The New York Herald Newspaper, February 3, 1872, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR sereeNo. 34 AMUSEMENTS THIS AFTERNOON AND EVENING, OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway.—Tax Bauer Pan: ‘Tomimk of HUMPTY Dompry, Matinee at 2 AIMEE'S OPERA BOUFFE, No, 720 Broadway.—! Briganps, Matinee—Bakor BLEUE. eae BOOTH’S THEATRE, Twenty-third st., i guntve Caan, Matinee ate ‘ach os inom hal FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, Twenty-{ street.— THE Rw Deasa OF Divonon” Matinee a's. GRAND OPERA HOUSE, corner of ath av. and %éa st— EUROPEAN HIPPOTHEATRICAL COMPANY. Matinee at 2. WOOD'S MUSKUM, Broadway, corner 35th st, —Perf ances afternoon and evening.—O8 Hanp. Bestia WALLACK'S THE. 4 13 - Joan Game ATRE, Broadway and 13th street. NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway, betws Houston streets,—BLAcK ‘Crook. ha aoe BOWERY THEAT. ry—CLAN-NA- ace Hae ‘RE, Bowery—Cuan-Na-Gari—Inisa- ST, JAMES' THEATRE, T: - a ee ‘wenty-eighth street and Broad. ACADEMY OF MUSIC, at 14—Don Juan, Evenin; MRS. F. BL Max ap ers BROOKLYN THEATRE.— THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 B: 18M8, NEGRO ACIS, AC.-NEW Yo Fourteenth — street.—Matinee G—PHILHARMONIO ConcERT. T.—COMIO VOOAL- N 1871, Matinee. UNION SQUARE THEATRE, Fourteenth st. and Broad- way.—NEGRO ACTS—BURLESQUE, BALLET, £o. Matinee, THIRTY-FOURTH STREET THEATRE, - Dae.—VARIRTY ENTERTAINMENT. reps TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE. No. 2 Bowery. — NxGRo EOcRNTRICITIEG, BURLESQUES, 40. Matinee at 2. BRYANT'S NEW OPERA HOUSE, 234 «t., Gnd 7th ava.--BRYANT’S MINSTRELS. ii SAN FRANCISCO MINSTREL HALL, 686 Bi _ ‘THE San FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, i enue between 6th Malines at 2. . PAVILION, No. 688 B: —T - mi. Matinee ct —" fut VIENNA Lavy Or. "NEW YORK CIRCUS, Four .—#o (wus RING, Ackozats, &c. “Matinee ats. saicmbie ASSOCIATION HA 6th street a ™ 1p isa Sipe and Third avenue. ALA CONCERT. a MUSIC HALL, Harlem.—Mrs, JaRver's DR. KAHN'S ANATOMI! 5 cuaeo awe ICAL MUSEUM, 745 Broadway. — NEW YORK MUSEUM OF AN. Y, IeNGH Ave Ae ATOMY, 618 Broadway.— TRIPLE § New York, Saturday, February 3, 1872. CONTENTS OF TO-DAY’S HERALD. a | j= Advertisements, 2—Adveruscments. B—The State Canital: Our “Re orm’ Legistature in Earnest Deliberation; rhe Judges and the Bar Association; Charges Against Judges George’ G. Barnard and = Albert Car- doz0 Preferred by the Judiciary Commit tee; The Seventy’s Charter Betfore the Assembly; Overhauling of Canal Affairs; Another Murder Bill—The Heaith Oficer of the Port and the Harbor Masters—The HERALD And Dr. Livingstone—The HERALD and the Nile Expedition—The HgRaLp in Kentucky— Art Matters—The Utah Deadlock: A Mass Mecting of Salt Lake Citizens Endorses Judge McKean and Condemns Attorney General ates, 4=—Sherman tn Peale: Visit of the American four- ists to the Escurial; Prince Fred Among the Beggars; Burial Place of the Spanish Mon- archs—The City Governmeéat: Loud and Angry Complaints of the City Creditors; The Comp- roller Seeking the Amendment of the Audit Bil; New Aldermante ‘trouvles—That ‘Tam- many society Injunctlou—Juige bedford’s . NEW YORK HEKALD, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1872.—TRIPLE SHEET. The Renomivation of General Grant—Tho Witches Around the Caldron. What a time the political witches are having around their caldron! ‘Bubble, bubble—toil and trouble!” The air is filled with their incantations, Witch Wilkes and Witch Sum- ner and their haggard and impatient follow- ers keeping up a shrill chorus and destroy- ing the public peace. If we hearken to their chants there was never so base, so wretched, so false a President asGrant; and if we gave any heed to their heated fancies we should feel that the country was on the eve of a new revo- lution, that Grant was to be whirled out of his seat and we were to have a new millennium, with Sumner in the Cabinet and Wilkes in office, and Greeley the observed of all observers in the stately halls of Buckingham Palace. All this time the country is quiet and patient, thinking its own quizzical thoughts about the mad, pranc- ing witches, while the silent Ulysses calmly smokes bis Presidential cigar and attends to the nation’s welfare, and cares no more for the mob that denounces him than if they were a troupe of minstrels making a clatter at the kitchen door and resolved not to move under a shilling. The misfortune with these men is that they do not reason calmly, but take counsel of their own vanity. If every public man were hon- ored according to his estimate of himself we should probably have twenty thousand Presi- dents. This whole anti-Grant movement is a clamor. It lacks purpose, shape, consecutive thought, substance. It rises before us like the mist from Niagara. We see the mist and hear the noise, but there is nothing that we can grasp. When we ask what has Grant done that he should be dishonored, we hear lamentations about relatives and broth- ers-in-law and presents and bribes and cor- raptions in the Custom House. Even Mr. Greeley, who should be above such rhetoric, and makes daily proclamation of his honesty and fairness, has permitted himself to join in this chorus, We answer that nothing has been urged against Grant that does not upon reason and analysis prove to be a vulgar scandal. Take the latest charge— this about the Custom House. Does Mr. Greeley or Mr. Wilkes or Mr. Sumner believe for a moment that the President is a silent partner in the general order business, or that he has made one dollar out of his office not directed by law, or that he has connived at any violation of law? Would Mr. Greeley, were he called upon to deliver a lecture upon Grant, as he has been lecturing upon Lincoln, discuss the President's character as he and his friends now discuss it? On the contrary, were General Grant dead and the subject of Mr. Greeley’s lyceum observations, his career would be judged calmly, fairly and favorably. When President Lio- coln was living, and, as is the case with Grant, the candidate of many men for renom- ination to the Presidency, Mr. Greeley dis- cussed him as something between a mounte- bank and a horse jockey, and was earnestly opposed to his renomination. _ That was _polit- ical criticism. When Lincoln died Mr. Greeley wrote a lecture, in which he treated the late Grand Jury—The Jersey Oligarchy: The Most Oppressed City in the Union; What It Has Cost Jersey City for Surveying and Engin- eering—Uollece of the Ciiy of New Y The Good Shepherd Society—rue Hack and Cad Men of New York—Confict of Authority Spirivualisic Case—Not a var Accident. The Japaucse Mission to the Orgaoization, Orders and ; United States Minister ve Long’s Diplomacy anu its Successful Results— George Bancroit and Harvard— Music and the Drama—Mile. Aimee in a Police Court—Suit Against Janauscnek—lhe Custom House Abuses: Startling Exposure of Official Cor- ruption—-Pigeon Shooting —Curiing—- Pugil- ism—Fire m West Fifty-tirst Street-—a Terrl- ble Mistake, G—Enitortals: Leading Article, “The Renomination of General Grani—The Witches Around the Caldron’—Amiusement Announcements, 9—Eaitorials (Continued from Sixtn Page)—Eng- land: Public Discussion of the Alabama Claims Question and the American Case Pre- sented ai Geneva—France: Revoluttonary Agitation in Paris and Cries for and Against Amperialism—The Danubian — Principalities: Severe and Fatal Assauit on the Jews in Roumanta; Murderous Outrage at_ Ismail— News from Spain—The Mud Kun Slaughter: Scene of the Disaster Visited; Complete List of the Dead and Wounded*-Miscellaneous Tete- grams—Business Notices. 8—Proceedings in Congress—The Courts: Interest- ing Proceedings in the United states, New York and Brookiva Courts—A Cleyer Capture: “Dutch Heinrichs” in Trouble Again About Bonds—Tne Brooklyn Police—Revenue and Rum in Brooklyn—#rookiyn luems—A Lovers’ Quarre!—Raics Upon Fallen Women—An In- teresting Family—Fatal Skating Casualtty. O—Outrage to the Flag: The Ulegal Seizure and Detention of the american Steamer Montijo: Making Light of a High Crime against the American Fiag—Indentified—Nebraska Rail- roaas—American Bible Soc! Mantic and vacific Telegraph Company auctal and Commercial Keports—Domestic and European Markets—Cotton Keceipts—Marriages and Deaths, 30—Wastington; The Education Problem; Dela- ware's Whipping Post and Laughing Stock; Indian Appropriations assed; the Arkansas and North Carolina Senatorsnips; Fish Favora- ble to the Fishery Clause; The Salt Duty; Award of the Atlantic Mail Contract—Down With Monopoly: A Movement jor the rocuring of Free Light, Free Railroads and Free Potice for the People—The Weather Reporis—Miscele laneous Telegrams—Shipping Intelligence— Advertisements. 41—Tichborne: A Keview of the Claimant's Case up to the Present Time; Sir Roger Tichborne; His Life in Engiand and France and Depart: ure for South America; Left Kio in the Belia and Reported Lost at Sea; The Austraiian Claimant: De Castro, Orton or Tichvorne, Which? The Search for the Lost Beir; Back Again in England; “Dear Koger'' Recognized by the Dowager as Her Long Lost Sou; ‘the Case as it Now Stauds—fousenol pik Ta ‘The Uuca Murderess—How They Ser og Fighters in Connecticut—More Shooting Valentine's Cure—The Solar Eclipse—W HERALD Notice—City Government Pro ings. uy Government Proceedings (Continued from Eleventh Page)—Advertisements. ——__ Ox Trme—The officers of the Custom House in their heavy seizure yesterday of “Doron Hersrions,” as a broker, it ap- pears, made a bold strike for fifteen thousand yesterday; but, being a little too slow, lost it and got intothe Tombs. A black Friday for Heinrichs. Mrs. MoCartny, who shot at one man at Utica the other day, and who at the first fire shot two men and killed one, is to be defended on the plea of insanity. Ofcourse. They are all insane, except in Jersey, where they hang them, for fear that in being let off as insane they may keep on ehooting. Tax Spanich AxMy Vinpioatixe Its Namg.—From the Philippine Islands comes intelligence of a native military revolt against the Spanish authority. Two hundred natives of the artillery arm of the service mutinied and took possession of a fort. The place was attacked by the Spanish regulars, carried by assault, and all tbe mutineers killed, Two hundred men swept away! Spain maintains her military reputation for the avengements of war or rebellion, In this respect, at least, she is unchanged. Here she can say, ‘The ations have fallen. but I am still young.” President with kindness andhonor. That was historical criticism. Now we ask why do not our politicians be fair and treat all of our pub- lic men—whether living or dead—with histor- ical juice? Why should every canvass for the Presidency be little more than a carnival of slander—of permitted, unrebuked defama- tion? Why cannot these men who claim to be teachers and leaders rise above the murky atmosphere of partizanship and be just? For we believe that whether a man is living or dead, a candidate for office or a private citi- zen, he deserves cold, calm justice. In award- ing this to President Grant we find ourselves confronted by this group of uneasy witches in a wild hurly burly, We look at the military career of General Grant, and we see certain marked political events. He has paid so many millions of our debt; he has kept the peace in spite of all kinds of Cuban and Spanish temptations; he has solved the angry and threatening Alabama question; he has given justice to the Indians and protection to the freedman in the South, and he has borne him- self in his high place with dignity, simplicity, unostentation, as an American gentleman charged with high trusts and discharging them in the most direct and satisfactory manner. General Grant certainly has been as satis- factory a President as Washington, or Jef- fferson, or Jackson or Lincoln. The country proposes to honor him as these other states- men were honored. The witches break out into a clamor of denunciation and cry out their tavern scandals, which nobody believes, and they do not believe themselves, One or two of the graver ones say further: — “We do not suggest General Grant for re- election, because we are in favor of the princi- ple of one term for Presidential candidates.” This is a principle, is it? Let us grant that. Why, then, force this principle upon the country at a time when its advocacy is an act of injustice to Grant? This ‘‘principle” did” not prevent Mr. Greeley, Mr. Wilkes, Mr. Sumner, and, in fact, the whole tribe of witches from supporting Mr. Lincola, If this faith was strong in them, why did they con- sent to Mr. Lincoln's election? If their devotion to the principle was of an elastic, temporary, accommodating nature, why ad- vance it now? We think Mr. Conkling, as the friend of the President, made a mis- take in considering the ‘‘one term principle” as in any way reflecting upon Grant. He should have said, ‘Let us have the whole one term doctrine prepared and discussed at the proper time. If it is wise we can adopt it ; if not, reject it. You bring it forward now not as a principle, but an intrigue. You know well that the custom of the country has been to re-elect chief magistrates who were worthy. Why should that custom be broken to enable you to visit your resentment upon General Grant? If this is really a principle— a deeply-cherished conviction—you are taking the course that will most surely destroy it; for you bring it forward as an intrigue, a scheme, an expedient, meant to deny Grant his due honor, and you compel every one of his friends, whether they agree with you or not, to oppose your principle.” This is the ground upon which to discuss the one term question, It does not belong to the present canvass, and the proper course for General Grant's friends to take is to consider it ao adjourned issue, aod to insist that by law and custom, by an example as sacred as that of Washington, they have the right to re-elect General Grant; that they mean to try and do it. When that is done, they will take up this principle and consider it calmly and with thoroughness, and without the suspicion of making war upon the Presi- dent. So, dismissing this intrigue as having no legit- imate place in this canvass, we ask the witches to sospend their incantations long enough to give us a candidate, Well, Mr, Wilkes names Senator Sumner, and, as Mr. Wilkes seems to be the head witch of the group, we listen to him, Would Mr. Sumner be a good Presi- dent? We give him all honor as a Senator. But he belongs toa class of men like Burke, who, by their temperament and genius, are foreordained to be in the minority. Mr. Sumner is not an American nearly as much a8 he is an Englisiman ora Frenchman. He has never made himself a place in the peoples’ affections. The republican party respects Sumner; but sometimes it fears and at other times it derides him. No man can expect to be President who inspires his party with either fear or derision. Then in the matter of availability, Mr. Sumner has many elements of weakness. Nothing but a miracle of God would give him the votes of the reactionary Southern States. The Bour- bon democracy would abandon him in shoals. His party would find they had a wintry frozen canvass; a candidate to be carried instead of one who could carry any marked strength. Mr. Sumner must live out the vareerhe has made himself. He isa Senator; his mission is to criticise and lead necessary and judicious opposition, He cannot now, in the ripeness and maturity of a fame recalling that of Burke, go back into the devious and uninviting paths by which aspiring politicians like Van Buren and Buchanan crept into the Presi- dency. ho, dismissing Mr. Sumner, we come to the remainder of the group: some negative, others positive. Mr. Greeley is perhaps the only really positive candidate; for the others we regard as so many anxious virgins, with their lamps trimmed and their garments tucked around them, waiting to be called. They are accidental, make-shift aspirants for power, with the merit of having no special merits or de- merits, of having never made any impression for good or evil upon the country. Mr. Greeley is a positive. candidate. He would give his ticket a strength that Mr. Sumner would not have, In Virginia and North Carolina, where the old line whig traditions survive he would beat any candidate but Grant, and would even run Grant very close. He would be strong in Pennsylvania, because of his pig-iron fancies, and on the Pacific coast for personal reasons. But Mr. Greeley edits a partisan newspaper, and in that position he is like Coleridge’s Ancient Mariner with the albatross around his neck. Asa partisan he has been in a hundred fights, and has made enemies whose animosity slumbers, but who would rise to confront him in his canvass as suddenly as the followers of Rhoderic Dhu sprang from the heather and bracken when they heard their leader's cry. Mr. Greeley is a popular man, partly because he has been assiduously advertised by the association which prints his newspaper, and partly be- cause he has a hale, lusty, generous sympa- thy with the people in all of their struggles and aspirations. He would develop elements of political strength that none of his party pos- sesses, and, perhaps, on the other hand, ele- ments of antagonism that would be silent before tepid, indifferent statesmen like Trum- bull and Cox. He is a temperance man, which would not please the Germans. He would hang nobody, which would please nobody very much just now. He is a pro- tectionist, which would alienate the import- ing, free trade interests. He bailed Jefferson Davis, which reduced every member of the stern old radical republican party, over fifty years of age, into a state of implacable wrath. As it is, even with Sumner or Greeley or any one, we take Grant against the field. He has done well, and has been in every respect a good and faithful servant. The republican politicians cannot defeat his nomination by any “‘one term” intrigue, and the American people are too generous to permit him to be sacrificed to the ambition and animosity of rebels, democrats and disappointed republican office-seekers, Murpgrovs ASSAULT ON THE IsRAELITES IN Rovumania.—A_ barbarously murderous assault has just been perpetrated against the Jews resident in Ismail, on the Roumanian frontier. Many Israelites were killed, as appears from our news tele- gram to-day, and the survivors, who are for the most part women and children, have fled from the scene of slaughter and sought shelter on the Turkish territory. The officers of the Sultan, acting in exact accord- ance with the spirit of liberality which charac- terizes the government of their imperial master, afforded the exiles relief. The repeti- tion of those acts of frontier violence on account of class, caste and religion will event- ually complicate the Roumanian government with the surrounding great Powers, and this in a very serious manner for the executive of the Principaiities. The persecution of the Israelites in the locality referred to has been conducted persietently, with more or less open activity, during tbe past four years, as will be seen by the facts which we append to our news telegram from Constantinople in illus- tration of its contents, Mr. CaTaoaz¥ AND THE Russian Govern- MENT.—We can see now in what light the Russian government views the conduct of Mr. Catacazy while at Washington. Mr. Fish thought, no doubt, that he bad made outa fearfully black case against the Minister, The amiable Secretary of State was pushed on, we suppose, by the agents of the Perkins claim until he became fierce. The Russian govern- ment, to show its appreciation of Mr. Catacazy and his services, has appointed him to a posi- tion in the Foreign Office at St. Petersburg before he arrives home, At the same time we learn that the late Consul General at Bucha- rest, Baron Von Offenburg, has been ap- pointed Envoy to the United States. Lxs MisERABLRS—The unfortunate depositors ofthe Market Bank, Their sufferings from thie failure have not been described by Viotor Hugo, The Irish Home Rule Movement. From the letters of our special corre- spondents we judge that society in Ireland is just now deeply agitated on the subject of the connection with England. Evidence of the feverish state of the popular mind is fur- nished by isolated acts of violence, which, though not in all cases of a political character, serve to prove the existence of an unhealthy excitement among the masses. The discus- sion of the question of Home Rule becomes daily more animated, and strange combina- tions are already foreshadowed. There can no longer be a doubt that the agitation will be pushed forward vigorously and fought to the bitter end. Some patriotic gentlemen like O’Donoghoe, the member for Tralee, have al- ready sold out for the mess of pottage, and Bishop Moriaty, the holy divine who thought “hell was not hot enough nor eternity long enough” to punish the Irish enemies of Her Gracious Majesty Victoria, is again in the field, launching denunciation at the heads of those agitators who seek to disturb his flock in the quiet enjoyment of mud cabins and bad potatoes—a diet which this good Bishop be- lieves highly conducive to the salvation of his flock. However, there are people bold enough to differ with this worthy divine, and the imposing demonstrations in favor of Home Rule which have been made in England and in Ireland make it clear that the attempt to allay Irish discontent by means of shallow expedients. and hollow remedies has failed. We judge from these indications of the popular temper that the Irish are resolved to give the English government no peace until the rights of Ireland have been completely restored. This new movement does not aim at accomplishing its object by force of arms, nor does it seek the sepa- ration of Ireland from the British empire. The leaders argue, with much force, that if a proper understanding can be arrived at it will be the interest of Ireland to remain a part of the British empire, to whose glory and grandeur Irish blood and brains have so largely contributed. Those who think only of the greatness of England point to the tendency of the age in unifying nations and centralizing their power as @ reason for refusing the Irish demand. Ger- many and Italy are cited as examples by men who forget that the parallel is only on the sur- face, and that there is a fundamental difference between the position of Ireland and that of either Germany or Italy. In these latter cases there was homogeneity of race and of lan- guage, while the Irish and English peoples are separated by a marked difference of temperament and by the memories of wrongs suffered and inflicted through many ages of ceaseless struggle. It is evident that the con- ditions upon which a union of two peo- ples having no affinity of race and no common aspirations can be effected, must differ widely from those by which it is sought to draw together peoples who are members of the same great family, whose past and future are naturally one. Eng- lish statesmen have made the mistake of ignoring the force of an idea; and, in spite of massacre and gibbetings and prgscriptions, they find themselves constantly confronted by the undying hostility of a people too weak to resist successfully, but too proud and too brave ever to accept defeat as final. In one form or another Ireland unceasingly pro- tests; and foreign nations have at last begun to recognize that, through this discontent of Ireland, England’s power in war can be neu- tralized. For the moment all thought of armed insurrection in Ireland has been abandoned, and the federalists came forward to propose a compromise between the extreme demands of the two peoples. Among the leaders are men eminent for their talents and their virtues, and there can be no doubt that this agitation is destined to assume such proportions as cannot fail to make it truly formidable to the English government. It is difficult to see how the rulers of England will be able to refuse the reasonable demands made by the Home Rule leaders. These do not propose to overthrow the authority of the throne nor in any way to interfere with the stability of the empire. Two difficulties are in the way of success, The first is based on the want of confi- dence felt by the Irish people in all merely moral force movements. They are con- vinced that England will never grant their rights except to force or fear of force, and hence they are slow to move in the cause of federalism. But while the masses prefer to continue their revelutionary organizations, the middle classes and the more liberal among the gentry hasten to give in their adhe- sion to the principles of Home Rule, These mon desire to see Ireland governing herself, but are opposed to an appeal to arms, which they consider would inflict untold mis- ery on the country without effecting any good. Federalism they believe would satisfy all the legitimate desires of the Irish nation for self- government, They perceive clearly that the tinkering with Irish grievances that takes place in the British Parliament only serves to deepen the dislike and contempt of the Irish people for their rulers. English states- men are apt to under-estimate or to exagge- rate for party purposes the force of Irish discontent. In the British Parliament the Irish people are constantly spoken of as though they were wayward children, whom it would be weakness to try to conciliate. Gallant members, who would not risk their personal safety for half the kingdom, talk eloquently of ‘‘stamping out rebellion” when the Irish de- mand what is unquestionably their right. Even the few concessions that are made are granted in such a churlish manner that they excite no feeling of gratitude. Nothing, perhaps, contributes more to keep alive Irish hatred than the insolent and foolish assumption of superiority claimed by shallow English writers over the Irish people—an assumption that has no foundation in fact. To ignore the right which underlies the Irish claim for self-government, and to refuse to recognize the connections between cause and effect, is the constant habit of English rulers, They admit the existence of many grievous wrongs, but refuse to do justice, because they are persuaded Irish disloyalty would continue. As @ result the breach daily widens be- tween the English government and the Irish people, who, sensible of their inability to effect anything while England is at peace, patiently “watch for the moment of veugesuce. The argument put forward by England that the concession demanded would be used against the empire is unsound. It is certain that #0 long as the present state of relations exists between the two countries Ireland must be a danger to England, Unless some amicable arrangement can be effected separation must eventually ensue, The scheme of federalism is the only one that can meet the difficulty. It would replace the present enforced connection by the bond of mutual interest. So far from being the first step to ultimate separation, it is the only way of avoiding it; for the present relation, which is based on brute force, cannot always be maintained. Blindness to their own true interests prevents the governing classes from conciliating the Irish, who could easily be converted into the stanchest supporters of order. Under the present conditions the party of revolution in England can always count on the sympathy and active support of the Irish people, while by timely concessions the radical party could be deprived of auxiliaries upon whom they already count for the overthrow of the throne and aristocracy of England. After the experience of centuries of repression it is strange that the English government should hope to accomplish by terror what the murder- ous swords of Elizabeth’s soldiers and Cromwell's bloody troopers were unable to effect. If brute force could have crushed Irish nationality it would not have survived the tender mercy of the English Vir- gin or the holy rage of the Lord Protector. But ideas can neither be contained by chains nor struck down with swords, To-day the demand for separate nationality is stronger than ever in Ireland, and the federal Movement marches to success or to civil war. No doubt few of the leaders have any idea of fighting just now, but it is much easier to set in motion a popular movement than to stop it, When the supreme moment has come, and the final demand has been put forth peaceably and legally, but earnestly, by the people, should the English government refuse their just demands the dark form of the revo- lution which lurks in the background will step to the front and lead an incensed people to the assertion of those rights by force which have been refused to their prayers. Can Eng- land afford the conflict? We think not, and urge her to timely concession, The United States Case on the Alabama Claims—The English Agitation. There appears to be a great excitement in England—there is certainly a very active agitation going on through the English press— on the case of the United States on those Alabama claims as submitted to the Geneva Board of Arbitration and already widely pub- lished for the information of the English peo- ple. The case of England has not yet been proclaimed; but our case has excited the wrath of John Bull, and he pronounces it posi- tively shocking and perfectly outrageous, by Jove! The London Advertiser asserts that Chief Justice Cockburn, in the face of this intolerable case, will withdraw from the Board, and that Her Majesty’s government-— (hear, hear)—will repudiate the Treaty of Washington. The London News pronounces our “‘little bill” out of the question, and main- tains that “in this opinion it is backed by the undivided sentiment of the country.” In a word, the discussion of the Alabama claims in “the tight little island” has broken out ferociously, ‘‘and grows more and more vehe- ment as the opening of Parliament ap- proaches,” Here we see again, as in the discussion of Senator Sumner’s famous speech on these Alabama claims, that at sight of the offensive facts, figures and ‘‘vouchers” the sturdy Briton fires up like a turkey-cock when chal- lenged by a bit of red flannel, But this will never do, And all these patriotic vaporings as to the retirement of Justice Cockburn from Geneva in disgust, and of the repudiation of the Washington Treaty, are very silly, childish and ridiculous, Much of this newspaper in- dignation, however, may be charged to ‘‘bun- combe” and to that fundamental idea of the newspaper Bohemian of ‘anything for a sen- sation.” That rough old English customer, Dr. Johnson, has given it as his opinion that “atricttem ie the last re*-7e of the scoun- drel;” and he might have added, it is the cheapest of all the virtues of the Bohemian, such as they are. All dispassionate men say that the arbitrations agreed upon in the Treaty of Washington are good examples of wise statesmanship, as a choice upon the issue of peace or war, It is a treaty of mutual conces- sions. England, among other things, on her part apologizes for the scandalous réle she played in the building, equipping, manning and shipping off to sea of the Alabama and other piratical cruisers, and agrees to foot the bill of costs. We present our bill in pursuance of this treaty, @ list of ships destroyed without a parallel since the sinking and burning of the “Invincible Armada,” and the burly Britons, who “never will be slaves,” fly into a passion, clap their hands upon their breeches pockets and cry out, ‘‘You have been raking the five oceans for these ships, whalers and all, and this sort of thing is out of the question, don’t you see?” Nevertheless, this bill will have to be set- tled. We suspect, too, that the bill of counter claims from Her Majesty's government will be something new under the sun, and that in the end a considerable portion of the damages to our interested merchants and sea captains will have to come out of the United States Treasury. But if every penny of damages resulting from the depredations upon our trade of the Alabama, Shenandoab, Florida, &c., is drawn from the Bank of England, it will for England be a good bar- gain. . We say a good bargain; for, look you, the real damages to us, directly and indirectly resulting from England’s one-sided neutrality, as an ally of Jeff Davis, may be safely set down as not less than a thousand millions of dollars. England’s moral and material aid to Davis prolonged his war for a Southern con- federacy at least a year longer than otherwise it would have lasted; and this idea was the general idea of the American people when this Treaty of Washington was concluded, and with their general endorsement. And why? Because they believed and be- lieve that peace with England is better and will be better than war for us, for England and for the world; because peace for us will be better than thousand or ten thousand millions gained by wat with Baglaad—betier than all Her Majesty’: Nozsa american pos.’ sessions, gained, as they would be gained, from such a war. Hence this Treaty of Wash- ington, for which, on those Alabama claims, we surrender all constructive or indirect dam- ages, in consideration of England's apology and those three new rules of neutrality which she agrees shall be applied to the Alabama and her piratical confederates, We would, therefore, submit to our British contempora- ries of the press that this unseemly rage at our bill of costs for England’s folly is only that of the mean fellow, who, after enjoying a glorious night’s frolic, denies the extra beer and the broken dishes. The Situation in France Still More Alarming—Counter-Revolutionary Agitaden in Paris—Thicrs’ Trouble Becoming Ges- eral, Paris was agitated by a movement of a most serious tendency yesterday. The people were wildly excited during a few hours, and the symptoms of revolution and counter-revo- lution—for Bonaparte imperialism, and for the further progress toward the complete radical- ism of the reds—made plainly apparent, The excitement originated primarily in a theatre, as bave Paris excitements on many previous occasions, A new play, entitled ‘‘Ragabas,” was performed at the Vaudeville. The work contains some expressions in favor of imperialist rule and the Bonapartes. The pronouncement of these portions of the dle produced the moat intense commotion inside of the building. The feeling was communicated to a crowd which was collected outside, and became pretty generally contagious from sympathy. It did not attain universality, however, and in this, as it appears to us just now, was found a measure of safety for the Thiers’ gov- ernment and the republic, After the theatrical performance was concluded the freemen of Paris commenced to rehearse in the high- ways for the enactment of the national drama of governmental change. A crowd surged from the Vaudeville through the boulevards, It was a demonstrative crowd, but not united in opinion. Men cried, ‘Down with the Bonapartes.” They were answered by men who shouted, ‘Vive ’Hmpire!” The occurrence of actual disturbance was dreaded for a time; but the street assemblage finally dispersed without coming to blows. President Thiers ordered General Ladmi- rault to suspend the performance of the new play, and to close the doors of the Vaudeville Theatre temporarily. This is quite‘*in accord- ance with his obligations to duty. The action may be effectual, It may, equally, have an effect contrary to that intended by the Exeou- tive. M. Thiers should hope for a continu- ance of the divide et impera condition of the Paris malcontents; for should the dem- ocratic divisions chance to unite for the attain- ment of a common object the result may be disastrous to his government. A Chinese theologian and philosopher once assured @ multitude of angry and discontented farmers that he would bring down rain for the benefit of their growing crops if they would consult and agree, all of them, that rain was required’ and that it would benefit the crops. The agriculturists did not return, It may be so between Thiers and the members of this new outcrop of Paris radicalism. President Thiera has said he will go. Can the people of Paris assure him who is to come? France remains exceedingly unhappy. The Legislative Assembly passed the bill author- izing the government to notify England and Belgium of the expiration of the commercial treaties existing with these countries, The de- spatch does not allege that Thiers was told to inform Queen Victoria and King Leopold that the treaties would not be renewed by France after revision and amendment, but we pre- sume that he was so directed. This is, per- haps, the gravest and most embarrassing step of all. It is likely to lead to formidable ulte- rior difficulties—difficulties with two powerful neighbors, the one strong in her remem- brances from Waterloo to the moment of the negotiations which were conducted between Richard Cobden, the British political re- former, and Bonaparte, the French imperial- ist, and the other powerful, not only in her geographical position, but io her example of .a modern revolution conducting to a moderate monarchy; the flash of the radical sword which illumined the ramparts of Antwerp being reflected from the jewels of a kingly diadem in Brussels to~ day. Then again, the French Assembly re- fuses to return to Paris, a motion to that ef- fect being rejected yesterday by a vote taken amidst a sceneof great uproar. French indus try feels the depleting effect of the situation, The railway laborers have struck work at Arles, and threaten to stop the trains on the road. ‘Troops have been marched to the new point of difficulty. The officers have been ordered to “‘strengthen the hands of the local authorities"—a command which Is ever dangerous to the disturbers of the peace, although not in all instances cura- tive for the interests of those who employ it in a military sense, Thus do we behold France dramatizing her aspirations for fixed government; seething through the streets of Paris for a change in the form of rule which watches over her; resolving against foreign manufacture and idling from artisan work at home; frm against commercial fraternity with her aeigh- bors, but becoming rapidly nonproductive; striking for wages and preventing capital from earning the wherewith to pay, aad finally ap- proaching a Cabinet disintegration at the centre by the threatened withdrawal of Casi mir Perier from Thiers. The French crisis is of gloomy import, and the question still re- mains, What ts to become of France? The nation has been classed as being indestructible and inextinguishable, If she cannot die, how does she intend to live ? pine ee niaareen ny Tue Goop STANDING OF THE ILLINOIS Ratte roaps in the London market is due, no doubt, in ® great measure, to that excellent provision in the constitution of the State, of Illinois which prohibits the watering of stock. We notice by a telegram from London, pub- lished yesterday, that a firm there had con- cluded @ loan for two millions of dollars on the Gilman, Clinton and Springfield Railroad at 90, and that the bonds were quoted at two per cent premium. Here is an example for other States. Let the State of New York and other States make a coygtitutiqnal oravie