The New York Herald Newspaper, February 6, 1872, Page 6

NEW. YORK HERALD e BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. sdAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. All business or news letter and telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York sereeeNo. 37 BOOTA'S THEAT! ird at, —— PR ee i 'RE, Twenty-third at., corner Sixth av. FIFTH AVENUE THEAT! ‘Twenty- et. Tux New DRana OF Divoues” sire GRAND OPERA HOUSE, corner of Sth av. and 98a st— EUROPEAN HIFPOTHRATRICAL COMPANY. Matinee at 2. WOOD'S MUSKUM, Broadway, corner sith st.—Perform- ances afternoon and evening. O% HAND. ‘WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway and 13th street, — Jomn Ganta. ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Fourieenth street—Enouti OrERa—La Gazz Lavra. wa NIBLO'S GARDEN, roadway, bet Pri Houston streets.—BLadK Groen.” "ee" Prince and BOWBRY THEATRE, Bowery—Wiu Hatiey—An. ronT aaD CLEOPATRA athe - ST, JAMES' THEATRE, way.—MONALDI. STADT THEAT! Ne r Pa "RE, Nos, 45 and 47 Bowery.—Orzra oF OLYMPIO THEATRE, Broadway.—Tux BALLET PAN- ‘TOMIME Oy HUMPTY DomPrr. GLOBE THEATRE, 728 and 730 Broadway.—-PEDEBTIN ; on, CUTE THE RELIABLE. ty-eighth street and Broad- MRS. F. B. CONWAY'S BROUKLYN THEATRE.— MAN aN Wirr, PARK THEATRE, opposite City Hall, Dagine Diox, tax HRookLYN DEreotivE. Brookiyn.— THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 Broadway.—Couico YooaL- 18Me, NEORO ACTS, £0.—DI-VOROED, UNION SQUARE THEATRE, Fourteenth st. and Broad- way.—NEGRO AOTs—BURLESQUE, BALLET, do. THIRTY-FOURTH STREET THEATRE, near Third ave- Bue—VARIRTY ENTERTAINMENT, TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, No. 201 Bo NxoRo Ecomnrniortirs, BORLESQUES, £0. Matin cys — BRYANT'S NEW OPERA HOUSE, 284 «t., and ihave-BNTAN?'s Mineremie; | '* between 6th SAN FRANCISCO MINSTREL H. 585 Bi — Tax 8aNn FRANOI80O MINSTRELS, aie geen Srninway HALL, Fourteenth street.Granp Con- PAVILION, No, 683 fom a or Broadway.—Tue Vigna Lapy Ox. NEW YORK CIRC! Po eure. —! raz Ring, ‘Aouonate ao. SR NEW YORK Pate? OF ANATOMY, 613 Broadgay.— 3 « ans IM SOImNOE AND TRIPLE SHEET, iSlew York, Tuesday, February 6, 1872. CONTENTS OF TO-DAYS HERALD. Advertisements, 2—Adverusements, 3—News from Washington—The Custom House Investigation—Tne Hero of Sumter: arri- val of the Remains of General Anderson Norfolk, Va.—Powder Explosion io Ohio: Five Men Killed and Many Others Serlougly Injured—Louistana: Gov- ernor Warmotn Beiore the Investigating Committee—Miscellaneous Telegrams—Perd- dious Engiand : Our Treaties with Great Brit- ain; The Way in Watch We Have Settled Our DiMicuities witn Our Slustering “Cousins” Since the Declaration of Independence: Sub- Stance of the Various Treaties aud Vonven- ‘ons, with the Negotiators and Places and Dates of Settlement. 4—Perfidious England (Continued from Third zane agat ‘anted About the Sparkling Dia- elds, 5—Shall Women Preach? ‘the Presbytery of Brooklyn yee aes: the Question— Proceedings im the United States and New York Courts—The Fisk-stokes Tragedy: An- other Day of Demurrers and Pleas ior Time; Aqjournment Till Mouday Next—A Big Dog Fight—Toe Kow at Apollo Hall—Tie Equitapie ny—The Bank ‘troubles, iz le, “The English; uestion; the Exact Situation; the Position o the President and the Duty of the People”— Amusement Announcements. 7—Alabama Claims; Heraid Special Report from London; The Queens Speech to Parliament; President Grant on the situation; English Press Opinions of the Washington ‘Treaty; What is Expected from the American Capitol; The Question of Indirect Damages and Impossibility of Its Reference for Armitra- ton; How the British Nation is Excited and Soothed Alternately—News trom Fugiand, France, Germany, Spain, India and Australia— Misceliancous Telegrams—Business Notices. S—The Board of Audit: The Adjournment Yester- day; Another Large Appropriation to, Pay Claims; A Supplementary Audit Bill Sent to the en gory hey Bedford’s Grand Jury: Two of the Friends of the People Indicted and Arrested; The Beginning of the End—The Kihan-Frear — Contest—Pigeon Shooting— Wreck of the Wando—Records of the Rings: Further Disclosures Regarding the Jersey Otigarchy—Long Island Sportsman's Club—A Window Smasher Caught—The Panormo Mur- der. 9—The City Fathers: Meetings of the Boards of Aldermen, Assistant Aldermen and Super- visors—Our Colleges—Tne Gas Monopoly—Not Guiity—Financial and Commerctal Reports— Domestic -Markets—Marriages and Deaths— Advertisements, 10—<A Mairs at the Stave Capital—Sleighing Carnival: Celebrities of the Road, Human and Equine-- Amusements— Weather Report—Horrible Tra- gedy at Kozrah, Conn.—Another Ratiroad Smash Up—Meeting of the Tammany Society— Shipping Intelligence—Aaverusements, 41—Advertisements. 12—Advertisements. Gorn 110 a 110}.—Gold bas turned the eorner of 110 and stands a little above that figure on the new controversial elements of the Alabama claims question. Tag Newrounptanp SEAL FisHERMEN from their last year’s catch realized some three millions of dollars or more. Get us into a war with England, and those seal fisheries, with all dhe cod, mackerel and herring, from New- foundland to Nova Scotia, will be gobbled up by the American eagle. TRouste Berween SkoreTary Fis ann Genera Stoxies.—The Baltimore American gives currency to a rumor that a serious per- sonal difficulty is pending between Secretary Fish and General Sickles, involving, it is said, the retirement of one or the other from his official postion. Crvomnnatt is blubbering because the Grand Duke has snubbed her. Dry your tears, hum- bled Queen of the West. You will enjoy the luxury of having the great Missouri libe- eal republican-passive-pollywog-possum-demo- cratic National Convention in your lap on the coming May Day, and then, you know, you will be ‘Queen of May.” Onto Lierats Fauuine into Line.—Ex- Governor Cox, General Stanley Matthews and other liberal republicans in Obio have come out with an official declaration expressing hearty sympathy with the views and purposes which have dictated the call for the liberal republican mass convention to be held in Cin- cinnati on the first of May next. This begins to look like rebellion in the republican ranks. Taere 1s No Lack oF Parniots in Nevada who are willing to take the place of General Nye in the United States Senate, and the General himself is not disposed to give it up ‘without a fight. Nevada papers state that John P. Jones, Minister De Long, Governor Bilaisdel and William Sharon are among those vo would like to be the successors of the Momus of the Senate, But he Las wit enough, (PP Ww b0 outwit them oll a NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 1872.-TRIPLE SHEET. The English Question—The Exact Situation— ‘The Position of the President aad the Duty of the People. The time has come for the American people, without distinction of party, to look this Eng- lish question full in the face. We cannot dis- cuss this question as partisans, nor with the view of making political advantage for or against any party. Whatever criticism may be made upon the President, no American can fail to see that in this issue he speaks for the whole people. The interest is national, and the duty is national. We must make a front against England witbout showing any dissen- sion, or even any appearance of dissension. Failing in this, the British will not fail to take advantage of our internal feuds to embarrass the government and destry the practical effects of our demands upon England. The full and interesting despatches from Washington we publish to-day show the po- sition of the administration. Those who imagined that President Grant would be in the least intimidated by the arrogance of the British press—an arrogance proceeding as much from ignorance and an inherent bru- tality of character, and that traditional tendency of English diplomacy to achieve by intimidation what cannot be won by fair dealings—mistake the character of the President. He has taken a position that recalls the resolution adopted by Andrew Jackson when dealing with Louis Phillippe. The sudden excite- ment shown in the British newspapers and the anxiety expressed in all circles as to the issue with our country, not to speak of that truculent tone of middle class sentiment, which seems to see in a war with America an atonement for the indignities inflicted upon England by Germany and Russia, make no impression upon him, He cannot consider the necessities of the Gladstone Ministry or any ministry. The American government has met the English government in the person of duly accredited ambassadors, They discussed the whole question. They agreed upon cer- tain rules of action. These rules were com- bined into a treaty. This treaty is alaw to those who are to appear before the Conference. England stands in precisely the same position as America. If we have made an exorbitant claim it is for the arbitrators to decide that fact. In other words, what we see every day in our Courts upon an action for damages, or any proceeding involving the payment of money, the attorneys for the plain- tiff ask fora sum largely in excess of what any tribunal qill A_man lays his claim for atonement in an action of libel for a hundred thousand dollars, and feels satisfied if the verdict inflicts the costs upon the defendant. Why, then, should not America state ber whole case? It is truly a case that may excite the surprise of English statesmen. The encouragement given to the rebellion ; the two years prolongation of the war by reason of that aid; the injury to our shipping; the ad- vance in rates of insurance; the withdrawal of our mercantile marine from the seas, and the consequent aggrandizement of British commerce, and so on through twenty varying phases of injury inflicted upon us by England, and suffered by our citizens, must all be con- sidered by our people in presenting the case. Had the President failed to advance these con- siderations he would have been unworthy of his trust. If these claims for consequential damages are resented by England, as harsh and un- usual or in any way violating that compact, what shall we say of the course of the English Commissioners themselves? It is not generally known, but we have au- thority for saying that the English themselves, in presenting their case before the Board of Assessors, asked our government to pay the Confederate loan. Had this circumstance been brought to the attention of the American people at the time there would have been an excitement here far transcending what we now see in England. Here was a direct case of material aid to the rebellion. Money was advanced by English capitalists to buy arms and stores for the rebellion. These capitalists accepted bonds as security, expressing on their face that they were to be paid within a certain time after the recognition of Southern independence. They were bought at a small price, It was a direct, plain business invest- ment, as well as a violation of the Queen’s proclamation imposing neutrality upon the British subjects. The constitution, by a solemn amendment, expressly forbade the payment of this debt or the enactment by Congress of any law looking to its payment ; yet here we had British Commissioners gravely asking the United States to violate their fundamental law to pay English- men at par for Confederate bonds that were purchased at a large discount, Suppose, we repeat, that this claim had been made known at the time by the American government. No words would have expressed the anger, the just and righteous anger of our people. It is just as if Mr. Semmes, the pirate chief, or Mr. Laird, the builder of the Alabama, had asked us to pay for the damages incurred by the sinking of the Alabama by the Kearsarge, or for the Florida, which was de- stroyed in Hampton Roads. Our government wisely said nothing about this request, and there was no anger, no demonstration of wrath nor any cry for war with England. Let us suppose for a moment that President Grant were to recede from the case presented by his Cabinet, what assurance would there be that some other pretext would not be advanced? When a nation begins the work of menace there is no end to it. Let us accede to the demand made to withdraw our claims for con- sequential damages, under the threat that the Conference would dissolve, and a similar demand would be expected whenever a new obstacle arose. If we are to depart from the strict letter of the solemn treaty, and conduct these deliberations under the inspiration of Mr. Gladstone's necessities or of any Cabi- net, there will be no settlement of these ash; claims. Either there is a grievance or not; either we have suffereed from the onfriendliness of England or not, If we have no cause for complaint; if it is to be a comedy or a ceremony, and not a tribunal, let there be an end of it, in God’s name. But if it is truly a serious discussion as to the surest way to found a lasting peace; if there are grievances to be removed from the hearts of two great people, meeting as man with man, anxious for peace and justice, then let the case go on. America is presenting her claim as written in the books. President Grant can no more recede from that claim than he could recede from the proclamation of emanci- pation, It is really a matter with which England has nothing to do. We tell our story in our own way, and not in the way pleasing to Mr. Gladstone. If the tribunal de- cides against us we shall be content. If in our favor then England must be content. If President Grant withdraws this case to save the Ministry of Gladstone he will ruin his own administration as surely as Tyler and Johnson ruined their administrations. There will be no such concession. The President is eminently a peaceful man; he has seen too much of war to wantonly welcome it; nor bas be any reasons to dread any issue of war. England has a stupendous navy and might burn a town or two as Sebastopol was burned. Our navy would have the whole British commerce at its mercy, an advantage that cannot be over estimated, when we remember that we have no commerce upon which England could retaliate. We coald take Canada in sixty days; we could proclaim an embargo that would make corn very dear in Lanca- shire. If our coasts were blockaded we should find a gain in falling back on our own resources. We can do without wine and silk and lemons, but Europe would sadly miss our bread and breadstuffs. We have nothing to fear from war; for that reason we have no anxiety about peace. There will be peace. England will retreat from the resolute pressure of American public opinion, as she retreated before Russia upon the Black Sea question. We congratulate the country that we have a President who takes this view—a man who will do all that is just and kind and ask only justice in return. And we hold it to be the duty of every patriot, without distinction of party, to support the President in his manly attitude. Let him feel that in dealing with England as the champion of our rights the country stands behind him, and will support the honor of the flag com- mitted to his care if it takes our last dollar and our last pan. Tae San Juan Bounpary Dispute on our North Pacific seaboard has been turned over tothe Emperor of Germany for a settlement; but if England shall withdraw from the Geneva arbitration we shall have to relieve the Emperor William of the task he has do kindly under- taken to discharge, and*settle the dispute in question in our own way. Congress Yesterday—Drivel in the Senate and Fillbustering in the House. The Senate spent the whole of yesterday in weary twaddle over the Amnesty bill and Senator Sumner’s proposed amendment thereto in the shape of a negro palace car bill. Sum- ner was very much exercised and disgusted over a substitute for his amendment offered by Mr. Carpenter, of Wisconsin, and which he characterized as an ‘‘emasculated synonym” of his own; and then the two Senators got into a wrangle, neither edifying nor credicable, over the respective merits of the constitution and of the Declaration of Independence. And thus the public time was used up through the self-conceit and idiosyncrasies of men who are old enough to know better, and the Senate adjourned without advancing a single step in the business of the session. The House, we are sorry to say, did not show any better example. It passed, indeed, a new bill to remove political disabilities from certain classes of men in the South who held small judicial or federal or municipal offices prior to the war, which positions had required the taking of the oath to support the constitu- tion. This is the third or fourth bill of that character passed by the House and awaiting the action of the Senate. They are all only half- way measures, and should give way to a broad and sweeping measure of universal amuesty. But of that there is not the slightest chance. This bill being passed the House started off on the communistic principle of having a new deal for the choice of seats. The malcontents are, as usual, more numerous than the con- tented class, and carried a resolution fora fresh draw, but by dilatory motions and such parliamentary manceuvres the thing was staved off till to-day. Tae Free Navigation of the St. Lawrence and its canals is satisfactorily for the present provided for in the Treaty of Washington. But if John Bull is going to throw up his case because he cannot meet the American case on those Alabama claims, we shall soon have the free navigation of the St. Lawrence settled to our satisfaction for all time to come, Ex-SENATOR GENET AND THoMas ©. Freps were arrested yesterday on warrants issued by Judge Bedford upon indictments found by the Grand Jury of the Court of General Ses- sions, The whole thing had been so comfort- ably arranged by the friends of the prisoners that immediately upon the arrests being made the prisoners were quietly conducted before Judge Barnard upon writs of habeas corpus, and bail fixed in the reasonable sums of ten thousand dollars for Genet and seven thou- sand five bundred dollars for Fields, The former is charged on two indictments with forgery in the third degree, and the latter is charged with bribery and a felony, We sce to have more arrests, but what we want is speedy trials. This thing of making arrests is. beginning to lose its interest in the fact that the alleged delinquents manage to get out so nicely, while justice is left waiting on the law's deiay. The oniy thing now that would astonish New York is the trial and conviction of at least one of those already arrested, merely pour en- courager les autres, Minister Casimir Parcer bas resigned his portfolio in the French Cabinet. The event may tend to bring about an exact declaration these arbitrators are simply to go to Geneva and spend our money by the shores of the Swiss lakes and ander the cooling shadows of the snowy mountains; if we are to have only a diplomatic minuet, danced in the on the part of President Thiers as to the policy of his government on the subject of the com- mercial treaty with England. The Ministerial vacancy will, it is thought, be filled to-day— just about the time of the assemblage of the grand old wav of Louis the Fourteenth: if | British Parliamant. bama Olaime—What Does It Mean? According to our latest telegrams from Eng- land the fever of the press there with regard to the case of the United States on the ques- tion of the so-called Alabama claims had abated a little in its intensity. A HzRaLp special telegram from London states that the Queen’s reference to the subject, in her speech to Parliament to-day, will be “short, friendly and general.” The meeting of Parliament to-day and the expected moderate tone of the Queen's address to that body may have produced a change in the London press. No doubt a great deal that has been said by the newspapers was for Political effect touching the Cabinet, the oppo- sition or the election of Speaker of the House of Commons, Still there is something more than that at the bottom of this general assault upon the United States and the ground our government has taken in opening its case be- fore the Geneva Conference, A great deal of the apparent indignation at the extent of the claims preferred by the United States is as- sumed, probably, for the purpose of influ- encing the Geneva Conference and the government and people of this country. The writers appear to be alarmed. at the magnitude of these claims and are playing a game of bluff. They are acting the part cf special pleaders in the opening of the case, with a view to intimidate or otherwise influence the arbitrators and to manufacture public opinion against the claims of the United States. Our Tombs law- yers do the same thing when intent on saving some criminal from the penalty due to his crime. However admissible such a course may be in oni court, the justice or prudence of is questionable in great international diffi- culties which are to be submitted for arbitra- tion to a high and impartial authority. This effort to form public opinion in advance of the action of the Geneva Conference is unfair, and shows that the same selfish British ‘disposition which led to the destruction of the sbipping of @ maritime rival is actively at work to prevent the payment of just claims, What do all the pretences and loud talk about international comity andthe desire to maintain the most friendly relations between “kindred nations” amount to in the face of such an exhibition of unfairness and selfish- ness? England is friendly enough when she can have her own way and her interests are not touched. But let any other nation ag- grieved or damaged by ber conduct show that she has done wrong and has the spirit and power to demand compensation of her, and instantly her pride and selfishness are aroused. It used to be a monarchical political maxim that the king could do no wrong, and the British have much the same opinion of themselves in international difficulties. Even when they accept a plan to bridge over a difficulty with some powerful nation—and this only occurs when they are afraid of the con- sequences of resistance—they are always prone to excessive egotism and unfairness, England first, England last and England all along is their motto, whatever wrong they may have done or however just claims against them may' be. Nothing has been said in this tirade of the British press questioning the high character of the Geneva arbitrators, nor are any doubts raised about anticipating an impartial decision from them. Both the British and American gov- ernments have agreed in the Treaty of Wasb- ington to submit the case of the claims to the Conference, and to abide by the decision. Each was at liberty to present its side of the case in the best light possible, and it was to be expected each would doso. The English are as capable of furnishing evidence and an able argument as the Americans. If our gov- ernment claims more than it ought to claim, according to the provisions of the treaty, it is reasonable to suppose the arbitrators will say so. At all events this country bas bound itself to accept their decision. And so has England. If, on the other hand, our claim for what are called indirect damages in the destruction of our commerce and maritime interests, and in the prolongation and cost in part of the war, be admitted, England has bound herself to submit and to pay the award, though it may amount to hundreds of millions, All is left to the arbitrators, and any attempt to force a decision of the question in advance of their action would be a violation of the treaty. The articles in the case of the United States against Great Britain, to be acted upon by the Geneva Conference, which appear to have aroused more particularly the press of Eng- land, are five and seven. Article five makes a claim ‘for loss in the transfer of the American commercial marine to the British flag,” and article seven ‘‘for prolongation of a civil war, the addition of a large sum to the cost thereof, and of the suppression of the rebellion.” These are called ‘‘indirect damages,” and the British government is called upon to resist any such liability. In the treaty between the United States and Great Britain, for the settlement of all causes of difference between the two countries, signed at Washington the 8th of May last, the rules laid down with regard to the duty of neutrals, which are to guide the Geneva Conference in its action, are, that a neutral government is bound— First—To use due diligence to prevent the fitting out, arming or cauipping Within its jurisdiction of any vessel which it has reasonabie ground to be- lieve is intended to cruise or to carry on war ss @ Power with which 1: is at peace; and also to use Uke diligence to prevent vhe departure from its. Jurisaiction of any vessel intended to cruise or carry on war as above, such vessel being specialiy adapted, in whole Or in part, within such jurisdic- tion, to warlike use, Second—Not to permit or suffer either beliigerent rts or wat the base of to make use of 1 waters a8 naval operat ainst the other or for the pur- pose of the re: or augmentation of military supplies or arms or the recruitment of men. 7hird—To exercise due diligence in its own or waters, and, as to all persons within its jurisaic- Uon, to prevent any violation of the foregoing obli- gations and duties. Though the British government makes a proviso in the treaty that these rules were not in force as _ international law when the claims arose, it agrees ‘‘that, in deciding the questions between the two countries arising out of these claims the arbitrators should assume that Her Majesty's government had undertaken to act upon the principles set forth in the rules.” Now, if the British government admits that it is responsi- ble, according to the second rule, for permit- ting the rebels to use its ports or waters as a base of naval operations and for renewing and augmenting military supplies and arms, or the recruitment of men, it seems clear that Kag orts ‘The Excitement in England Over the Als-| land ought to pay whatever damages re- sulted from the violation of this rule. court of law would so decide in a case between individuals. It is mine, and w.. think the case of the United States fairly and justly includes the loss by the transfer of the American commercial ma- rine to the British flag, and by the prolonga- tion of the war caused by the aid given to the rebellion by England. But it is said by the English journals that what they call indirect or consequential dam- ages were an afterthought ‘of our: govern- ment. This, to use the mildest term, is a mis- take, Almost the same language used in the case of the United States, as prepared for the Geneva Conference, is found in the protocol of the American High Commissioners, dated Washington, May 4, 1871. It is as follows :— “That the history of the Alabama \and other cruisers which had been fitted out or armed or equipped, or which had received augmenta- tion of force in Great Britain or in her colonies, and of the operation of those vessels, showed extensive direct losses in the capture and destruction of a large number of vessels with their cargoes, and in the heavy national expenditures in the pursuit of the cruisers, and indirect injury in the transfer of a large part of the American commercial marine to the British flag, in the enhanced payment of insurance, in the pro- longation of the war, and in the addition of a large eum to the cost of the war and~suppression of the rebellion; and also showed that Great Britain, by reason of failure in the proper observance of her duties as a neutral, had become justly liable for the acts of these cruisers and of their tenders.” From first to last our government has as- sumed that England was liable for all damages resulting from the action of these cruisers. It is no afterthought. Yet, should the Geneva Conference not admit this claim in full, the American government and people will submit to the decision, because that was agreed to in the Treaty of Washington. E A large portion of our citizens never looked with favor upon the Treaty of Washington, and it would not require much provocation to create general disgust. It was thought by many that England had: cunoingly inyeigled this country into the new rules regarding the duty of neutrals under the pretence of friend- ship and in the interests of commerce, while she did so only to save herself from the degtruction of her own maritime greatoess in the event of war. She has in one way or another, or under one pretext or another, de- stroyed successively every maritime rival. This country was the last. She seized with avidity the opportunity which the Soutbern rebellion appeared to afford to destroy our commercial marine, and, having succeeded in that, she then seeks a treaty with the United States by which her own maritime interests may be exempt, in the event of war, from a like disaster. The payment of thousands of millions of dollars would not compensate us for all the loss England caused, while she has been benefited thousands of millions by her unfriendly conduct to this country, The treaty was a cunning piece of strategy on the part of England to save herself in the future. Yet her press now would deny the United States even a fair presentation of claims be- fore the Geneva arbitrators. We oan only hope the government of Great Britain will not stultify itself by following the course pointed out by the intemperate press of England, and that the Queen’s reference to the subject of the American claims may be ‘‘friendly,” even if it should be a little ‘‘general” in words, Vanoovuver’s Istanp, on the Pacific coast, is a beautiful piece of property, and exceed- ingly valuable on account of its coal mines, making the island an important coaling station for steamers in the North Pacific. It is nowa British possession; but let England break up the Geneva Conference, and away goes Van- couver's Island. L’ Ordre, the new Bonapartist paper of Paris, has the following:— We lately announced the approaching arrival in France of the son of the President of the United States. We are now informed that this young ofmi- cer of marimes, accompanied (sic) by the celepratea General Sherman has landed at Nice and that he will come to Paris after having inspected our naval establishments of the South. L’ Ordre, true to its Bonapartist instincts, looks upon Fred Grant as another Prince Im- perial, and assigns General Sherman to the menial position of escort to His Imperial High- ness Prince Frederick, whom it calls ‘‘an offi- cer of marines.” The scion of our Chief Magistrate being already lieutenant of the cavalry this additional rank would make him lieutenant of the Horse Marines. A Sensiptz Man.—General Hancock has been interviewed by a Western newspaper man. In the course of the conversation, in reply to a question as to whether he had “declined a proposition to run as the demo- cratic candidate for the Presidency, said he ‘never declined anything before it was offered to him.” Here the General showed his good sense. But does he not regard the action of the Pennsylvania Democratic Con- vention in his favor an indirect mode of ten- dering him the nomination, so far as the democracy of the Keystone State is con- cerned? Tae British Tories, it is said, are en- gaging in this opposition to the Washington Treaty for the purpose of flanking the govern- ment of Mr. Gladstone, But these wise men, whose cause is the cause of the British aristocracy, do they not know that in this movement to smoke out their adversaries they are setting fire to their own house? Firry Kooxa Mutiverss to be blown from the mouths of British cannon in India, This order has been given by a Deputy Commis- sioner. He is aware that Sir Hugh Rose ob- tained a peerage for similar treatment of the Sepoys. Why should not the Deputy try for'a like reward ? A Srate Revormatory Sonoot is in course of erection in Elmira, this State. The bill for furnishing one office amounted to only about two thousand dollars. Here is a fine school from which a new race of reformers may graduate in future years. ‘‘Reform” is the word, Let the eood work go on, and the great object thelr mission, Her Majesty says:—‘ We do, by these presents, name, make, con- stitute and appoint them our undoubted high com Procurators and pleni- Potentiaries, giving to them, or to any three Or more of them, all manner of power and authority to treat, adjust and conclude with such Minister or Ministers as may be vested with similar power and authority on the part of our good friends, the United States of America, any treaties, conventions or ‘agreements that may tend to the attainment of the above-mentioned end, and to sign for us, and in our name, everything agreed upon and concluded, and to do and to transact all such other matters as may appertain to the Ginishing of the aforesaid work, in as ample a manner and form, and with such equal force and efficiency as we ourselves could do if personally present, engaging and promising upon our royal word that whatever things shall be so transacted and concluded by out- said high commissioners, procurators and plenipotentiaries shall be agreed to, acknowl- edged and accepted by us, in the fullest manner, and that we will never suffer, either to the whole or in part, any person whateo- ever to infringe the same, or act contrary thereto, as far as it lies in our power.” This is the pledge which binds Her Britan- nic Majesty to the things transacted, con- cluded and agreed upon in the Treaty of Wash- ington, and duly ratified by the two govern- ments concerned. According to this treaty the ‘‘American case,” on those Alabama claims, as submitted to the General Board of Arbitration, is fully justified; but from the agitation of the British press there is some reason to fear that Her Majesty's government may recede, retract, withdraw and ‘‘baok out” from these aforesaid solemn engagements. And whereas such backing out by Her Majesty’s government would be equivalent to a declaration of war with the United States, and whereas in the maintenance of peace between the two gg lies the jntereats be as eee cal Be gad case believe, that in the Queen’s speech to the two houses of Parliament, which this day reassemble for the consideration of public affairs, Her Majesty will graciously remind her Lords and Commons that a bargain isa bargain; that you can’t go behind the ‘“‘vouch- ers,” the treaty and the ‘“‘broad seats” thereof, and that whatever pothouse politicians and sensational party newspapers may say, the idea of retracting, receding, withdrawing or backing out from the treaty aforesaid, or any part thereof, is childish, contemptible, scan- dalous and perfectly absurd. We await the Queen’s speech. The Final Results of a War with Eng- land=A Word of Warning to the Britiss Government. The people of the United States do not wisk @ war with England. Their prosperity and happiness are sought in the peaceful develop- ment of the vast resources of the country, and in the steady adyance of civilization, enter- prise and intelligence over the yet unsettled Territories of the great confederacy. The American Continent needs and yearns for population, and in the increase of its people, which is to other nations a source of poverty and embarrassment, it finds its most rapid augmentation of wealth. Our goverament is not compelled to invite a periodical war, just or unjust, in order to get rid of its surplus and hungry mouths, or as a political necessity in order to keep brawl- ing agitators from mischief. There are cer- tuin classes, it is true, mainly imported from British soil, who would rejoice at a war with our old enemy; but the better spirit and the sounder sense of the great body of our citizens would deplore such an event as a calamity. Nevertheless, the fact is undeniable that the United States would in the end be a great gainer by such a war. Whatever might be ita varying fortunes here and there, by land or sea, the inevitable final result would be the annexation to the States of the Union of every foot of territory on the American Continent and the adjacent islands now owing fealty to England. It is almost impossible to calculate the enormous advantages that would accrue to the United States from the sole ownership ande control of the waters of the St. Lawrence, the great fisheries and the ports on this side of the Atlantic, as well as from the development of the hitherto crippled trade and neglected resources of the Canadian provinces. These assertions are no assault on the courage and loyalty of the Canadians. The citizens of the New Dominion are now supposed to be, and many of them are in reality, opposed to annexation and proud of their relations with the English nation. But the experience of history proves that this feeling would speedily die out after the close of a war which could never end but in annexation, and the Candian provinces would before long take position among the most vigorous, earnest and patriotic of the States of the Union, It may be well for the statesmen of England to consider these facts. The American na- tion, while desiring peace, is prepared for war. Our people are not ignorant of the suf- ferings of the Revolution, but they know its result was the independence of the republic. They are aware that the war of 1812 entailed temporary pain and sorrow on the country; but they do not forget that at its termination England was forced to abandon her insolent claim of the right of search. They do not close their eyes to the trials of a war with Eng- land in these days, but they feel confident that before their arms, if once taken up, are laid down the Stars and Stripes will float over every foot of American soil from Newfound- land to the Pacific Ocean. They have had enough of England's bad faith in the Alabama case, from the building of the privateer by Englishmen down to their threatened viola- tion of the Treaty of Washington, made at England's own solicitation. The controversy must be settled at once, whether peacefully or by the arbitrament of the sword remains for England to decide. Evipenty Harp AGRouND—The general Amnesty bill in the Senate, on the bar of equal social rights to “American citiaens of Afciaan, descent.’ oN ele