The New York Herald Newspaper, February 7, 1872, Page 6

\ ON arbors aed (Continued from Sixth Page)—The NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR, AMUSEMENTS THIS AFTERNOON AND EVENING. FIFTH AVEN THEAT! ‘Twenty-fourth street.— ‘Tur haw Daana'e or Divonon GRAND OPERA HOUSE, corner of A Buserzan Mirrormzarnicat ‘ComPamy. Matinee a WOOD'S MUSKUM, Brosaway, corner —Perform- PP a tp ogi, om WALLACK’S THEATRI - sTAULacn E, Broadway and 18th street. ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Fourteenth street.—B omnes tun ManBlacE ‘Or Figaro, igh MIBLO'S GARDBN, Broad a B aan, co between Prince ant BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery—WiLL Hatier—An- TONY AND CLEOPATRA. ST. JAMBS' THEATRE, Twenty-cighth street and Broad- ‘way.—MONaLol, ” or STADT THEATRE, Nos, & and 47 Bowery. — Wives or Winveon. ie MPIC THBAT! Broadway. —' * ronns or uuPaY DUurree atines at 1 seca bic "9 THEATRE, Twenty-th 2. ‘BOOTH'S THBATRE, Twenty-third a, corner Siath av GLOBE THEATRE, 725 ne : on, Our Tax AIRE, 130 ond 120 Broadway.—PEDRETIN; Mags. F. B. OONWAYS BROOKLYN THBATRE.— ‘Man any Wire, PAR” THEATRE, opposite City Ball, Brooklyn.— Amina Dis, rire Boow-v" DErRoTIvE. BROOKLYN ACADEMY OF MUSIO, M treet— UNOLE Ton's Cavin. ees THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 Broadway.—Comic VooaL- 1sMB, NKGKO ACT®, &C.—DI-VORCED. Matinee at 2. UNION SQUARE THEATRE, Fourconth st, and Brond- way.—Nzan0 AOTe—BUBLESQUE, BALLET, £0. Matinee. THIRTY.FOURTH STREET THEATRE, near Third pus.—Vaniety ENTERTAINMENT. sage baited TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE. No, 901 Bowery. — Nxeno Eoorntnrcrrins, BuRLEoques, £0. BRYANT'S NEW OPERA ) 28d st, between 6th ‘end 7th avs.—BRyYant’s MINSTERLS. SAN FRAN(ISCO MINSTREL HALL, 686 Bro — Tan 8an Francisco MINSTRELS, esata STEINWAY HALL, Fourteenth strect.—Lectuas Jame Fisk, Jz. ins PAVILION, No, 688 Bi —TI 7 BE ing lo, jroadway.—Tue Viewwa Lavy Ox. ASSOCIATION HALL, Sth street and Third avenue.— ‘Macinee at De Grane Gave Conorst. me NEW YORK CIRCUS, Fourteentn ecrem.—sony: ‘san Ring, Aozopats, £0. Matinee at 236. sauggceitbe DR. KAHN'S ANATOMICAL MU: 1) —— eae hee USEUM, 145 Broadway. ——————— TRIPLE SHEET. —— Slew York, Weduesday, February 7% 1872. CONTENTS OF TO-DAY’S HERALD. Paan. j Advertisementa, Advertisements, S—The War in Mexico: The Government Forces Completely Routed anu Deserting to the Rev- Olutionists; Matamoros Preparing for Resist. ance—France: President Thiers ‘Shot at by an Assassin, but Unhurt—Telegrame from Eng- land, Ireland, Scotland, Spain and Itaiy— §nmier's Hero: Landing of the Remains of neral Robert Anderson; Obsequies at For- tress Monroe—Connecticut Democratic State Convention—Aflairs at the State on ao wy Explosion—Movements of the Grand 4—The a and the Bear: Another of uur Dip'o- mauic Rump; Catacazy’s Case in Still Another ¥orm; Mr, Cramer, our Representative at Co- peohagen, Makes a Big Sensation; He At- pts to Read Mr. Fish’s Nove at a Dinner, but is Prevented; Old Gortschakoff ina Rage; ‘He Calls Cramer ‘“rhis Animal” and ‘Brotoer- 1p-law of President Grant’'—Around the City Hali—Naval Invelligonce—Disasters at Sea: Harrowing Details of the Burnii of the Steamer America; Appalling Loss of Life; the Ship’s Crew Fighting with Revolvers for the Means of Safety; Total Loss of the Amertoan- Built Snip White Rose—The National Rifle Association—"igeon excgei were Notes— The Stuyvesant Bank ‘Troubles—Nowburg Savings k Troubles—Roval Arch Masons: Session of the Grand Chapter at Albany—St. Mary’s House for invalids—Assault on a Third Avenue Conductor. G—The Presbyterian Quandary: A Very Mixed Maddie; Proceedings of the Brooklyn Presby- tery Yesterday—The Custom House Commit. tee: Additional Testimony in Relation to the All Frauds—Geuel Order Cl Fires in Newark—Coriection—Sale of the Wel- lngton Collection—Nova Scotia—The Killan- Frear Election Contest—Another Municipal Muddie: Alleged Fraud in Westches' County—A New Charter for Brookiyn—Re- ception of the New England Society—A Big Banking Building--Manitova and Ontario— New York State Medical Society. @—Editorials: Leading Article, «‘Shall tt be Peace or War; The Ultimatum of ogene The Ad- miniatration Must Stand or Fall Upon this Issue"’—Amusement Announcements. Washington Treaty: Progress of the british National Agitation Against the American Claims; The Queen’s Declaration to Parila- ment; Disraeli and Gladstone Pronounce the American Claims “Preposterous and Absurd;’? The Question in Congress; “If England Wishes to Break the Treaty Let Us Amen; What the Grand Jury of the Nations of Europe Says; North German, Austrian and Praaco-belgian Opinion—Business Notices. S—Warmoth and Carter: ‘fhe Congressional Committee Commencing tne Inquisition ; ‘The History of the Quarret; Tricks and Intrigues, ‘Traps and Plots for the Possession of Power— Proceedings im the Courts—Political Move- ments and Views—The Historical Society— The Weed Will Case—The Wili of the Late Wiliam Kelly—Heavy Kobberv in Newark— New Jersey Executive Appointments, @—Insurance Investigation : The Committee from the Assembly at the Chamoer of Commerce Hearing Witnesses—The Trenton Bank Rob- bery—Give Us Coba for Gibraltar—Saicide at the Hoffman House—Desperate Conflict With a ed age Burgtar—puddeo Death in Belle- ville, N. J.—Finavcial ana Commercial Re- ae Markets—Marriages and hs. 10—Tne Washington Treaty (Continued from Sev- enth Page)—News from Washington—Louisl- ana; Examination of Governor Warmottr—The Japanese and the Mormons—Shipping Intelli- auce—Advertisements, 41—Public Executions: A Brutal Negro Hung in Tennessee; His Songs of Repentance; A Negro Bung in Charleston, S. C.; Detaus of the Ter- rible Scenes—-The Tichvborne Triai—Sentences of the Chicago Aldermen—Advertisements, 19—Advertisements. Tax Fire or tae Oxp Fit or '76 comes. from the Green Mountains through the voice of Senator Edmunds, of Vermont, on the Washington Treaty. Uran—Jupez MoKeay, tar Gentes awp THE Mormons.—Tbe Mormons having made a dead set upon Judge McKean, the Gentiles of Utah, it will be perceived, are gallying to his support, and the chances are as ten to one that they will carry the day, at the White House and in Congress. Present Taters’ life was attempted by fan assassin on Monday night. A shot was fired at him, but he escaped unhurt. So says g London journal on the authority of *‘special” {nformation from Paris. We hope sincerely, for the sake of humanity and the cause of mo- rality in Europe, that the statement has been under mistake, and that the political dis- 1 of France have not induced any of ber sons to so outrage the feelings of the ven- erable patriot. Mr. Husrep, of Westchester, wants his ioe contract business investigated by his ¢ Assemblymen at Albany. Husted is sharp and sagacious. He knows what e harm- fess tribunal an Albany legislative commit- tee is. _ Is Tar Reronm Leowsiatune going to do Baything to break up the Erie ‘‘Ring ?” Or has It resolved to sell itself to the men who pur- (phased its predecessors? NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 1872—TRIPLE SHEET afl Is Bo Peace or Wart—The Ultimatum ef Engiand—Tho Administration Must Stand er Fall Upen This lssue. The country has learned with satisfaction and pride of the position assumed by the President upon the Alabama question. His declarations to the correspondent of the Herap that the case as submitted to the Geneva tribunal must stand the judgment of the tribunal, precisely as the presentation of the Confederate cotton debt by England, and that we cannot be instructed or admonished by the British Ministry as to what we say or do not say before a tribunal where both parties have an equal standing, have been received by the country with unqualified expressions of approval. The United States would have been willing to have had the whole Alabama question discussed and settled upon @ final and peaceful basis, If this discussion is interrupted, and the settlement postponed by the abrupt and extraordinary action of England, we are not to blame for the conse- quences, We have gone as far as we could with honor. We cannot fn honor recede. In this discussion we are met by the traditions of British diplomacy. The British Foretgn Office is largely governed by the remembrances and teachings of Palmer- ston. That famous Minister, ‘“‘the lusty Eng- lishman,” as hls admirers were wont to call him, was fond of menace as a sure weapon of diplo- macy. When some trembling, anxious nation, like Turkey, or Ohina, or Denmark, declined to accept his decrees as laws, he moved a fleet to their ports and threatened to burn a town or two, and genérally had his way. We have read how the Danish fleet was burned merely because the King of Denmark was supposed to be u.ider the control of Napoleon ; how the Turkish fleet was destroyed when Its Grecian policy displeased London; how the eummer palace of the Chinese Emperor was pillaged because the Emperor had his own notions about trading with the foreigner. All that England bas is her fleet, which moves around the world lke the village bully, gov- erning by threats. In deallng with greater Pow- ers there bas been a reserve and decorum com- plimentary to British prudence, and that fine sense of the necessity of money as the chief end of nations, which controls the average British mind, When Rassia invaded the Principalities of the Danube England waited until France made common cause before she assailed the great empire of the North. When Donmark asked her to observe her treaty obligations and prevent the spoliation of her little king- dom, England looked at the stupendous Power of Prussia and ignored the treaty. When Russia called upon her to withdraw from her Black Sea pretensions she was glad to comply, the traditions of Palmerston were disregarded, and peace was gained by national surrender and humiliation. The United States have, time and again, been regarded by England as proper subjects for the diplomacy of menace, When we ob- jected to British cruisers searching our mer- chantmen she sent a squadron here and burned our Oapitol, and would have continued her depredations bat for the victory at New Orleans, When we claimed our natural boundary in Oregon we were compelled to abandon our rights, under the threat of a fleet, which overcame the nerves of the timid Polk and the trembling Buchanan. When we seized the persons of notorious rebels on the high sens—in the cas of Mason and Slidell—we were commanded to surrender them in the most offensive man- ner. We were then in a death struggle with the South, and Palmerston’s menaces were well timed and successful. During the rebel- lion England paid as little attention to our rights, to the sacred duties of neutrality, to our professions of friendship and our ties of blood as she did to the protests of China on the opiam question. When the South broke into rebellion she made haste to treat them as belligerents, as a people entitled to a nation’s rights, even before a battle was fought. During our war English money sustained the confed- eracy, English ships, manned by English sea- men destroyed our commerce, and even the right ef privateering, which had been solemnly denounced as piracy by England, was ac- cepted and protected so far as the South was concerned, even after we had expressed a de- sire to unite in her declaration. The prompt- ness with which we yielded to the Palmerston policy of pressure, especially in the Trent affair, is so freshly remembered in England that she naturally reverts to it now in the Alabama question. What is the exact situation? We have met the English in a solemn conference. That conference calmly and patiently agreed to cer- tain rules of procedare and principles of in- ternational law. A tribunal was appointed satisfactory to England and ourselves. We presented our case and named eminent and learned men to go before the tribunal and plead that case, England did the same thing. ‘The nature of her case is unknown tous. We do not know what claims she will plead in offset. We know that the Confeder- ate debt was submitted and we re- gard it as not unlikely that the sinking of the Florida and the Alabama as the prop- erty of British subjects, as British ships manned by British seamen, may be among the damages recited in her bill. It would be as proper to advance these claims as those aris- ing out of the Confederate debt. We should not formally complain if they did, for we made no complaint at the presentation of the Confederate debt, although we might have resented it as an indignity had we been disposed to menace. We mean to go before the tribunal in good faith and say to the distinguished men who are to pass judgment just what we did end did not suffer. That is our right. It is matter with which England has nothing to do, If we are wrong; if our demands are exorbitant; if we cannot sustain them by evi- dence; if it can be shown that England did her duty by us as a neutral and not a friendly Power; if itis seen that all this time our grievances have been dreams, and cannot stand before the cold, calm, pitiless logic of the disinterested and keen men who are to hear and determine, then we shall be defeated without murmur. But England says to us that we must oot tell our story and plead our cause in our way, bat in her way; in other words, she will present her case and ours at the same time. And sothe Queen has made what she calls a friendly communication to us asserting thia determination. and we are called upon to take back our declarations, to | The Queen’s Specch om the Alabama ‘admit our truculence and insincerity of charac- | Olaime—Sbe Denles the ‘American ter, by saying that we were dishonest in our | Case”—A Firm Front the Only Altor~ pleadings, to go to Geneva with a case native Left te General Grant. amended to sult England, which will practi- | The Queen’s speech, delivered yesterday to cally be a confession of judgment against our- | the two houses of the British Parliament, on selves. the ‘American case” on the Alabama claims, We feel that we have been eminently fair | 18 very brief, but very much to the purpose. in this whole business. We have expressed | Her Majesty says:—‘The afbitrators ap- no anxieties as to the decision of the tribunal. | pointed pursuant to the Treaty of Washington If it does not award a dollar to us we shail | for the purpose of amicably settling the Ala- not complain. We entered into this negotia- | bama claims have held their first meeting at tion not in a mercenary spirit, nor to humi- | Geneva, Cases were laid before the arbitra- liate England, nor with any purpose of obtain- | tors on behalf of each party. In the case so sub- ing an unfair advantage over her. Having done | mitted by America (meaning the United States this, we mean to stand by our case and accept | Of America) large claims were included which the decision of the tribunal. England must | 4¢ understood on my part not to be within either take this treaty and observe | the province of the arbitrators. On this sub- it or accept the consequences of | ject I have caused @ friendly communication receding. She must learn that the | 0 be made to the government of the United Palmerston traditions are as little heeded in | States.” This communication is no doubt a Washington as in St. Petersburg and Berlin, | Temonstrance against these “large claims,” She may add menace to menace, and send her | Which Her Majesty holds to be ‘‘not within navies to our coasts and threaten us with the | the province of the arbitrators,” and an appeal extremity of wrath, We mean to obey a | t our government to modify its case by solemnly accepted law, which is the law to us | Striking out these ‘large claims,” held by Her all. The American people are united in this | Majesty to be inadmissible, resolution as they have rarely been united | Here, then, we stand. Queen Victoria, from before. If President Grant gives waya single | the ‘“‘American case,” as presented to the point his administration will be wrecked. He | arbitrators at Geneva by Messrs. Caleb Cush- could not go before the country and get an | ing, William M. Evarts and their colleagues, electoral vote with a record of surrender | as counsel for the United States, appeals to and humiliation. This will be his re- | President Grant against the bill and for its cord if, under the pressure of Eng- | withdrawal and modification, so asto exclude lish public opinion, public opinion | those disputed claims, and, meantime, the sit- inapired by ignorance and arrogance, he con- | tings of the arbitrators at Geneva are sus- sents to withdraw his case and virtually | pended. A special Heratp despatch, which admits that he was capable of dishonesty and | we give this morning on the subject, informs bravado. us that {n London the Alabama madness con- ‘And as to war, we do not fear it, nor have | tinues to rage, but that some journals, which we any apprehensions that there will be war, | Were outright In their opposition, are sud- The results of a contest would be to cripple | denly silent; that the excitement bas certainly the English commerce as severely as our own | been fostered by the government (Mr. Glad- was crippled during the rebellion, to occupy | Stone) as a convenient diversion against awk- Canada and Mexico and drive the British flag | ward home questions; that any embarrass- from the Continent. A town or two might be | ment which this Alabama furor may cause burned, even as Sebastopol was burned; our | can readily be escaped by appeals to popular coasts might be blockaded, and we | prejudices against American extravagance. should have no more wines and brandies, | Our correspondent further informs us that the no silks or spices—perhaps a small | Daily Telegraph complains of the timidity and supply of coffee and tea—but we should learn | hesitating course of the English press on this the precious lesson of our own resources, our | question, and denounces our demands for in- capacities for self-subsistance, our power to | demnity for the British prolongation of the stand alone and defy the world with shut | war of our late rebellion as so monstrous that gates—the lessons of prudence, thrift and | the only way against them is to shut the door self-reliance. We should add to our wealth | in the face of all indirect demands from our by this compelled development of our re- | side under the head of these Alabama sources more than we should lose by any pos- | claims; that the London Times and News sible expense of war, and President Grant | hold substantially the same ground, while would emerge from the strife with the glory of | leading journals of Germany and Austria con- having planted the flag over the whole Conti- | trast the silence and moderation of the Ameri- nent, of having driven the foreigner from | can press with the clamor of the English, America, If the President were moved | while the Mémorial Diplomatique, of Brussels, by vulgar ambition, if he saw war as a pas- | stoutly argues the admissibility of the ‘“‘Ameri- gion or the means of power and glory, if ho | can case.” were controlled by the ignoble purposes which Several points in this new controversy are were underlying the characters of Napoleon | thus brought out into bold relief. First, we and Frederick, he would welcome a conflict | see that this scandalous hue and cry of the with England upon the very issue which she | British press was instigated and is fostered by now 80 unwisely thrusts upon us, But the | the Gladstone government as a ‘‘convenient President, as we have said, is a man of peace, | diversion against awkward home questions;” He has shown a moderation, a prudence and | secondly, that through the Queen's speech on a love for peace which give us the highest | the ‘American case,” Mr. Gladstone puts guarantee that he will not wantonly | himself upon his defence in the House of Com- cause a single guo to be fired in| mons; and thirdly, that from the general tone, anger. For this reason, more, perhaps, | 80 far, of the loading political journals of the than any other, his resolution to accept no in- | European Continent, England will stand alone dignity from England, and to be moved by no | in this new and extraordinary attitude before menace—to stand by the ‘‘American case” as | the Board of Arbitration, which she jointly presented by his Cabinet—is joyfully accepted | assisted in arranging and appointing, and by the country. He will find the country be- | which she has accepted on these Alabama hind him. He will see that whatever divisions | claims. The essential fact, however, with there may be on domestic questions as against | which we have to deal is this:—Mr. Glad- England upon an issue like this the country | stone has deliberately staked his fortunes, as is a unit, and will support him to any extent | the head of the British government, and the and in every emergency. The cause is not of | fortunes of his party upon the ultimatum that a party, but of the republic, and every patriot | the “large claims” included in the ‘‘Amerioan so regards it. We are not democrats or re- case,” as submitted to the Geneva Board of publicans now, but Americans, resolved to Arbitrators, being held by him as “‘not within have our rights against the strongest and | the province” of said Board, must be with- proudest nations in the world. drawn, or England withdraws from the arbi- tration and the Washington Treaty falls to the ground. The Queen's speech is the speech of her Printe Minister. In the House of Commons the paragraph relating to the Alabama claims was imme- diately seized upon as a salient point for debate, even before the address in reply to the speech from the throne had been voted. Disraeli dis- played bis inclination to use the subject of the proceedings which were had before the Geneva Court of Arbitration, and of the Gladstone diplomacy generally thereto, as a powerful Parliamentary leverage against the Cabinet. Disraeli was British, and persistent, however, in his assertion against payment of the Ameri- can claims, and seemed inclined to outbid the Premier in an appeal to John Bull’s stubborn prejudices in the matter. He did not succeed in this, however. Mr. Gladstone re- sponded in the same tone and vein, his words having the additional force which always fol- lows from the vehemence of the Treasury benches, He classed the American de- mand, for indirect damages particularly, as “preposterous and absurd,” and declared that no people, but particularly a nation moved by the feeling which animates the Brit- ish people, would ever submit to them. This declaration of the Minister was cheered to the echo, while the ex-Premier and ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer, Disraeli, appears to have lost the party chance which the occasion afforded him for a moment, or ‘missed his tip,” as a celebrated English novelist has de- scribed the failure of an almost superannuated acrobat in the circus arena. We do not care here to argue the untenable character of this false position of Mr. Glad- stone. We cannot entertain for a moment the idea that Mr. Secretary Fish, Mr. Cushing, Mr. Evarts and their colleagues concerned, placed our case, satisfied with the justice of | Comwees westerday—The Alsbama Treaty our claims and that justice will be done by the Board, but ready to accept their awards as settlement, whatever they may be. England's Protest against our bill and the hue and ory of the British press against its submission to the Court of Arbitration is an insult to the court, as well as an offense to the United States, entitled to no respect whatever. It is a base attempt to bully, not only our government, but the Geneva arbitrators, for which the only ap- propriate reparation is an honest apology to the United States and to the eminent and honorable men of the arbitration. Mr. Senator Edmunds bits the nail upon the head in submitting that the protest of England against the ‘‘American case” betrays an in- tention “to revoke the Treaty of Washington unless the claims of the United States shall be presented upon a principle and in a man- ner agreeable to the other party.” But these remarks and the accompanying resolution of Mr. Edmunds mean something more than a mere expression of opinion. They mean that General Grant will stand by the ‘“‘American case” as the case authorized by the treaty, and he cannot do otherwise. If Mr. Glad- stone, in order to save himself from a vote of condemnation by the Commons on home affairs, finds it necessary to appeal to the patriotism of John Bull against ‘‘the insolent pretensions of the Yankees,” General Grant upon this issue has no alternative but to meet him face to face—peace or war. The general voice of this country will now soon be heard upon this subject, and it will be, as it is com- ing in, a general voice for the ‘American case,” and no abatement tothe extent of a penny under English bullying and imperti nence. Indeed, from the pressure of public indigna- tion, and from the danger of a ruinous popu- lar reaction upon this question in the event of any concessions to British bravado, we think it not impossible, from what has already been done by England and the English press, despite the sudden silence of some of the journals and the modified language of others, to prejudice our claims before the Geneva Con- ference, that General Grant may be compelled to withdraw from the arbitration and proclaim the absolute revocation and abandonment of the Washington Treaty before the return of the day of its ratification by the Senate, There will be no safety to the administration in temporizing with England upon this business. The oppo- sition elements of the country were never so earnest, so industrious or so desperate in their efforts to compass the defeat of General Grant for the Presidential succession as they are to-day. They are moving heaven and earth upon civil service reform, revenue re- form, Custom House frauds, and all sorts of charges of maladministration to defeat him; but with the odds still overwhelmingly in his favor. But let him back down from this “American ease,” at Geneva and he will be overwhelmingly defeated. Against this dis- graceful and ignominious retreat from the true American position on these Alabama claims, with all the concessions they have agreed to, the glorious services of General Grant in the field of war and in the field of diplomacy, in the work of reconstruction at home and in the cause of peace at home and abroad, will not avail to save him from the wrath of an offended people, And upon this issue what would be the consequences following General Grant's de- feat? Conspicuous among them would be a war with England ; for what to the ruling ele- ments of the opposition, if successful, the Copperheads and Southern confederates, would be the depreciation of our national securities or the final redemption of the national debt, outstanding or prospective? Who can an- swer? While these great issues of our civil war—the national debt and the financial neces- sities resulting from it—are in danger from asudden political revolution, the re-election of General Grant becomes a most important matter, Not till within the last three days did there appear to be any possible combina- tion of hostile forces, or any probable contin- gency in our domestic or foreign affairs within range of the chapter of accidents that would be sufficient to prevent his re-election. But now the contingency has come which may make or break him, which may exalt him above all the glories he has achieved, or bring him, with all the laurels be has gained, down in the dust, To advance higher in the affeo- tions, the confidence and gratitude of the American people he has only to stand by their claims as submitted by his agents to the arbi- trators at Geneva; to lose the support of the people he bas only to abandon their cause in this case in submission to the astounding inso- lence and presumptioa of John Bull. We have, however, not the slightest mis- givings as to the policy ef General Grant on this difficulty. He is not the man to be bullied. He is remarkable for his amiable, generous and conciliatory disposition; but he is quite as remarkable for his firmness against anything like foul play, double dealing, dicta- tion or bravado, And so, if the “‘friendly communication” of England’s amiable Queen embraces a request for the abatement of the “American case,” we are confident that a friendly reply will be given to Her Majesty, but embracing the information that our case as submitted is our ultimatum. Then, no doubt, we shall see that Senator Cameron is right in his opinion that ‘England does not intend to disgrace herself by repudiating the treaty or any part of it.” In any event a firm front on the ‘American case” is the only alter- native left to General Grant. * It fo o ttl. remarkable that at the same moment, in the Senate of the United States finally and amicably settled and provided for. The question came up in the Senate ta the form of a resolution, offered by Mr. Edmunds, of Vermont, asking the President for informa- tion respecting the alleged intention of the English government to revoke the treaty an less the claims of our government were Presented at Geneva on principles and in a manner agreeable to that of Great Britain. The resolution gave rise to a discussion of some length and importance, in which the mover of the resolution expressed. himself in a manner that might be regarded as decidedly smacking of war. Mr. Trambull, who is always moderate and sensible in his views, criticised the taste of indulging In war sentiments at a time when the two nations were engaged in’ giving effect to a which was designed to remove all aural irritation and hostility. Mr. Cameron, Chair man of the Committee on Foreign Relations, who might be supposed to speak by authority, said he was quite sure that the President was not in possession of the information asked for, and avowed his disbelief in the intention attrt- buted to the British government. How little he knew of what he was talking about will be seen by a glance at the speech of Queen Vic- torla, on the opening of the British Parliament, just at the very moment that this discussion was taking place in the Senate. The position ascribed to the English government, and which Mr. Cameron did not credit, was laid down fn language that could not be doubted or misconstrued. The Queen says that in the case submitted by America large claims were included which were understood, on her part, not to be within the province of the arbitra- tors; and she adds that she had caused a friendly communication on the subject to be made to the government of the United States, The claims to which Her Majesty refers are, of course, for indirect or consequential dam- ages resulting from the depredations of the privateers. It is difficult to understand how such an important point in the negotiations could have been left open or doubtful, but i¢ appears that such must have been the case, Even so, however, we think that that point might have been fairly left to the judgment and decision of the arbitration. If they did allow consequential damages the line would be drawn, doubtless, so as not to ex- tend the principle unduly, It might not be feared, for instance, that they would allow compensation for the decay and loss of our commerce, which 1s attributed by some, not to the natural effect of an oppressive tariff and illiberal navigation laws, but to the terror inspired by the British-built privateers sailing under the Confederate flag. The British gov- ernment might wisely have taken that view of the case and trusted to the judgment and impartiality of the arbitrators. The Congressional Committee which has beem so long engaged in exposing the beauties of our Custom House system here has had an additional duty imposed upon it, by » resolu- ~ tion, adopted yesterday by the Senate, instructing it to inquire into the abuses and extortions alleged to be practised at Quaran- tine and into the health regulations of this port generally. If the committee obey its instructions it will have to rescind its resola- tion of adjournment, which was fixed for next Saturday. A bill wis reported from the Finance Come mittee Yor the redemption of the three per cent temporary loan certificates ata rate mot exceeding three millions per month. The Amnesty bill was afterwards taken up and debated. The House proceedings yesterday were not marked by any interesting features. An hour and a half was spent in filibustering to defeat che desire for 9 new drawing of seats, and the rest of the day was consumed ina debate on the Educational bill. The dispute between Dela- ware and Massachusetts for moral supremacy was not resumed, and the discussion was come sequently tame and spiritless., The vote om the billis tobe taken to-day, and there is every indication that it will pass as a party measure, Mr. Farnsworth being the only re- publican who has indicated any opposition to it, Mexico No Better=Thunder All Round the Sky. The budget of Mexican despatches which we publish this morning exhibits our sister republic in all the glory of fighting factions, small gangs of revolutionary filibusteres, here, there and everywhere, and formidable bands of highway robbers operating on the principal roads, including the railway between Puebla and the capital. And yet, with all these troubles upon them, and with seven hundred deaths from smallpox in the city of Mexico during the last month, and with the whole country impoverished and in chaos, our Mexican friends are pushing ahead a new rail- road from Vera Cruz as fast as the periodical drafts of Juarez upon the workmen for sol- diers will permit, and they are talking, too, of getting up a world’s fair in the ‘‘Hall of the Montezumas.” Verily, this is opéra bouffe on @ grand scale, or, rather, it is a mingling of all the elements of farce and trag- edy, blood and buffoonery, only to be found in Mexico. And still our government looks on with perfect indifference, although we stand responsible before the world for this scandal- ous state of things, and morally bound to put an end to it in interdicting everything in any shape of European intervention. Tae Sart Dury.—The Committee of Ways and Means have under consideration the ques- tion of abolishing or modifying the duty on salt and are hearing evidence from the “‘salt , interest.” This ought to be a very simple question to decide. Salt is an article of prime and universal necessity, Not only is it used by every man, woman and child with their food, but it is used also for improving the soll and crops and by all the stock raisers—yes, by every poor person who hes a pig to be salted. It is a monstrous absurdity to imposea duty on this article to favor a few hundred people who manufacture it or even for the purpose of revenue. The Committee of Ways and Means should spend no more time on this subject, but recommend at once the abolition of the duty. Tae Mempnis Appeat' says the reform, possum, passive movement pervades Indiana 5; quotes the Nashville Union to show how it ta spreading in Tennessee, and speaks for iteelf as follows:—‘The South has everything to gain and nothing to lose by any polltical revo. lution, and we are therefore content to await developments and accept any suggestion or} approve any fusion of parties that will surely: relieve us of the autocracy of villany.” The “anything-to-win” policy seems to be the pre. vailing sentiments of the Appeal. —<—<—$—$—_—_———— A Sucat Mistaxe.—The Queen of Eng- land says that in the American case ‘large claims were included which were understood on my part not to be within the province of the arbitrators.” Let Her Majesty read the treaty carefully over again, and perbaps she may change ber mind. Indeed, we are almost sure she will, with the aid of her Joint High Commissioners and General Schenck, who was one of ours. He alone, no doubt, can make it all right, chapter and verse, Let Her | learned in the law, in making up the ‘‘Ameri- Majesty, then, send for Schenck to read to her | can case” for Geneva have overstepped the the treaty, provisions of the Washington Treaty or the precedents or the generally accepted law of Anornen Fatat Coxtrery Exprosion | nations im such cases. We accept the occurred yesterday in the black country of | ‘American case” as the case provided for in Pennsylvania. An inspector, accompanied by | the treaty, whether covering twenty, fifty or a four miners, entered the Mitchell Colliery for | thousand millions of indemnity; but the gov- the purpose of relaying a track on one of the | ernment and the people of the United States, runs, and they had been at work but a few | while satisfied of the justice of their demands minutes when a fire-damp explosion took | for direct and consequential losses for which place and three out of the four mea were in- | England is responsible, having submitted their stantly killed; the fourth was badly injured, | case to these arbitrators at Geneva, are will- The theory of the inspector is that the leader | ing to abide by their judgment as to the in- of the men carelessly omitted to ascertain the | demnity to be paid, In the hands of these state of the atmosphere within the mine, and | five arbitrators—one from the United States, exposing an unprotected light the explosion | one from England, one from Italy, one from and, loss of life followed, Awitserland aod one from Bryall—we hare Tne SournerN Demoorats AND THE Mis- sour! Possum Pottoy.—The Mobile Register says it does not know what the magical effects of the Missouri possum policy may be ‘‘on the spot,” but it is satisfied that elsewhere and beyond those charmed bounds democrats do not mean to become such idiots as to ruin themselves in ‘‘trying to make an alliance with the liberal republicans and then to be de- serted and left the bag to hold.” If it should be the money bag—‘‘spoile”—they are to hold, no doubt the proposed alliance would be more generally tolerated by the straight-out democrats, Tar Avprr Boarv.—The bill supplemen- tary to the law creating the new temporary Board of Audit and Apportionment, which is now before the Legislature, meets the approval of all the members of the Board. It required, in the Comptroller’s opinion, tm facilitate the payment of glaims, and to render more clear the duty of the Board in the apportionments for the depart- of fhe aity government It/should be, Tar Liquor anp Lager Bren business is to be again placed in fetters, Senator Palmer has introduced a stringent license, law in the going todo abomb itt co