Third ave. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE. No. 201 B —— NzGRO EocenrRierries, BURLESQUES, £0. shea BRYANT'S NEW OPERA HOUSE, 284 st., Bnd 7th ave.—BRyYaN1’s MINSTRELS, mildkewaddesatun: SAN FRANCISCO MINSTREL HAL! _ The BAN FuaNeisco MinsruaLe, 1 685 Broadway. PAVILION, No, 683 Bi lm iN ianmea roadway.—Tue VIENNA Lavy On- NEW YORK CIRCUS, Fourteentn street. THE Ring, Kosonararae: Pauuandaie NEW YORK MUSE} BOLENOM AND RR SEUM OF ANATOMY, 618 Broadway.— TRIPLE SHEET. New York, = a a CONTENTS OF TO-DAY’S HERALD. , Pace. See aeen a I— Advertisements, 2—A‘iverusements, S3—Washington: The Political Horoscope; Position of the Parties for ine Coming Fight—Obitu- ary—street Openings: Keport of the Com- mittee of Seventy on the Comparative Cost ol Street Openings—Utah Agairs: District At- Torney Bates and Ex-District Attorney Baskin in Wasnington—The Weather—Miscellaneous Telegrapiic and Local 1vems. wmcks 4—Religious: The Eloquence of the Pulpit and Yesterday’s Church Services; the Woman Question in Brooklyn; Beecher and Talmage on the side of Miss Smiley; Father Farrell on the Eucharist; Frothingham on ‘the Atone- ment and Religion of Humantty; Another Crowd at the Brooklyn Academy of Music; Inaugural Discourse of the Rev, Charles N. Baocock. S—Religious (Continued from Fourth Page)—Rev. Mr. Bradiey Interviewed—“Progress of the Nineteenth Century’—The International— Cuba: Latest News from the Theatre of Insur- rectlon—Perils of the Deep—Burned Alive— Tammany in’ Newark: Another Chapter on Sewer Swindles —Row in a Liguor Saloon—A Nobie Jersey Woman's Christian Monument— Robbery on a Car—The Kiump Homicide—The Sixth Avenue Shooting Affray—Fire in a Brookiyn Church, 6—Editorials: Leading Article, “The isnglish Case and the Proposition of Mr. Fish; America Does Not Want Money, but Justice’—Amuse- ment Announcements, 9—Editoriais (Conunued from Sixth Page)—The Wasington Treaty: ierald Special Report from London; England still Anxious tor a Sertiement of the Alabama Claims Bill; Her Fears, Hopes and Impulses as a Nation; Gladstone's Diplomacy, For Honor and Cash Economy; Tne Principle of Gene- ral Resistance Yielded; Minister Schenck Presents an Amertcan Note; The Pre- micr’s Parliamentary Pronunciamento Ex- plained; Prince Bismarck’s ‘Tender of Mediation in Geneva; Grant’s Reply to Granville Looked tor in London—News from France, Italy and Spain—Generai Sherman’s ‘Tour—Massacre in South America—The Dead Primate; Lying in State of the Remains of Archbisnop Spaulding—The Latest (rom Uta, —New Orieaus—Shipping Intelligence—Bus! Monday, February 12, 1872. ness Notices, S—American Boat Racing Abroad: Gallant Siruggie between Two American Boats’ Crews in Villa Francha Harbor, France—Music and the Drama—Kacing Notes—English Sport. tng Notes—A Trunk Horror in France—France 1; Account by an Eye-Witness of the of the Commune—State Legisia- tures—Those Suspicious Characters, @—Proceedings In tue New York and Brooklyn Courts—Another Chapter in the Fifty-fifth Street Elopement Svory—The Revision of ‘Vaxation in New York—Midnight Affray in Jersey—Governor Walker's Ciemency—Finan- cial and Commercial RKeports—Domestic poate Goods Report—Marriage and eauhs, 10—The Army: A Glance at Its History and Orgari- zation; The Legislative Tinkering Which Has Made it a Military Anamoly; fan's New General Supply Bill; The Cry for Reform and the Coming Struggle in Congress; Line and Staff; Suggestions for the American Army of the Future—Chief Justice Jacob Brinkerhot, of Ohio, Favors the sMissourl Liberal Republl- can Movement~A Newark Physician in Trouble—Sneak Thie(—Havana © Markets— Advertisements. 41—The Popular Paroxysm—Anotner Lucretia Borgla—The Internationa! and Gainbdetta—The Haytien Soldiers in Battic—Naval Orders— Advertisements, 12—Advertisements, Minister WASHBURNE, it now appears, is not coming home yet awhile, but will remain at his post. Very well, He has been a faith- ful public servant under many difficulties, and he is at liberty to stay or to leave when it suits him, his heavy work being all done, Wartine.—They are waiting at Washington to hear from London; they are waiting at London to bear from Washington; but we suspect that the silence will be broken in Con- gress to-day on the ‘American case,” or Gladstone’s warlile speech, or on the position of the administration. A Fearrut Massacre or Forrianens by fanatic natives has, according to cable report from Lisbon, taken place in a small town in the Argentine Confederation. Sixty-six foreigners fell victims to this savage butchery before the authorities interfered and restored order by killing eighteen of the assassins. Honors to tHe Brave.—The remains of General Robert Anderson, the hero of Fort Sumter, are expected to reach this port this morning from Fortress Monroe, and we hope that the honors due here to the memory of this brave and patriotic soldier, who opened the war in defence of the Union, will in no re- spect be meglected. Tuk Granp Dvxe is expected at New Orleans this morning, from Vieksburg. East, West and South he has been enjoying a grand time among the people of the United States from his first landing at Castle Garden, and his diplomacy completely demolishes that of Fisk, Catacazy and Gortschakoff, and the “happy accord” between the Great Bear and the American Eagle will not be broken, what- ever may be the upshot on those Alabama Claims, NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, FEBRUARY 12, 1872—TRIPLE SHEET, The English Case and the Proposition of Mr. FishAmerica Does Not Want Money, but Justice. A contemporary prints an article upon our relations with England, which is interesting as an expression of the views of the Secretary of State. The proposition conveyed in this article is, in so many words, to with- draw our case from the consideration of the Geneva Tribunal and accept from England a specified gross sum in liquidation of the Alabama claims. We infer, therefore, that Mr. Fish contemplates this solution as bis only escape from the overthrow of a treaty which has been very dear to him and upon the success of which his fame more or less rests, In addition to this, the very full and interesting special despatch from the HERALD Bureau in London, confirms the news of the situation already printed in the Herap, and show that the English Cabinet will gladly accept any solution that does not destroy the treaty. At the same time, as our despatch from the Heranp correspondent in Washing- ton inform us, President Grant stands firmly upon the ground announced by us several days since. Now, we should be very glad to encourage the Secretary of State in any plan which will avoid war and establish upon a lasting basis the relations between the two countries, If our diplomacy can arrive at that solution it will be well for America, and especially well for England, But let us see where the proposition of Mr. Fish will leave us. The readers of the Hzratp have read the extracts from the English press, the de- bates in Parliament, the extraordinary decla- rations of Mr. Gladstone. Here we have an extract from a private letter written by one of the most distinguished English writers, aman who has never concealed his warm friendship for America. ‘‘What a case is this you send to Geneva!” he writes. “It has put an end to the idea of arbitration as a substitute for war. It will be cheaper to fight another time. Your people have lost a good chance of impressing our opinion finally; of raising the political tone by showing modera- tion and a spirit of legality. However, we were all wrong in the first instance, and when you once begin wrong-doing it has a trick of not ending.” The only construction we can put upon these declarations from liberal, and tory, Cabinet Minister, journalist and pri- vate gentleman, is that England has come to have one mind on this question; that it feels that America, by some chicanery or astuteness, or misrepresenta- tion of circumstances, has taken an advan- tage of England; that we induced the Eng- lish to ‘accept a treaty which meant one thing to our Cabinet and another to the Cabinet of London; that, in short, we behaved to Eng- land as Lord Clive to his Indian negotiator— we made a false treaty and induced Lord Ripon to sign it in place of the true one. This being the position—America having swindled the English—the fault will be over- looked and peace assured if we name a sum of money that will solace our wrongs and thus avoid the necessity of going near Geneva. When the Treaty of Washington was signed the Americans were content. We felt that, all danger of war having passed, we could de- velop our resources, pay our debt, reduce taxation and restore the Union by pacifying the South. We trusted that this spirit of amity would continue until, in time, England and America would see their way to our an- nexation of Canada, thus cementing the Anglo- Saxon nations into an alliance that would make the English-speaking nations masters of the world. We cared nothing about the money part of the treaty. We took little interest in the Geneva Conference. Some of our pub- lic men, familiar with the case, imagined that we might receive twenty millions of dol- lars. No one ever fancied there would be a larger award. Others believed that we would receive nothing whatever from the tri- bunal; that England would offset our claims with a statement of her own injuries, and that the practical effect of the treaty would be to establish certain principles of international law that would hereafter make war very difficult on land or on sea, and that our action would go into history as a precedent that would prevent war. So general was this opinion that when a man like General Butler opposed the treaty his act was so unpopular as to extort admira- tion for his courage, however much his judg- ment was censured. We knew nothing of our case, nor of the case of England. These cases were secret diplomatic docu- ments, and were only published last week in the Heratp, We really cared very little about them. The President had se- lected able counsellors, The Queen would do the same, They would gather in Geneva, and dine and tali and drowsé the summer away, and in the autumn we would quietly hear, at a time when our minds were occupied with other questions—a fire or a curious murder or an exhibition—that the tri- bunal had eaten its last dinner and dissolved. Nay, more, when we were told that the Eng- lish had presented the Confederate bonds to the Board of Assessors and asked their pay- ment by America we showed no anger— scarcely alluded to the circumstance, in fact. We felt that, having gone to a tribunal, either party might make its own case; that England might present the Confederate bonds, and our people, if » they chose, the Fenian bonds, which O’Mahony- printed on sea-green paper a few years since for the use of “che Irish liberating army.” We knew that no extreme claim, not even if it came as did these Confederate bonds, would be accepted by the impartial and able men who sat in judgment. A Atreaty had been made. The views of the two nations had been interchanged. We dis- missed the whole matter to Geneva, glad to feel that we had made peace, and that, to use the words of our distinguished correspondent, we had created the idea that “arbitration would be a substitute for war.” This being our feeling, the sudden spring- ing up of England in angry expostulations and asseverations of fraud is so surprising to us that we can scarcely express our emotions. We look at the American case, as carefully prepared, and consider it page by page, to discern a reason for this sudden and appalling burst of national wrath, We see that every statement in this caso is true. We are convinced that every inference drawn from those statements is logical. We do not read one statement or inference that is unfriendly to England, and we cannot conceive how any one could have been omitted by our counsel without the suspicion of @ grave dereliction of duty. With the memory of the Confederate debt busi- ness before us we felt sure that had Eng- land been in our place every circumstance here printed would have been advanced and argued with clear, merciless logic, and we should have been more fortunate than we were in the Mason and Slidoll affair if the Channel fleet and the Mediterra- nean squadron of the British Navy were not hovering around our harbors to em- phasize the rhetoric of Lord Tenterden and Mr. Montagu Bernard. Of course we had little hope that the Geneva tribunal would accept our case as its verdict. Questions of international law, of intent of the efficiency of our own navy in pursuing the rebels, of the obligations of neutrals, would all be con- sidered, and by a process of judicial elimina- tion a fair award would be made—an award that would satisfy us even if we did not ob- tain a dollar. But England’s traditions do not permit this. The policy of Palmerston, that policy of menace described the other day, which made “the lusty Englishman” a terror to Oriental nations; which was effi- cient when applied even to America in the agony of our own war—controls English statesmanship to-day. We are to be bullied into withdrawing our case, merely because Mr. Gladstone is anxious about the repub- lican demonstrations of Sir Charles Dilke and the tory intrigues of Mr. Disraeli. The old, old appeal to ‘‘the honor of England” is made, and as a sacrifice to this injured honor we are asked to do a dishonorable thing. We are to admit that we really did deceive Eng- land; that we made a case which the treaty did not contemplate; that we took our great neighbor at a disadvantage; that in some Yankee way we were eager to obtain as much money from England as France has paid to Germany. Clearly we cannot withdraw this case! If arbitration is no longer to be a substitute for war, the fault cannot be with America, who now stands before a tribunal and asks judg- ment, but with that England who, from pas- sion or policy, from ignorance, perbaps, or it may be from arrogance, suddenly declares that she will retire from her own tribunal unless we permit her to revise our case as well as make her own. This was the way Palmerston managed the Oriental nations and made his name a terror in Turkey and China. But, not being either Chinamen or Turks, and having no absorbing war upon our hands, we cannot submit to the diplo- macy of menace. We cannot withdraw our case, nor do we see how in honor we can adopt the suggestion of Mr. Fish and accept a sum of money as a solace for our wrongs. We do not want money, but justice. The money suggestion has base aspects. The Americans care little for money; the de- sire for it is altogéther foreign to our charac- ter, and to accept any sum in lieu of our treaty is to say, ‘‘Well, we tried to black- mail England, and we did it.” We should be in the attitude of saying to the world that whenever we get into trouble again the only way of peace is to pay us a sum of money. In plain terms, England buys us off. She makes a bargain, but does not consecrate atreaty, She would despise us for accepting tpis offer, just as the Englishry despised Rob Roy when he assessed them on the high- ways. We do not want a dollar of English money unless it belongs to us, and that must be determined by some tribunal of fair, dis- passioned men like the tribunal of Geneva, There is, we most profoundly trust, a way out of this complication that will do honor to both countries. We have done our best to find one. We now stand before a sol- emn tribunal, agreed upon by England and America. We have made our case, as Eng- land has made her case. If England insists upon flying out of court in a passion merely because we tell our story in our own way and not in hers, we have only to retire in dignity and come home. Any offer of money is only indignity added to indignation. We are not highwaymen or Highland troopers, We went to Geneva for peace, not to make a bargain ‘or levy blackmail, And as for the end, let it come! England will be more anxious to make a new treaty than we shall be to suggest one. So long as the precedents she wanton- ly and selfishly established in the Alabama case remain we hold her in bonds to keep the peace with all the world, If wisdom had ruled instead of anger she might have abolished these precedents, As it is we can wait. A Scoronine Inprorment—The history, in the ‘‘American case,” of England’s “‘aid and comfort to the enemy,” in her neutrality, in her perversions of the law, in her piratical cruisers, blockade runners, cotton loans, arming, transhipping, coaling and victualling stations, &c., during the war of our Southern rebellion. This indictment, indeed, makes the terrible Alabama claims speech of Senator Sumner a mild affair, and hence we are not surprised at this new excitement in England. Her ugly chickens are coming home to roost, and she did not expect such a flock. Tne Metnopist Book Conorry’s TRrovBies, which, like the Schleswig-Holstein imbroglio, seemed to be without beginning or end, are, we are glad to perceive, in progress of settle- ment; and we are inclined to think, too, that the final report thereon will probably be— “Nothing stolen of any consequence, you know, and nobody to blame.” And what says the good book? ‘‘Bebold how good a thing it is for men and brethren to dwell together in unity.” Tuat ti Crry or Brotaerty Love has no mercy on official peculators is seen in the sentence of Marcer, the defaulting City Treas- urer, to pay a fine of three hundred thousand dollars and suffer imprisonment for four years and nine months. Verily the way of the trans- gressor is hard, even in a community of “Friends,” Tue Monte Register proclaims that “Grant is betrayed in the house of his friends.” According to the same authority Grant's friends can have but few houses in which to betrayanybody. The most of them must have been surrendered to the ‘Hero of the Apple- tree of the Appomattox” long ago, Truth and Trash in tho Pulpit. There is a venerable hoary-headed prophecy in the Bible which has its fulfilment in this day, if never before. It speaks of a time of famine, not for want of bread or of water, but of hearing the Word of God. What with the sensationalism which prevails among our religious teachers, aud the loads of trash and twaddle with which Mey cover up the few grains of truth which they pick out of God’s Word, it is scarcely possible sometimes for the hear- ers to do otherwise than doubt everything they read and hear. If the reader should ask us what 1s the leading idea theologically or religiously in to-day’s sermons, we should be compelled to reply that, aside from the ‘‘wo- man question,” they contain no leading idea. Rev. Mr. Woodbury preached the second of the series of Unitarian doctrinal sermons in the Church of the Messiah yesterday ; but we have failed to find a single doctrine enun- ciated therein, He tells us that the glory of Christianity is that it leads the world in thought and spirit, and that there is not a nation under heaven but has felt its influence and been quickened by it into newer life and higher aspirations, But there is nothing doctrinal in that statement. It is a simple matter of fact. He tells us that the mission of Unitarianism is to set the human soul free from the shackles of superstition. If so it has sadly failed. He finds points of agreement in the creeds of others, and he has charity for all; but the reader will probably discover in the closing sentences a gentle tap on Brother Hepworth’s knuckles for the little “muss” he raised among the Unitarians lately. Hepworth, too, is weak and wasby in his utterances, He drew a picture of moral hero- ism—the young man who belongs to fashion- able society, who for his religious principles is sneered at, but who still holds fast to his faith. The weak excuses which men make for their neglect of the requirements of religion he exposed by showing that every man in this land at least has the means at hand of ascer- taining just what God demands of him. If he neglects or refuses to avail himself of this knowledge, he alone is to blame, and he must take the consequences. ‘‘Wrong,” said Mr. Hepworth, ‘‘isakicking gun. Don’t use it; it shoots at the wrong end.. No matter where you aim, it hits yourself.” This is undoubtedly true, and the experience of every wrong-doer corroborates the statement. We have had some very powerful illustrations of this truth in this community recently. The religion of humanity and the atonement were themes of Mr. Frothingham’s discourse yesterday. ‘Jesus,” he said, ‘came with a character which made everybody feel them- selves very black by the side of His white- ness. But He came not as a prince, but as &@ man to shed a perpetual stream of regeneration—a blending together of heaven and earth. We are saved by grace through faith, said St. Paul. We are saved by the Christ of humanity—by faith in the principle of humanity, saith Mr, Frothingham. “Do something, give something; no matter what is done so it be in thought and feeling and @e atonement is effected.” Ab, indeed! is it? Then hath Christ died in vain. If it be of works then is grace no more grace and sal- vation is no more the gift of God, but the merit of our own works. Let the millions of Christendom who, having spent all their money on such physicians as Mr. Frothingham, and have been nothing better, but rather grew worse, testify whether they have been saved after Mr. Frothingham’s fashion or after the Apostle Paul’s. Brother Beecher, while treating a splendid subject in a very inferior manner, yet dsagreed with the pre- ceding parson. Speaking of different classes of men and the motives which prompt them to work either physically or mentally, intellec- tually or morally, he remarked that to make our ideals useful we must join to them Divine strength and a child-like faith in Christ and in the future. Very good. The near approach of Lent led the Cath- olic pastors to give prominence to that solemn season. In St, Patrick's Cathedral Dr. Starrs illustrated the necessity of faith and good works by the restoration of sight to blind Bartimeus, There are four different classes of persons in the world, said Dr. Starrs— first, those who deny the existence of God; next, those who are prejudiced by education and early training; then, again, those who are blinded by passion and worldly pleasures ; and, lastly, the contumacious rebels who know the truth, but who willingly follow after a lie. The only way to convince those persons is to bring them under and within the influences of an infallible and unchangeable Church, and gt hem tule gock nati als 2s for either alone is dead. In St. Peter's church Father Farrell preached on the Eucharist, and in St. Stephen’s Father Vasseur related his experience as a Jesuit missionary in China. He believes that country will be the great bat- tle field of Christianity, and to prepare for the conflict his hearers were urzed to put on the whole armor of God, and victory would be theirs. There are other pulpit productions and religious doings and sayings worthy of comment, but our space will not permit. The mission of the Jesuit Fathers closed yesterday in St. Peter’s church, Jersey City, when several converts from Pro- testantism were received and baptized. Father Coupemann preached on the mercy of God and the extent that men presume on that mercy for salvation, While it is infinite in itself it is not so in its effects, and he cited the fatal experience of old Pharoah and his hosts in proof thereof. We present these and others in the list to our readers to-day, and they can choose for themselves. They may be able, perhaps, with the suggestions which we have given above, to separate the truth from the trash which surrounds it. “A Crry Taxpayer” desires to know if Nathaniel Sands, under an indictment from Judge Bedford’s Grand Jury, is the venerable man “whose sands of life have nearly run out?” We answer, in the impressive lan- guage of Mr. Toodles, ‘‘No, sir; itis not that man, but another man.” Tue Pactrio Matt InvestiGaTion is like- wise getting to be interesting. The Tammany disclosures started this epidemic of investiga- tions, and now it appears that everywhere and in everything where an bonest penny can be turned the wrong way we are no better than the “Heathen Chinee.” Itis the age of brass, with “‘all the modera improvements,” Processions in New York. Senator Tiemann bas come forward to solve ® very difficult question, which has already hazarded the peacé of the metropolis, as well as always causing a great interruption to business; we refer to his bill regulating pro- cessions through the streets of New York, in- troduced into the State Senate last week. So long as the law makes no distinction in the character of these displays, and so long as public sentiment declares that where one has a right to march all have an equal right, the public uninterested in the nature of the demon- strations must look on and suffer the incon- venience, in obedience to the ery of free insti- tutions. Senator Tiemann’s bill provides that, with the exception of the police, the Fire De- partment and the National Guard, all proces- sions must obtain the permission of the Police Commissioners before parading. This permis- sion once given it will be the duty of the Commissioners to furnish an escort, On Sun- days none but funeral processions which are those of acbual burials will be permitted, and it is provided that no music shall be played at these. Now, in the view that these demon- strations—most of them tawdry absurdities, and many of them dangerous to the public peace—have no regulating spirit in the law, it becomes really desirable that some check should be put upon them. This every citizen of common sense will admit; but in a matter where so much passion and dyed-in-the-wool prejudice is concerned the manner in which this is to be accomplished will claim a thousand different interpretations. Given a patriotic and enlightened Board of Police Commissioners, without religious or party prejudices, and the question arises, how many of the processions that have made their affirmations of ideas by walking seven miles in the mud would be allowed to parade? England, in the interest of the peace, had to pass a law preventing rival religions parties from parading in Ireland, and now in her own land sees the danger of republican processions menacing the throne itself, yet hesitates to formulate a ukase against them. To the glory of free institutions demagogues here may be expected to appeal in the face of any law limiting the right to form public processions, and wherever two ideas are opposed the repre- sentatives of each will expect that they should be permitted and their opponents forbidden to parade. We cannot help this, The common sense view would’ be to forbid both or permit both. The difficulty of finding men sufficiently anbiassed on all questions to decide impar- tially is a difficulty that will meet those who consider the provisions of this bill. But we are heartily sick of the noise and cry raised by these demonstrations and the interruption of business which they cause. We could on this account wish that all of them be forbidden; but there are national occasions, international occasions and even party occasions, when to put down the right of procession would be to stifle an expression of sentiment which no free nation can afford. If all processions were permitted to walk and compelled to avoid the main arteries of business we should hear no more of nine-tenths of them; because, what Ancient Order of Hibernians, Knights of St. John, Antique Olio of Odd Fellows, Brigade of Tamfules or Loyal Order of Redhot Orange- men would air their garish idiotcy down the back streets of New York? In the view that a bill of this kind would save us from such ex- hibitions of the weakness of human nature we should be glad of its passage; but we should like to see the rules on which these Commis- sioners would base their permission or refusal more clearly defined. The Chivalry and the Duello. The Louisiana war of factions, which in- duced Congress to send down a committee of investigation to New Orleans, bas taken a new turn, which is, in one sense, the most promis- ing of all, The shooting has commenced, with one Warmothite winged. A number of duels have been arranged to come off, and it is ex- pected that several of the brawlers on both sides will be perforated. Captain Scott has, it is said, challenged Senator Campbell; shot guns are the weapons for those pigeons. Now we would care very little which one was taken home on a shutter, but for a circumstance, Lucien Adams, a democrat, is understood to have challenged Scott, and any one with the joyous soul of a Sir Lucius O’Trigger will see that an accident to the Captain would disappoint Mr. Adams, The inference is obvious, Senator Campbell being honorably riddled is as necessary to poetic justice as the original Captain Scott bringing down his coons. Scott can then turn to Adams. This is an affair of broadswords, and unless Scott has another affair on hand we have no prejudices. To point the healthy moral of this story and to gloat over the fact that no prosaic police will interfere, it may be mentioned that the Police Superintendent by the tenacious name of Badger has challenged the ex- President, Carter. General Emory will, it is presumed, loan them a couple of Gatling guns, so that Louisiana may pick up nothing but tiny pieces of the contestants. We congratulate this suffering people of Louisiana on the joyous manner in which on the Kilkenny cat or “dog eat dog” principle they will get rid of the disturbers of their peace. Where's Bergh? Tue Mazzin1ans made a citizen demonstra‘ tion in Rome yesterday—the anniversary of the proclamation of the republic in 1849. King Victor Emmanuel’: «Mcers did not intere fere with the proceedings. Why should they? The Mazzinian democracy paved the way and ‘made it straight” for the royal lay occu- pation of the city to-day. The secret radical caucus consolidated the power of the Crown of United Italy. Coronet Forney has resigned the snug office of Collector of the Port of Philadelphia in order to give his undivided attention to his newspaper. This is a wise decision; for we need not go a hundred miles from New York to show the disastrous consequences to the journalist when he undertakes to superintend Custom Houses, Post Offices, the general division of the spoils and the Presidential succession. Cmer Justice Brixkernor®, of Ohio, has come out in favor of the Cincinnati Liberal Republican Conventjon, Ho repudia‘es Grant and endorses the reform movement generally. ‘This movement seems to be gradually gather- ing strength, and by, May Day’may blossom like @ May rosa, Beecher and Talmage on Preachers. Tt was but natural to suppose that the ree markable trial of a Christian minister which took place in Brvoklyn last week would, as it did, arrest the attention of Mr. Beecher and Mr. Talmage—the two most popular preachers in Brooklyn, though of different denominations, Mr. Beecher remarked that Miss Smiley had losg spoken in churches, and edification had fol- lowed, and that was the sign that Peter said should authenticate preaching. The simple question before him was, he said, whether the New Testament does prohibit women to speak in the churches? Are these words of Paul of universal application, of all time, everywhere, finally? For himself he held to the view that this command to women to keep silent in church was local, national and transient, and is not to be taken as the final word on this question, And his reasons for this view are that it is not the function of Christianity to determine the external, It aims at the spiritual develop- ment of man by bringing bim into direct com- panionship with God. But there can be no greater imposition upon men, Mr. Beecher thinks, than to affirm that there is in the New Testament any attempt to decide details, What will Revs. Patton and Van Dyke say to this? Ard Mr. Beecher demonstrated this by the fact that there is not one element of organization in the Church to-day that resem- bles those of two thousand years ago, Woman among the Jews, he asserts, was a teacher, a poetess, a ruler, aud the presumption is that Christianity did not step in and paralyze woman's tongue and shut her mouth. This would have been doing violence to the Jewish idea, But Peter's quotation from the Prophet Joel on the day of Pentecost is strong circumstantial evidence that neither he nor his compeers had any right or any design to interfere with this Jewish idea of woman’s work in the Church. “If you undertake to set up the letter of Paul,” said Mr. Beecher, ‘I set up the letter of the Holy Ghost. It was forbidden to women to speak in the synagogues, but this was because the exercises of the synagogues were liturgical and not extemporaneous, and the technical knowledge of this liturgy was not open then to women. There is nothing in all the letters to Jewish Christians that contravenes this Hebrew spirit and custom. This direction of Paul was written to the Greek Christians,” whose women were degraded to a level that we can hardly conceive. After reviewing the condition of .women in Greece Mr. Beecher declared that a virtuous woman was merely a domestic drudge, and that fora woman to rise and speak in the churches would be to endorse courtezanship. Had St. Paul known how stupid people would be in this day he would have added to the words “in Greece” to his prohibition to women to speak, Mr. Beecher honored his brother Cuyler, and gave a rap at the inconsistent Presbyters who could quote St. Paul so glibly against women speaking in church, but not against their braiding of hair and wearing of jewels and _ costly apparel. Mr. Talmage reviewed the condition and treatment of women of different nations, and advocated women voting since ‘‘Eve voted in Paradise to enslave the world in sin and Mary voted in the manger to emancipate the human race.” After showing woman’s usefal- ness in the sick chamber, in the hospital, in the Sabbath school, &c., he came squarely up to the Presbyterian blunder and asked, sar- castically, had Miss Smiley horns or hoofs that his brethren were so much afraid society would tumble to pieces because she preached inachurch? She did not preach treason; she simply told the story of the Cross. Her right to preach to ten or twenty-five was not questioned; why should her right to preach to a thousand be? Petticons THE Repupiican REvoLT 1 PENNSYIe VANIA.—The Pittsburg Commercial (repub~ lican) judges from the tone of the republican press of Pennsylvania that the revolt against the action of the State Committee is becoming quite extensive, and adds :— Now that Colonel Forney has joined it, it is likely to grow. #is known reiations with General ed not to refer to the fact that he holas the leading {1 eral sppointment in the State, confer significance on his course, State conventions are the makers of fundamental law for the party, and can do what- ever they please, follow explicitly or disregard wholly the action of the State Committee, There- fore the whole suvject 13 in the hands of the repub- lican masses. Afew more “revolts” of this kind will en- danger republican supremacy, not only in the Keystone, but in other States that have been regarded as friendly to the administration. The French Indemity to Germany—Whyp France Does Not Pay It at Once. M. de Rémusat, French Minister of Foreign Affairs, does not approve of the idea of a na- tional voluntary subscription movement for the purpose of collecting a fund to pay off the German indemnity, and thus relieve France completely from the presence of the Prussian troops. The Minister withholds his official sanction on the ground that Germany, fearing that an anticipatory payment might indicate an intention on the part of the French to take their revenge, ‘ would insist on occupying six departments of the country for the stipulated time.” The words of his address exhibit the use of a considerable amount of patriotic Ministerial argument on the part of M. de Ré- musat. In the first place he conveys the idea. that France is quite able to pay off this terri- ble indemnity at once, and that her children. are willing to supply the cash for such pér~ pose, forgetting the humiliations of the war, Secondly, he intimates that the Emperor Wil- liam and Bismarck are wholesomely afraid, ot the coming of the moment of national “revenge” to France, and would prefer the continuance of the tributary condi- tion of that country to the certain appearance of an enemy of unshackled and independent freemen. The Minister “alleges, indeed, that the Prussians would, be very likely to come back and “hold on” to the territory of the bostaged departments if a found that the French people bad too mu, money. This theory is flattering to the raili. tary and war-making genius of the French. The people are assured that they are pa‘iotic, rich, liberal and still sufficiently powerful to frighten the men in Berlin, What/more do they want? Nothing. We question, however, if the Prussians take the samg‘view of the case, or if they wonld not profer to put the French indemoitv manev. a; in a lump, into the 4 ‘