The New York Herald Newspaper, February 10, 1872, Page 7

> NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 1872—TRIPLE SHEET. 7 ‘places nas multiplied, and those seeking & passage abroad avail themselves of the oppor- tunities presented to them nearer home. Dur- bug the year 1871 the total number of emi- grants leaving the Mersey for the United States ‘was 134,885, of whom 68,509 were English, 26,414 Irish, 2,483 Scotch and 37,479 from the Continent of Europe. The increase of emigrants in 1871 as compared with 1870, from Liverpool alone, was over three thou- sand. The Chinese Indemnity Proposition. The memorial presented to Congress asking that the surplus ofthe Chinese Indemnity Fund, ‘now amounting to four hundred and twenty- one thonsand dollars, be used for a college to educate Chinese and American interpreters and to facilitate in other ways diplomatic and commercial intercourse with Ching, is a liberal and an excellent movement. This fund is the remainder of the claims paid to the United States by the Chinese government in the set- tlement made by the Treaty of Shanghae, November 8, 1858, with the accumulated interest. It has been admitted that in equity the Chinese have a claim to some benefit from this fund, but whether they have or not no better use could be found for it than that pro- posed. It is good policy to facilitate in every way friendly relations between the Chinese and this country, and to found a college for the education of Chinamen who may come to the United States, as well as Americans in the Chinese language, must prove useful to our growing commerce with the great empire of Asia. Both the government and people of China, who prize highly education, would be gratified at such friendly and liberal action on the part of the United States. Such a policy would do more than gunpowder to open the vast empire of China to American commerce and ideas, Let the prayer of the memorial- ists be granted without delay. d—An Excellent An OMeial Pickwick. Mayor Hall is just now situated as was Samuel Pickwick, Esq., anotlier spectacled phi- losopher, when the rival editors of the Eatan- swill Gazette and Independent began to quar- rel over their own newspapers at the kitchen fire of the Saracen’s Head Inn. From sniffs and scowls they soon proceeded to blows, One caught up such a carpet bag as an itinerant lecturer carries, and the other seized a fire shovel of the kind peddled about the country by Cheap Jacks. ‘Mr. Pickwick,” say the annals of the club, “rushed between the infuriated combatants just in time to receive the carpet bag on one side of his body and the fire shovel on the other.” The Mayor has tor some time been between the fire of the rival editors of two republican factions. He had just signally discomfited one of them before a grand jury when the other, from no love of the Mayor, but out of professional rivalry, began to attack his own confrére over the official head, and it would seem that the Mayor has ‘‘rushed in between the infuriated combatants just in time to receive a blow” from the Grand Jury carpet- bag in Cheap Jack’s hands. Let him be con- soled by the remembrance that, although the president of the fictitious sporting club passed ashort time in the Fleet Prison, it did not disadvantage him finally, and that the wounded official who is president of another sporting club can now give way to some fresh victim for the respective carpet-bag and kitchen shovel of these later Eatanswill editors. aie Tur Visit oF THE JAPANESE EMBASSY TO Brianam Youne in bis selected prizon ap- pears to give great offence to the Gentile pop- ulation of Salt Lake. It is alleged that Mr. Young is a prisoner of the United States, that he stands charged with murder and the com- mission of another serious offence against the Jaws of the country, that he was not a proper person for the Japanese Princes accredited to the President of the United States to be introduced to, and that Minister De Long, as an American Ambassador, bas committed a breach of diplomatic etiquette. According to our despatches, published to-day, it was the subject of general conversation there last night, and some persons were ready to with- draw their support from the promised banquet. Surely this must be regarded as a tempest in a teapot. There could be no possible harm in their visiting the Tabernacle and the house of the greatest curiosity of the day; it is quite certain that no intercourse was held. Mr. De Long could never hava so far forgotten himself; and doubtless when the matter is fairly investigated it will be found that some ‘curious members of the Embassy were simply desirous of seeing the ‘strange man” of whom they have so often read. Tox LovistaNa TROUBLES have been duly investigated by the Congressional Committee, and that body has decided to return to Wash- ington to-morrow. Carter and Warmoth are ‘both extremely ‘anxious, however, lest there should be any side play at the capital; con- sequently each faction sends delegates there, following close on the heels of the committee, to watch affairs in their respective interests. No decision has yet been arrived at by the ‘committee, and it is doubtful which side will ‘be declared in the right; but it is alleged that, should they decide against the anti-Warmoth party, these gentlemen will take up the ques- tion again and continue the fight. Personal Intelligence. H, Lacington, Mayor of Milwaukee, 1s stopping at the Grand Central Hotel. ’ Generai Clary, of the United States Army, ts quar- tered at tne Fifth Avenue Hot Lieutenant Governor George W. Hendee, of Very Mont, is sojourning at the St. Nicholas Howl, Tom Fields and Amazian D, Barber, of Uttea (the Albany lobbyist), are registered together at the Metropontan Hotel. Generat C. B. Fisk, of St. Louls, is stopping at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. General W. Balicy, of Louistana, has quartered at the Graud Central Hotel, Colouel Alton Angier, of Atlanta, Ga, is among the sojourners at the Fifth Avenoe Hotel. Colonet Rhoades and J. Couchon, ut Quebec, have arrived @ the St. Nicholas Hotel. George W. Childs, of the Philade!phia Ledger, and A. 4, Drexel, of Phiiadeiphia, yesterday arrived at The St. Nicholas Hotel, Ex-Congressman Thomas fl. Canfield, of Vermont, is stopping at che Fiith Avenue Hotel. Dr, Edward Warren, of Baltimore, the physician ‘Who squeiched the chemical professor's analysis at the Wharton trial, is at the Coleman House. Dr. Warren has incurred the enmity of Mrs. Wharton's enemies as well as of the allies of “Old Tartar Biwetc," wy lis services om that occasion, THE WASHINGTON TREATY. A Stified Debate in the Senate on England’s Attitude. SILENCE DIGNIFIED AND GOLDEN. Secretary Fish’s Diplomatic Reply to Earl Granville. HISTORY OF THE RISE OF THE RUMPUS. Our Course Before the Geneva. Arbitra- tors Plain and Unquestionable. If England Objects to the Arbitrators Con- sidering Consequential Damages it Will Dissolve the Conferenee, British Profession of Fidelity to the Treaty. Tory Aristocratic Support of Giadstone’s Position. AMERICAN FEELING IN LIVERPOOL Commissioner Adams and the United States Jurists in Motion. War Risks on American Vessels in the East. TELEGRAMS TO THe NEW YORK HERALD. ~~ Lonpox, Feb, 9, 1872, The London Times treats the subjects of the Alabama claims and the sanctity of treaties, making particular reference to the Treaty of Wash- ington, editorially, and at much length, in its issue to-day, The writer declares that “England has not revoked, and never will revoke, the Treaty of Wash- ington. She is still ready and resolved to stand by it} but cannot and wil not embark in an altercation specially designed to close the door on all hopes of setulement.”” THE TORY ARISTOCRACY TENDING TO WAR. The London Standard, the organ of the ultra tories and High Churchmen, says in its editorial thatit ‘sees in the dimiculty which has so sud- denly arisen a source of grave anxiety and great possible danger, as an unfortunate accident might at any moment precipitate a quarrel.” The Standard “feels sure that the United States will not witn- draw their claimg; and it advises all parties to support the government in maintaining the posi- lion whica Great Britain has assumed,” A PALMERSTON POLICY OF PRESENT CAUTION. The London Post, so long the organ of the late Lord Palmerston, and just now an exponent of the feeling of the younger members of the anti- democracy, says it “regrets the vebemence of the Fngush press in its attack on the Americans, be- cause it may stand in the way of an amicable set- tlement.”” AMERICAN OPINION OF THE CLAIM. It is reported that the Americans in Liver- pool do not approve of the claims for indirect damages, COMMISSIONER ADAMS IN LONDON. Hon. Charies Francis Adams has arrived in Lon- don, en route to his home in the United States, from Geneva, Mr. Adams will embark at Liverpool and sail for America to-morrow. HON, WILLIAM M. EVARTS EN ROUTE FOR PARIS. Hon, Wiliam M. Evarts, one of the couusel of the United States before the Geneva Board, is in Lon- don. He will leave for Paris to-morrow, ARRIVAL OF HON. CALEB CUSHING IN PARIS. Hon. Caleb Cushing, also connected with the Geneva Board, has just arrived in Paris, INDIRECT DAMAGES War Risks on American Vessels, Lonpon, Feb. 9, 1872. War risks are taken on American vessels in the Manila trade, in consequence of the apprehensions raised by the Alabama claims dispute, THE FEELING IN GERMANY. American Securities Depressed in Frankfort and Fall in Five-Twenties. TELEGRAM TO THE NEW YORK HERALD, ““Loxpon, Feb, 9, 1872 The diMculty about the Alabama claims has a depressing influence on American securities in the Continental markets. Five-twenty bonds of 1862 have declined three-fourths to seven-elghths here since Wednesday, and the market ts heavy. THE SITUATION IN WASH- : INGTON. eatures of the Debate on Sena- tor Edmunds’ Inquiry. Undue Sensitiveness on the Question of England’s Feelings—How Senators Are Left in the Dark—That Lost ‘‘Case’--The Reply to Granville’s Note To Be Little to the Purpose—The Counter Statements and Final Decision. WASHINGTON, Feb. 9, 1872. Senator Edmunds opened fire this morning against Great Britain, according to promise, by call- ing up fis resolution for information upon the subject of the expected action on the Geneva Conference, It was the signal for a sharp fusillade from Senator Patterson, Whose language, as a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, was regarded as sig- nificant. He thought the resolution ought to pasa, The Secretary of State certainly knew what the American Commissioners meant. If ne did not he was unfit for his position, Mr. Patterson evidently expressed the general feeling of the Sonate when he declared that the language reported to have been uttered in the House of Commons by MR. GLADSTONE ‘WAS VERY INSULTING to the United States, Messrs, Sherman, ‘and Hamiin were troubled ac the spirit shown, by Mr. Edmunds aod Mr, Patter- son, and thorght tt best to make haste slowly. Mr. ‘Sherman's, Qoxlety was evidenkiv from the “vockel nerve,” and Mr. Hamlin’s was animated somewhat by pride of opinion. He was quite sure (not having read the New Yor« HeRacop lately) that no official information had been recetved from the other side, Mr, Morton suggested that Mr. Eamunds strike out certain words about the alleged intention of Great “Britain to withdraw from the Conference, which he, too, declared no one knew anything about—at least in a formal manner. The Vermont Senator acquiesced in the sugges- tion, but coolly remarked thatthe language of the English press and public men was quite sufficient authority for the interence invo!ved in the words, The subject went over by the expiration of tne morning hour, and it will probably bef left in that undecided state, im order to give opportunity for famboyant rhetoric on the part of belligerently in- clined Senators, Mr. tdmunds’ suggestion, that there was UNDUE SENSITIVENESS EXHIBITED when anything effecting England adversely was mentioned, seemed to meet the approval of the gai- leries and of many Senators. The ignorance of the Senators, and the disposi- on on their part to wait for what they are pleased to call “oMcial” information, is reflected from other quarters beside the Senate. Some people cannot jearn that grave international questions are settled by cables long before the so-called ‘“oMcial”’ infor- mation comes to hana, This has led to much un- easiness, and there has been @ good deal of down- right lving in regard to our complications with England, most of these les having come from the efforts of some people to cor- rect other people’s mistakes. In the fewest words, the contest is between the HERALD and the beaten press. On Sunday, before the other journals were aware of any news of such signiticance being in the wind, the HERALD had heard of the whole business and was quietly working up the Presidential Sua- day conferences. Yet one or THE SLEEPY CHAPS, whose news 1s old as the newspaper in Rip Van Winkle’s village, says ‘‘No anxious conferences have taken place except in the offices of two or three sen- sational journals.” This sleepy fellow 1s a fit repre- sentative of the whole lot. Denialis the staple of news to the minor journals, and with these potty falseaoods they have been content, while the HERALD was picturing the situation. The whole story is one easily told. The wiid language of the English press preceded a day or two the informal eatreaties of statesmen ike Sir John Rose tor a withdrawal of our ‘‘case,’? and of the demand for consequential damages, and these were well timed with Earl Granville’s {riendly communication, These entreaties were brought to the notice of the President on Sunday, and he gave his answer, Which appeared in the HERALD of Mon- day. That answer was that the United States CANNOT REGEDE FROM THE POSITION they have taken before the Tribunal at Geneva; that the Tribunat is a Court, and with this Court must the whole question be lett. On the heels of this news came the Queen’s speech and the intemperate lan- guage of Mr. Gladstone, each of which was abun- dantly confirmatory of the complete tenor of these despatches, The whole matter, including our an- swers to Earl Granville’s note, is so firmly deter- mined that twenty Cabinet meetings could not fx the business more unmistakably, Earl Granviile, in nis friendly- communication, only says that his government does not consider the claim for consequential damages as inside the treaty, and calls the attention of our government to 1, and while he carefully reiratned from asking us officially to withdraw our case, he cid not hesl- tate in INFORMALLY MAKING THIS REQUEST. Tf an officlal demand had been - met, as it was cer. tain to be met, with a refusal, that refusal would have meant war instead of arbitration, The threats of withdrawing from the conference have been cou- fined to the English journals. The refusal of the State Department to print Granville’s note 1s a quibble, and founded on the fact that it has not yet reached Mr. Fish through Sir Edward Thornton, and upon this quibble all the denials of the minor journals are founded. Our answer is ready, but it will not be sent till after the receipt of Gran- vilie’s formal note and untll after 1t has received the sanction of the Cabinet; put it will be even as terse, and AS LITTLE TO THE PURPOSE as Earl Granville’s communication. Tue next ses- sion of the ‘fribunat will take place in April, and the English government will be told tiat we shall make our answer there according to the terms of the treaty. The controversy has assumed @ shape that seems to indicate an effective use of the famous lost book, the English case iiself, as printed mm the HERALD yesterday, showing that the demand for consequential damages was turtively hinted at even in that document, The whole thing 1s more and more looked upon here as AN ENGLISH POLITICAL FIGHT, and the excitement in England is considered a just tribute to the average English mind. In regard to the matter in dispute no uneasiness is felt, and it is expected that ina day or two tne question will be put to sleep till the next meeting of the Tribunal, unless the English press aud people should keep it alive by offensive words and acts. Our own policy can be easily understood, for tt is to STICK TO OUR CASE AND TO THE TERATY. There was no understanding according, to the treaty, as to the nature of the claims to be presented, and we Will take no counsel from Great Britain a3 to what we shall present. We have just as much right to claim consequential damages, and leave it to the tribunal to judge of the justice of the claim, as Great Britain has to deny any responsibility. ‘rhe United States admit the right of Great Britain to place her own construction upon international law and her own neutrality laws: but having become a party to a treaty where the decision of all claims presented to the tribunal, under the rules adopted by that treaty for a neutral eovernment to observe, rest with the tribunal, we claim that she has no right either to interfere, EXCEPT BY WAR OF ARGUMENT, before the tribunal itself, or to withdraw from the conference. When the tribunal again assembles, the United States will answer the case as presented by Great Britain in December last, maintaining that consequential damages are a part of the just claims which we have a right to file ne- fore the Board under the terms of the treaty, Great Britain, on the other hand, having received at tie first meeting of the tribunal a copy of our case, un- less, indeed, she had THE LAST BOOK much earlier, is not called upon to combat the question of consequential damages, but whether or not she observed the rules laid down m_ the treaty. ‘These counter statements having been exchanged, a sec- ond counter case 1s to be filed inJune by both par- ues concluding the argument on both sides and leaving the decision with the triounal, The United States having definitely presented a claim for direct damages and asked that a sum may be awarded in gross for consequential damages, it would ve impossible at this time for us tochange the form of the case, even if we were disposed to do so, The line of argument 13 marked out by our initlatory case, and tae following it ACCORDING TO THE TERMS OF THE TREATY is the only real answer which Great Britain will ever get, except in o Pickwicklan note like Earl Granvile’s, The Board of Arbitrators is to deter- mine what olaims, if any, are just, ana to award damages upon them, The United States present their claims in their own way. nese tt is for Great Britain to combat. We shall abide-by the award, and we shall expect Great Britain to dao the same. It 18 not for her to dictate the manner in which our claims are to be presented, the ‘Tribunal being the sole judges. So, when the final statements have been presented, if Great Britain suould protest before the Board, at its meeting in June, that tt refuses to have the claims considered while consequential damages are insisted upon, the Board has simply to announce that THR TRIBUNAL 19 DISSOLVED, The course of Earl Granville in addressing a note to the United States calling attention to what is distasteful to Great Britata, is not only distasteful fo us, but his letter 13 impossible of any answer. We insist upon our cv,se, and are ready to accept the award of the Tr,hunal, or to resent the refusal of Great Britain to, tulfll her treaty obligattoas, Waat England Means. WasutNnaTon, Feb, 9, 1872. jetter to @ Senator stating he has received intelligence from England to the effect that although the ‘Tribunal of Arbitration had not yet considered the respective state- ments of Great Britain and the United States, the British government has reason to velleve the arbi- trators Will not award a gross sum of damages to the United States. Therefore, Great Britain desires the American statement shall be amended or modi- fled to meet the alternative of assessment of dum- ages. THE DEBATE IN THE SENATE. A Dignified Silence the Most Statesmanlike Policy—fenator Edmunds’ Resolution Again Sent Over—Gladstone’s Speech “Insulting.” In the United States Senate yesterday the ques- tion was opened by Mr. EpMUNDs, (rep.) of Vt., calling up the following resolution, which he offerea on Tuesday last:— Resolved, Tnat the President be requested, if not mecompatible with the publtc interests, to communi- cate to the Senate any information in his posses- sion respecting the alleged intention of the govern. Ment of Great Britain to revoke the treaty lately ganet between that government and the United States. Mr. EpMunps said he thought the information re ceived since the resolution was offered was suf- ficient to justify the clause which had been struck out at che suggestion of Mr. Trumbull, but as his ob- ject was merely to get the information from the President he would let the resolution stand as it was, and ask its immediate passage. Mr, PaTTerson, (rep.) of N. H., assumed that our government knew what claims it had a right to Present under the treaty, and upon this assump- ton he thought the language of the leaders in Par- lament insulting to the United States, He hoped, however, that nothing offensive or violent would be uttered in the Senate, but that our government and press would preserve tothe end the temperate tone in which they had sgoken thus far, and that the government in a <ignified, manly and proper way would mawtain our position tn reference to the treaty. He thought the opposition in Parliament were using this question as a means of ousting tne Gladstone Ministry because they assumed that the United States government had a right to present the claim as they had done, but that Engligh nego- tlators at Washington were cverreached, and it was evident that Mr. Gladstone was trying to evade the attack by falling in with the opposition to ascertain the extent, and denouncing the American claim as preposterous and absurd, Mr. SHERMAN said he would not debate the ques- ton lest he should be led mto an indiscretion, as Mr, Patterson had just been. It would be better, he thought, not to undertake to discuss the motives of the English Prime Minister, at least until we had a better basis for discussion than a mere cable re- port. He regarded the Treaty of Washington as a high and solemn contract between two nations, and did not believe that after full consideration either nation would be likely to violate it AS to the pending resolution, he thought it nad better be referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, If that committee desired any information in the President’s possession it could easily obtain it, and whenever the President received anything impor- tant on the subject he would probably communi- cate it without a direct request of the Senate, He theretorg moved to refer the resolution’to the Com- mittee on Foreign Affairs, Mr. Parrerson, (tep.) Of N. H., dented that he nad discussed the English Premier's motives. He had only quoted his language, and that, he lnosisted, was insulting to this country, Mr. Morton, (rep.) of Ind., suggested that Mr. Edmunds should modify the resolution so as to ask for information respecting the complaint made by the British government agatnst the case submitted py the government of the United States, The reso. lution, as It stood, assumed that there was an inten- tion to revoke the treaty, whereas neither the Queen’s nor the Premier’s speech mtimated any such intention, but merely spoke of remonstrating against the case presented by the United States, Mr. EDMUNDS said nis resolution did not assume that the British government intended to revoke the treaty; 1t merely assumed that that was alleged, and certainly 1t had been alleged very plainly. The Senator (Morton) was mistaken as to the Premier's speech, Mr. Gladstone was reported to have said that the American claims were “preposterous and absurd, and such as no people in the last extremities of war or in the lowest depths of national misforttme, with the spirit of England in their hearts, would ever submit to.” If this report was correct, and if the English language meant in England what it means here, the Premier certainly did intimate that England would revoke the treaty unless the United States would consent to change or withdraw its case. However, as his object in offering the resolution was merety to get the information asked for, he would accept the suggestion and modify the resolution; but he objected to referring it to the committee, Is was an ordinary resolution of inquiry, such as it had never been the custom to refer to a committee, and he should Jeel immeasurable humih- ation if the Senate should resort to a reference, tor fear of doing something to injure the feelings of Great Britain, The way to preserve peace between nations was to have candor and frankness; the way to make war was to have concealment and intrigue; and he hoped the Senate would adopt this resolu. tion asking the President to communicate any in- formation im his posession upon this important subject. ‘Mr. SHERMAN said that the habit of passing reso- Jations of taquiry without referring them to com- miitees was a bad one, which might well be de- parted from, and this was a very proper case for reference. We had formed a treaty with a foreign Power and had faithfully observed it in all respects, The present condition of our claim, was not a thatter for the British government to dea with; it rested wholly with the President and the agents he had chosen to present the claim. Under these circumstances the proper course for us was to pursue the even tenor of our way, present our case in simple, direct and moderate terms, and there stand. If political excitement on the subject should arise in Great Britain we need not notice it, but leave them to settle it in,their own way. The agitation would subside in due time. He did not believe that the government or the peopie of Great Britain would dare in tne presence of the civilized world to revoke the treaty. Tne public sentiment of the world would not permit them to do so. Mr. PATTERSON was sorry to hear such intem- perate language from the Seuator irom Unio (Mr. Sherman). (Laughter.) Mr. HAMLIN sald there were occasions when sl- Jence was the highest wisdom, and he thougit that the brief debate that nad just occurrea showed that. this was such an occasion, Upon this quesiton silence was statesmanship, Believing that tue United States stood in an impregnable position on this question, and not having heard that any oficial communication had been received in reference to it, he thought it unwise to agitate {tin any way for the present, Mr. EDMUNDS—Does the Senator beileve that it ‘would be offensive to tne British government for the Senate of the United: States to ask the President if he has any information on the subject? Mr. HAMLIN—NO, sir; Ido not think it woula be offensive, but I think it would shaw a distrust of the high position we occupy. Mr. EpMUNDS--Oh, no. Mr. HAMLIN--Well, | move.to lay the resolution on the taole. Mr. THORMAN, (dem.) of Ohio, asked Mr. Hamitn to withdraw his motion. for a moment, but Mr. Robertson calied for th® regular order, and the resolution went over. AN ENGLISH REVIEW OF OUR CASE. (From the London Times, Jan. 25.) It {8 no Mean proof of the ability displayed in the American sfatement on the Alabama claims that it places the-alleged grievances of the United States in asomewhat new aspect, Often as the facts had been stated and reviewed by Mr. Adams and Mr. Seward, itis but just to own that inthe case now laid before the arbitrators they are marshalled aud A gentleman of New York bas addressed a private ,‘grouved more eifectively than ever before, The ghiefstrength af this case may pe said to consist in the skilful development of an argument contamed in one of Mr. Fish’s despatenes that Great Britain allowed herself to become at once “the arsenal, the navy yard and the treasury of the insurgent Confederates, Great pains are taken to make it appear that at an early period of the struggle there was established in Great Britain a branch of the War Department of the insurgents, & branch of their Navy Department, and a braneh of their Treasury, each with almost plenary powers."’ ‘Thus, while Captain Bullock, acting for the Navy Department, was superintending the construction of cruisers, Mr. Huse, on behalf of the War De- partment, was purchasing arms and munitions, and the. requisite funds were provided by Fraser, Trenholm & Co., as financial agents of the Richmond government, out of the proceeds of cotton imported in blockade runners, From this potnt of view the offence of Great Britain in respect of the Alabama, for instance, ts not to be measured solely by the gross and culpable negligence which permitied her to escape, but also by the failure to suppress these “combined operations, which, in the judgmene of the United States, constituted an organized war.” Itis not our purpose to ex- amine the legal validity of this doctrine, which must be determined by the arbitrators, but it would be dificult to overstate its importance, both in its bearing on the immediate issue and its general influence on the Habilities of neutrality. It 1s, doubtless, natural that the indignation excited in America by the depredations theAlabamea and her consorts should be greatly enhanced by the belief that, whatever may be sald, the building, equipping, arming, manning and commissioning, though ostensibly separate acts, were 80 many links In one vast conspiracy, planned and carried ouc on british soil, But the existence of such a conspir- acy is @ very different thing irom the complicity of the Brytish goverament or nation with Its authors, and the so-called proofs of such complicity are as shadowy as those of the former are substantial. We entirely agree with the view supported tn the Ameri- can case, that @ deep and widespread plot for the abuse of British neutrality was concerted by Mr. Jeflerson Davis and his colleagues, uot without the ulterior hope of driving either Great Britain or the United States intoa declaration of war, We positively deny, on the other hand, that one jot or Uttle of evidence has been proauced to justify the wholesale charges of wilful and conscious partiality brought against Her Majesty's fovernment, whose conduct throughout the war, as it most justly avers, “was governed by a strict regard for the obliga- tions of neutrality and a sincere desire to fulfit them.’ It failed, indeed, op some occasions to de- feat the machinauons here described, but the ques- tion 18 Whether any measu‘es open to a constitu. uonal government coud have defeated them, while it is probable that such a messare as prohibiting all sales of arms for warlike use would have injured the United States more than the Confederates, We cannot but regard the stress laid on presump- ttons, as distinct from proof, in every part of ine American case, 48 an indication that, in the opin- 10n of its framers, no breach of international duty can be directly established. At the same time, we emphatically ‘repudiate these presumptions ‘aud assert with confidence not only that Britain dtd, honorably maintain a neutral at- titude, but "that from the first her intention to do 80 was clearly manuest, One of the a priort reasons for condemning Great Britain ot “studied untriendiiness”’ is tie simple fact that Her Majesty's government invited the Frenca government to agree upon a united course of action at the outbreak of the war. ‘The United sStates,’’ we are told, “are at a loss to conjecture what inducement could have prompted such an act, une less 1t may have been the perception on the part of Her Majesty's government that it was in its na- ture not ouly unirendly, but almost hostile to the United States,” Yet, in another part of the case, the ‘fidelity’ of French neutrality is favorably contrasted with the “havitually insincere neutrality of Great Britain’—not a word being said nor a suspicion hinted of the overtures notoriously made by the Emperor Napoleon and rejected by the Britisn government, for a jotnt recognition of the Southern coniederacy, This, however, is but a singie topic of the general @ priort reasoning by which it is sought to bring home what lawyers call “express malice” to the British government, which, itis asserted, “expressly abanvoned i advance’ the intention of employing “any measure of dili- gence” to repress the unlawful use of its terri. tory by the insurgents. ‘The grand presumption of all against the good falth of Great Britain resis, as we have more than once pointed out, on the “pre- mature” and “precipitate” concession of besligerent rights to the Uonfederates, An attempt is even made to aggravate this accusation by showing that Lord Russell spoke of them as “belligerents,” in a note to Lord Cowley, seven days before the Queen’s proclamation appeared—as if it woulda nave been possible to designate them by any term except this or some equivalent, andas 11 President Lincoln, Mr. Seward and the supreme Courc of the United States were not loudly declaring at the very same time, and in language almost identical, that a state of war, involving the exercise of bel- ligerent rights, had actually commenced, But let us suppose the contrary. Let us suppose that, al- though two communities with the population and resources of great States were engaged 1n a Iii death struggle, there was no legitimate belli, atall, Let us even adopt the sel tory sumption of the United Staves, and suppose that a legitimate belligerency was constituted on one side and none on the other, 80 that rights of blo ade and search could properly be enjorced by the North, but no ships could properly be comumis- stoned by the South—can we be sure that Great Britain would havet incurrea less resentment by acting upon this assumption? In that case the roceedings of Captain Semmes must of course jave been treated as piracy in English law courts, if he chose to come within their Jurisdiction, but it 1s very ,doubiful how iar the —provisious + of the Foreign En- listment act coud have been applica by way of pre- vention, At all events, 1t 18 & remarkable circum- stance that Her Majesty’s government first an- nounced the Intentuon of issuing the Queen’s pro- clamation in reply to an appeal irom Mr. W. KE. Forster, a stanch friend of the United States. The leading object. of that proclamation was to warn British subjects against relying on the protection of their government HM they should enlist in the Con- federate service; and, however the purpose of the subsequent Orders may now be misrepresented, they were the subject of earnest remonstrance from the Confederate government, aud welcomed by Mr. Seward as likely to ‘prove a deathblow to Southern privateering.’” ‘There is One passage in Part V. of the American case which itis impossible to pass over without a spectal protest, [1s that Inwhich, alter summing up “the points established,” the United States government proceeds to hold in trrorem over the arbitrators the consequences of a decision in favor of Great Britain, If, itis urged, the tribunal shall hold the operations of Captain Bullock and bis as- sociates to have been rigntiul the foundation will be laid “for endjess dissensions and wars.” We reply that no one disputes the wrongiulness of these operations, the issue at stake being whether Great Britain 18 responsible in damages for not having instituted a kind of interna! blockade and succeeded in frusirating them, It is urged, again, that it the award 1s averse to the United states, “there will be little inducement for nations tn fubure to adopt the peaceful method of arbitration for the settlement of their differences.” Wi ght. well retort that, if the claims of the United States be sanctioned, there will be little indugement for @ great maritime Power to remain neu. tral in wars between its neighbors; bus we prefer to reply that arbitrators have to do with — considerations of justice, and not with du- pious and remote consilerations of expediency, It is urged, further, that if it was right to give the Nashville and Sumter wore than a minimum sup- ply of coal, or to permis the sale of the Georgia in a British port, “the United States, as. a nation, whose normal condition is one of nemtrality, accept the doctrine.” We reply that, assuming the fac be correctly stated, and waiving the unseemly tone in which the inference is suggested, it is no business of the arbitrators to imquire whetner the acon of the British authoritues was “right,” bat simply Whether it amounted to injurious negligence or violation of neutrality under the rules of the treaty, It 18 urged, once more, that if international duties are to be limited by municipal law, if commissions issued by a so-called government Of insurrectionists’’ are conclusively valid to cover previous transgres- sions, if the Alabama and her consorta “may be allowea” to do as they aid, and “if it be no offence” to. recruit men far them, and so forth, the United States will ain an advantage “affecting their pecuniary. interests,” of which they will take care to avall themseives. We reply, anally, that not one of the positions here alleged to have been set up on behalf of our government, except, perhaps, the second, 19 actually maintained by it; that nov one ts really essontial to tts detence, ana that it would be as iuconsistent with a sense Of national dignity as with due respect for the arbitravors to combat them with similar threats of what Great Britain will doin une event of her losing the cause. A Liverpool Merchant's View. At the annual meeting of the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, which was held on the 21th ult, Mr, 8 BR. Graves, one of the mem- bers for the borough of Liverpool, referred to the Alabema claims in these words:— When I had the | ihe phd last year of addressing the Chamber I ventured to express a hope that cre the year closed the differences which had arisen with the Untted States would be settled in a mode honorable to both nations—a hope whici, L beileve, was entertained by every member of this Chamber. To the mode of settlement no exception can be taken. I belleve it a just one; but exception ts taken to the amount and character of the claims that are said to be now for tho first ume put forward by the United States. In the absence of reliable information as to the nature and extent ot the claims which have come upon this country, with as much surprise as disappointment, 1 will forbear from entering turther on the subject; but I am bound to say that, Naving taken no {ite personal interest in bringing about an honoravie settlemens of these dif- ferences when in the United States at the close “Gf 1870 mm the many interviews I have had on the ®\b- pos with every class of citizens, I never ‘veu eard the intention expressed of doing more than asking Engiand to bay for the direcs losses known to havo beer caused by the Alabama and one or two other cruisers, and which I never heard estimated at more than Goa fo ronrteen millions of dollars; and if these are magnified, as we now hear they are, it is ano ougnt of the , Executive and aot of the poole of TG —————— THE WAR IN MEXICO. Herald Special Report fronv Matamoros. A Battle Fought and Won by the Revolutionists. TOTAL ROUT OF JUAREZ’S TROOPS Zacatecas Captured by the Revolutionists. TELEGRAM TO THE NEW YORK HERALD. The Heranp correspondent at Matamoros has forwarded us the following special des spatch :— Matamoros, Mexico, Feb, 9, Via Brownsvitie, Texas,-Feb, 9, 1872. On January 29 the revolutionists under General Donato Guerra encountered a gove ernment force, commanded by General Ner#, at Matapulgas, twelve leagues from Zacatecas, Neri had left the latter place to fight the revae lutionists. Both forces were about equal, nuatbering 3,000 men each, As the revolutionists approached General Neri opened a furious artillery fire; which proved, however, ineffectual. He then at+ tempted to flank the rebels. This movement also failed, when he hurriedly concentrated! his force. THE REVOLUTIONISTS VICTORIOUS, The revolutionists then charged the govern- ment troops, completely routing them. They made 400 prisoners, and captured all the ar. tillery of the Juaristas. Toward the evening the victory of the revolutionists became still more complete, for the revolutionary General Garcia de la Cae - dena arrived afier dark with reinforcements, ‘The combined rebel force now pushed for- ward, and entered Zacatecas on January 30 » without opposition. General Merl was cap- tured in the city, and General Gonzales Herria, his secondin command, was wounded . and also made prisoner. FLIGHT OF JUAREZ’s TROOPS. General Talentana, with the remnant of the government force, fled in great haste and confusion, pursued by the revolutionary cav- alry. General Corella left San Luis with 2,000~ government troops to aid Meri, but it was too. late, for Meri’s force was in full flight before - he neared the battlefield, He has returned to. San Luis. General Guerra has written a letter te General Trevino announcing this victory,andi urging him to lead his force to Zacatecas. ands to direct furfher operations, General Rocha has arrived at San Lule» Potosi with 600 government troops, Part of Cortina’s troops are expected her® to-night, while that General will remain out side to harass the enemy. : Naranjo reports the occupation of Rinconded Ramos by Portugal, Governor of Aguas. Cw - lientes, FLORENCE IN BALTIMORE, Agrand complimentary testimontai wasgived to Mr. W. J. Florence at the Holiday Street Thess .re, Balumore, last night, by a number of. the 10st rominent citizens. The Ronse was crowded, apa |stoa- he assemblage was regarded as the mosh fax. ale of Lhe season, Died. Warr: p apni Mem een eat x. tt on Wa nesday, Fevruary 7, r a Hogering mort MI! MARY S. WHITING, daughter of the. late. Whiting. ' (for Other Deaths See Ninth Page.) ’ Don’t Scorch Your Hair OM witty Canstic ayes. 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