The New York Herald Newspaper, June 1, 1871, Page 6

Page views left: 0

You have reached the hourly page view limit. Unlock higher limit to our entire archive!

Subscribers enjoy higher page view limit, downloads, and exclusive features.

Text content (automatically generated)

q ‘ 6 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR, All business or news letter and telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York Heraiv. Volame XXXVI. FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, Twenty-fourth sireet.— GoLvEN FLERCR—TuE Comical CounTEss. OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broa¢way.—New VERSION OF #ack Suxprann, BOOTH’S TH“ATRE, 23. & Wrnree’s Tace. WOOD'S MUSEUM Broadw ances every afternoon and ev’ si, oerween Sth and 6th avs.— ner Sith st.—Perform- PEARL oF Savoy. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway and 13th street— RosEvacr. NIBLO'S GARDEN, broadway.—Kit, THE ARKANSAS TRAVELLER, GRAND OPERA HOU! Tue Tuzre Honcusac orner of Sth ay. ana 23d st.— LINA EDWIN’S THEATRE. 724 Broadway.—ComEpy or RANK. BOWERY THEATRE. Rowery.—TAE HUNTRESS OF THR Mississtrri—TuF FeMALE BARBER, &0. CENTRAL PARK GARDEN.—Tugoporr THoMAs' SUMMER NiauTs’ Concrnrs. BRYANT'S NEW OPERA HOUSE, 234 st., betwaen 6th ‘anc 7th avs.—NEGRO MINSTRELSY, 40. Matinee at 2% THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 Broadway.—Comro Vooat- tems, NEGKO ACTS, &o. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, 201 Bowery.—Va- RIETY ENTERTAINMENT. NEWCOMB & ARLINGTON'S MINSTRELS, corner 28th at,and Broadway.—NEGRO MINSTRELSY, &0. DR. KAHN'S ANATOMICAL MUSEUM, 745 Broadway.— SOMNOE AND ART. New York, CONTENTS OF TO-DAY'S HERALD. ices pail LAS 1—Advertisements, 2—Advertisements, 3—Montpensier: The Duke Defines the Spanish Constithuon to a HERALD Correspondent; His ‘Treatment by Anadeus--Capital Versus Labor-- New England Labor Reform Convention—West Pout: Opening of the Season at the Military Academy—The Tennessee Democracy—Another Hotel Suicide—Popular Education—Boston An- Niversaries—Presbyterian General Assembly. bah be pe The Treaty of Peace in the French National Assembly; the English Scheme for the Federation of the West India Islands— Americans Abroad—The Last Ride: A Ride Around tie Fortifications of Paris in the Teeth ofthe Enemy—Story ofa Refugee from Paris— L ry Chit-Chat—The Arizona Massacre— Thursday, June 1, 1871. tce Boat—Yachtung—The Mur- er’s Funeral. mong the Bycullas: The Anglo-Indian Tracy Making the Most of the Great an Traveller—Amusements — Proceea- ings in the Cow The Central Park Bank Robbery—The bowen Bigamy Case—Horse Notes—Mr. Bonner’s Horses—The Kecent Ratl- d Collision—Another Car Crushing Case— ident on the Hudson River Railroad— Notes—Jer!, Davis and the South— J sy, Murder and Suicide, G—Editoriai: Leading Article, Democracy and French Democracy—Their Excesses and the Consequences”—Amuse- nnouncements, is (Coutinued from Sixth Pape)— Continued Arrests and Executions in Agreement of ith the Count de Chambord; aenUy. of Bonapartists and Bourbon Agents—Victor Hugo—Ne’ from Colombia—Miscelianeous Telegrams—The Coal Mine Disaster—Mar- ce of William M. Tweed’s Daughter to Arthur Ambrose Maginnis—Business Notices. S—Coal: The Great Sale Yesterday; An Exciting Demand and Surprising Reduciton in Prices— Execution of a Negro in Indiana—A Clergy- mau Fatally Kicked—Keal Estate Matters— Meeting of the Board of Health—Financial and Commercial Reports—European Markets. 9—The Insurance .Congress: Seventh Day's Pro- ceedings—Our Indian Visitors—The Williams. burg Fost OMce—The Latest Williamsburg Outrage—Found Drowned at Fort Hamilton— Marriages and Deaths—Advertisements. 1O—News from Washington—The Weehawken Mur- der: Verdict, “Twenty The Storm on Wedne Shipping Intelligence—Advertisements. 11—Aavertisements. 1Q—Auverisements. “Our Southern a Jopee Leany, or Nerwserry County, Sourn Caroma, offered his resignation to Governor Scott on the ground that bis life was in danger if he continued to hold his office ; but the Governor refused to accept it, ‘*be- cause,” he said, “it would encourage out- rages,” which leaves the situation pretty hard for Leahy. One Way oF Maxine AMENDs for murder fs that of a chap in Kentucky who killed a man while drunk, and on a reward being offered for his arrest by the Governor, gave himselfup and gave the reward to the widow of bis victim. That man will make a good citizen yet, and will doubtless leave Mquor alone. Tae TeNNEssEE Democracy wheel gal- fantly into line under the political injunction laid down by Vallandigham. Jeff Davis is now about the only dissentient democrat in the South, and the people of that section ought ot to put any more reliance in his present teachings now than they did in his weak states- manship as President of the confederacy. Bisnor Durantove To Br ARonBisHoPp OF Paris.—We see by the cable despatches from Versailles this morning that Bishop Du- panloup will, in all probability, succeed to the position made vacant by the marder of the venerable Archbishop Darboy, at the instance of the leaders of the Commune. The choice is a good one, and could not have fallen on more worthy shoulders. Mcerray, one of the thieves who broke into the Central Park Bank in broad daylight in April last, knocked down the cashier and robbed the safe, was sentenced yesterday to twenty years at hard labor in the State Prison. This very effectually relieves the public mind of any dread of Murray, and re- duces the dangerous classes of our city by one quite as effectually as hanging. Poor, Erratic Victor Hueo! After a long exile, after such grand achievements in literature, after his triumphal return on the fall of the empire, to be hunted down by his own infariated countrymen, to be expelled from his place of refage and seni forth a homeless wanderer in the world, can there be a sadder fate for ope of his frame of mind? With the death of a son, poor cold man, what remnant of common sense he had left him, and ever since the world has been amused by those red-flaming manifestoes, the offspring of his heated brain. Still we look upon the action of the Belgian government as tyrannical in the extreme. It was not actuated by a sense of justice, but by a sense of fear—fear that the fugitive Com- munists might find a congenial field for the propagation of their theories among the work- ingmen of Belgium. The same motive has probably actuated the Italian government in ordering the arrest of the Parisians who may eater Jialy. — ee we Orleans Princes | NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, JUNE 1, 1871.—TRIPLE SHEET. Our Southern Democracy and French De- mocracy—Their Excosses and the Conse- queaces. “Oh! Liberty, what crimes are committed in thy name!” From the first French Reign of Terror, in the voice of the amiable, accom- plished and unfortunate Madame Roland, as they bear her to the guillotine, comes this warning exclamation. How forcibly it will apply to the terrors of the late Paris Commune ; and what a miserable mountebank, with his pratings of “liberty,” it makes of Jeff Davis! Whata mockery it makes of the diabolical atro- cities of French socialistic democracy, and of the excesses of our Southern State sovereignty democracy committed in the name of Liberty! The Paris Commune and the ‘‘lost cause” of our late Southern rebellion, to some extent may both be traced to the teachings and the disci- ples of Voliaire; yet the contrast between them is as marked as the difference between the temperature of the North Pole and that of the Equator. Under the blessings of natural liberty, as defined by the Paris Commune, property is robbery, religion is an imposture and marriage is a device of superstition and despotism. Un- der the blessings of constitutional liberty, as defined in our late Southern confederacy, the negro is property, or an outcast by Divine ap- pointment, and this property it is the para- mount duty of government and society to pro- tect; and while religion is held sacred on the platform of negro slavery, mar- riage is regarded as a mockery only among the unfortunates of the servile race. In brief, while the natural liberty of Cluseret and his republic, universal and social, means universal license and anarchy, the constitu- tional liberty of Jeff Davis means a rigid despotism on the corner stone of African slavery and a domineering aristocracy founded upon caste. This is the “lost cause” of Jeff Davis—the ‘‘lost cause” which-he is now advo- cating from place to place in our Southern States as the cause of liberty and constitu- tional rights, and which be proclaims will ulti- mately, in the political field, be crowned with complete success—with success, through the action of the Southern States, as a political balance of power in our nafional elections. This, then, is the entertainment to which the Northern democracy are invited by the Southern chief and champion of the “‘lost cause.” Defeated in the national elections of 1860 on the question of the exiension of negro slavery, he and his Southern rebel con- federates appeal to ‘‘the arbitrament of the sword;” they are completely defeated and subjugated after four years of terrible war; they then surrender, their State governments are reconstructed by Congress on the princi- ples settied by the war; yet this man Davis, the head and front of this gigantic rebellion, after escaping the penalties of his treason, and six years after the collapse of his Southern confederacy, comes forth among the Southern people as the great apostle and prophet of Southern rights and State sovereignty, flaunt- ing his defiance in the face of the government and flatly telling it that he does not accept the situation—that he accepts nothing, that the war has settled nothing, that the conflict is transferred from the field of war to the field of politics, and that his cause of State sovereignty in this field will surely in the end prevail. This fallacy of State sovereignty, in the very teeth of the constitution, emanated from Thomas Jefferson, and was first proclaimed in the so-called Virginia resolutions of ‘98, and next in the Kentucky resolutions of ‘99, The sympathies of Jefferson and his followers were with the French republic of that day, while Washington and his party held the atrocities of that republic in undisguised de- testation. But France had been our ally, and England had been our oppressor ; and so, from his popular French sympathies, Jefferson, in 1801, advanced his party to the possession of the government. But State sovereignty as an idea did no mischief under Jefferson, and none to speak of during that whole period in which our intercommunications from State to State were over difficult roads by horse power or coastwise by sailing vessels. To these conditions, in a new country, strong State governments and a loose sort of general administration were well adapted, notwith- standing the warnings of State sovereignty furnished in the revolt of the ten tribes of Israel, in the incessant quarrels and wars of the petty sovereign States of ancient Greece, and in the wars of the petty sovereignties of Italy, and Germany, and France, Spain, Great Bri- tain and Ireland with each other. But our Southern rebellion, on this Jeffer- sonian fallacy of State sovereignty, in being delayed until after the general introduction of railways and telegraphs all over the country, came too late. All the pre-existing condi- tions of intercourse between the States, end from the central government with the States, had been changed. The railway and the tele- graph, with their centralizing forces, had sim- ply made with us a confederation of State sovereignties or two confederacies an impossi- bility. The Mississippi river is a powerful bond of uaion; but the bonds of the railway and the telegraph are stronger than the Mississippi. These potential forces of union and centralization swamped the Southern confederacy, and yet the antediluvian fire- eater, Davis, is out again preaching State sovereignty. The Italian's dream of five hun- dred years of Italian unity was left to be realized by the railway and the telegraph, and, after all the wranglings and fightings of the petty divisions and subdivisions of Ger- many, the labors of the great Bismarck for German unity would have failed but for his powerful allies, the railway and the telegraph. Hence, too, against the general voice of the French people, the weakness of the Paris Commune, in its scheme of making of each of the cities of France a sort of petty State sovereignty, and of all of them a free and easy confederation of independent communes. The strength of France against Germany under the First Napoleon was due to the facts that France was then a unit and Germany was a loose confederation of petty State sovereign- ties, The strength of Germany against the Third Napoleon was in the union of the Ger- man States, effected by the railway and the telegraph, while the weakness of France was in the demoralization of Paris by her ‘‘dan- gerous classes,” organized for revolt at the first opening, and ripe for another Reign of Terror, under that French delusion, not of a republic, but of ‘the republic universal and social.” The atrocities of the Paris Commune have resulted in a French popular reaction, in which Louis Napoleon appears as an exiled public benefactor, and the Bourbons as the guarantees of law, order, religion, property and the family altar. Great, too, will be the political reaction among the American people of our States known as the loyal States from these Southern confederacy harangues of Jeff Davis of 1871. A few days ago, from the dissensions and divisions in the rewublican party, from what appeared to be the needless Ku Klux policy of General Grant, supported by Congress, and from the admirable movements of the North- ern democracy in the recognition of the ‘‘fixed facts” imprinted upon the constitution by the “mailed hand of war,” there appeared to be a fine prospect for the democracy, even in 1872, under such a standard bearer as Gen- eral Sherman. But what is the prospect now? From present appearances Jeff Davis has already secured the re-election of General Grant, in demolishing all side issues and in making the republican party a unit on the is- sues of the war. The denunciation of the war as ‘‘a failure” by the Democratic Convention of 1864 ruined at once the chances of General McClellan, the declaration of 1868, that the re- construction measures of Congress were “revolutionary, null and void,” killed off Sey- mour in Tammany Hall with his nomination ; but Jeff Davis, as his bold pronunciamentoes now appear, has defeated the democratic party a year in advance even of its Presidential Con- vention. His speech at Atlanta, of which we have given a special and full report by a careful reporter, is worth a million of commonplace stump speeches to the republicans, and haa fallen like a wet blanket upon the Northern democracy. But bad for them as is this mis- chievous claptrap and twaddle of Davis, its enthusiastic reception by his admiring assem- blage is worse. From this receptioa, and from other receptions given to the hero of their Southern confederacy, it is apparent that, lnstead of repelling him as the author of their greatest misfortunes, they hail him still as their political leader and apostle. He does not accept the situation, and they do not accept it. He submits to a power which he cannot resist; but he holds fast to his con- federacy principles, and he bides his time; and so do his confederates in the war, as far as he has sounded them. He has pronounced against a fusion of the Southern with the Northern democracy on their new departure; and there will be no fasion. In the excess of his rage against the party in power he has been doing more for General Grant’s election than all his legions of office-holders. He has declared that the Venddme Column of the republican party must be pulled down and all its works; and so, in shaping the battle of 1872 on the issues of the war, he and his Southern followers clear the track for General Grant as the Paris Commune has cleared the way for the Bourbons or the Bonapartists, The State of Paris. Order is being restored in Paris and affairs are settling down into a peaceful condition. Martial law is established, and, according to the plan prepared by Marshal MacMahon, the city is divided into four military commands, with Generals Vinoy, Ladmirault, Douay and Cissey at the head of each. The civil power, for the time being, is transferred to the mili- tary, and the cityis closely watched by the soldiers. No one is permitted to leave or en- ter without the necessary pass from the Com- mander-in-Chief. The greatest precautions are observed, and yet attempts at assassina- tion and arson are many by a portion of the inhabitants, who still possess the bloody instincts which the last days of the Commune afforded so excellent a chance to gratify. The most charitable construction to place on the acts of these wretches is that they are crazy— crazy from the intoxication of crime in which they have indulged. The executions of cap- tured insurgents still continue, and arrests are numerous. We learn by cable that Felix Pyat has made good his escape, and that Henri Rochefort has been condemned to die. Possibly by this time he is dead. Paris can well afford to lose M. Rochefort, and, in fact, all of the tribe of which the editor of the Lanterne formed a part. As an evidence of the determination with which the authorities intend to enforce punishment on the insur- gents, the mitrailleuse is to be used in future in case of wholesale executions. This an- nouncement is terrible, but the punishment dwindles into insignificance when compared with the dreadful atrocities which marked the last hours of the Commune. Tue Czar AND SULTAN, says our despatch from Constantinople, overwhelm each other with tokens of affection. What means this rapprochement between Russia and Turkey ? It means that England has brought herself into bad repute with her friends by her timorous action in the London Conference ; that she is no longer the ally of Turkey, or, rather, that Tarkey, seeing the unprofitableness of her alli- ance, will have nothing more to do with Eng- land, Russia and Turkey are now evidently try- ing to make up thelr ancient quarrel. Turkey is probably sincere; but what the secret designs of Russia may be—for it is in keeping with the Machiavelian policy of Russia to have some secret design in the background—no one can tell. It may be to separate Turkey entirely from her former allies, to Inll_ her into fancied security, and then carry out her plans of ag- grandizement; or it may be—well, gui vivra verra, Goverxor Soort, of Sovurn Caronina, has taken the right method to disperse the Ku Klux. He offers a reward for the arrest and conviction of any of them. If anything will break up these midnight marauders and show us whether they are myths or murderers, money compensation will probably do it. It is well enough to talk of preliminary procla- mations and the operations of military law, but a chance to earn a few crisp Treasury notes by capturing these redoubtable troopers will nerve the carpet-baggers and the darkies to such unrelenting war upon them that the Ku Klox will probably find their raids poor fun, ‘Human natur is not skeery of stamps,” said the lamented showman, and we guess “‘stamps” will infase considerable courage into carpet-bag human nature. Tue Sionat. Bureau weather reports are a signal success, They started up quite a re- freshiug rain for us yesterday. ‘first class; The Fusion of the Bourbons. A cable despatch, which we print this morn- ing, has it that the Count de Chambord has become the accepted chief of all the Bourbons. Some two or three months ago it was known that between the Count de Paris and the Count de Chambord there was a perfect under- standing. The Count de Paris, still a young man, is the head of the House of Orleans, The Count de Chambord, as all our readers know, is the head of the elder Bourbons, the legitimist chief and the representative of divine right. The Count de Chambord is childless, is fifty years of age, and the Count de Poris is his heir. It is not difficult to see that the two chiefs had good reason to agree. Happily or unhappily the Count de Paris has two uncles, the Prince de Joinville and the Duke d’Aumale; and both these, up to the present, have been opposed to the fusion of the two houses. So much has this been the case that the two uncles have repeat- edly of late offered their swords and their brains to France; but neither Gambetta nor M. Thiers has found it convenient to yield to the temptation. The Duke d'Aumale is credited with brains, and at one time it did. not seem impossible that he might come into power either as the President of the French republic or as another Citizen King. The friends of the House of Orleans very wisely, as we think, did encourage the Duke. It was seen by them that such a step, while it would most unquestionably strengthen the Bonaparte cause, would at the same time divide the Orleanists and weaken the legiti- miste. The rebuff of Gambetta, and the subse- quent rebuff of President Thiers have told, and Joinville and d’Aumale, reconsider- ing matters, have come to a wiser conclusion. We learned yesterday that. the Orleans Princes were to be allowed to return to France. We learn to-day the reason why. The French Bourbons are one as against the Bonapartes on the one hand and the republic on the other. . ‘* If the Count de Chambord comes into power be will reign as Henry the Fifth. What are his chances? We cannot say they are but we cannot say they are bad. It is a great matter that the two families have made up their dif- ferences, The legitimists throughout France are not numerous; but they are of all the political parties the most solid, the most substantial. The Orleanists, though not nu- werically so strong as the Bonapartists, have a powerful hold on the French middle class—a class above the peasantry in the provinces and known as property holders in all the large cities. If the followers of the two chiefs—~of the legitimists and the Orleanists—reveal the same wisdom which has characterized the heads of their respective Houses, the restora- tion of Henry the Fifth must not be considered impossible. His manifesto, which we pub- lished some days ago, was, we must admit, a little old fashioned. He goes in for divine right, for efficacious guarantees for the Pope, and such like; but he also pledges himself ‘‘to submit all the'’acts of his government to the careful control of representatives freely elected.” If France is really bent upon a monarchy, we see no good reason why Henry the Fifth should not have a chance. The Count de Paris will be the heir apparent and his ri{;yhthand man, and all the princes of the Hou r of Orleans will rally around his throne. It will be no parvenu government like that of the Bonupartes. How the friends of Napoleon will regard this fusion is now the question. Bazaine is no longer in disgrace and MacMahon is in power, Is there to bea fresh fight be- tween the imperialists and the monarchists? Or is it a foregone conclusion that the heir of Hugh Capet is to be restored to the throne of his ancestors, and that henceforward the claims of all the Bourbons are to be reconciled? The departure promises to be new. We promise to watch events and to note progress. The Ohio Democratic State Convention. The Ohio Democratic State Convention as- sembles in Columbus to-day. There is some little rivalry in regard to the nominee for Governor; but the latest indications are that General George W. McCook—who, like Gen- eral McCandless, the democratic standard bearer in Pennsylvania, bas a splendid war record—will receive the nomination. The democracy of Ohio will probably follow the example of their bretbren of the Keystone State, and bring out men to lead them in the coming fall campaign against whom no blemish of rebel sympathy can be brought, and in favor of whom everything that should be found noble and magnanimous in a victorious soldier can be urged. It is not unlikely that the new departure will be endorsed to the extent found in the Pennsylvania democratic platform, In that case the chances for the democracy carry- ing Ohio next October will certainly be very favorable. Last year the State gave about fourteen thousand majority for the republican Secretary of State. It is reported that the re- publican reform movement in Ohio is gather- ing strength, and that it will have consider- able influence in swinging the State into the democratic line. Much depends, however, upon the nominations to be made and the plat- form to be adopted to-day. Tae Jury iN tHE Prrrston Ming Disaster have rendered a verdict censuring the district inspector for remissness in his duties in allow- ing too many men to engage at work in the mine at one time, and also censuring the owners of the mine for not providing better means of ventilation and a second shaft. The cause of the fire is declared to have been the heating of the journals through lack of oiling. The district inspector, Mr. Williams, has com- menced an investigation on his own account into the causes of the dis: Tnx Morse Satur 1s Centrat Park is to be unveiled on the 10thinst. The programme for the occasion has just been made public, It will be the most pleasing ovation ever made to living man, for the venerable gentleman in whose honor ft is erected still lives, and will be presented in person to the people on that occasion. Monuments to living men, as Mr. Tweed remarked recently, are out of the usual order of things, but if there is a man living to whom such rare honor justly belongs it is cer- tainly Professor Morse. Horace Greetey anv Jerr Davis are both stumping the Sonthern States. In Greeley’s next speech we would like to hear what he knows about bail bonds and what he thinks just now of the one he signed for Jeff Davis. The Dume of Montpeusicr and the Spauish | Tuc Cuban Insurrection and the Future of! Government. We print in another part of this morning’s issue the result of an interesting interview between the Duke of Montpensier and the HERALp’s correspondent in Madrid. The con- versation was principally on the subject of the Duke's recent arrest, banishment and imprisonment, which his Grace stigmatized as & proceeding ‘‘full of the most flagrant, arbi- trary and despotic illegalities.” Throughout the whole interview the Duke was open, free and unreserved in his conversation, and ex- pressed the determination to bring an action against Serrano, the Prime Minister and Min- ister of War, under whose orders the other inferior officers have acted in the process against him, and the generals who shared the indignities heaped upon him. In this he feels satisfled that the laws of Spain will sustain him. The refusal to take the oath of alle- giance to King Amadeus, he contends, does not imply any lack of patriotism. The oath is not to be found in the Spanish constitution, the military laws nor in any Spanish code; it is merely a royal order signed by the new King and endorsed by one of his Ministers. It is not law. The oath to the Spanish con- stitution was sufficient in the Duke's mind, and he now contends that his refusal to take the oath of allegiance to King Amadeus did not warrant arrest and trial therefor. Moreover, the Spanish constitution prohibits the creation of extraordinary tribunals and special commissioners for trial;. yet in his case and in the case of the other generals these laws were wholly ignored. It is not alone on the question of his arrest that the Duke of Montpensier speaks. Regarding the independence of the members of the Cortes he says that the majority of them are not free to vote according to the dictates of their conscience. In this strain the Duke continues to the end of the interview, speaking in bold, unmistakable language, and evi- dently without fear of consequences. His views on Cuba are toa great extent those which we have shared for along time. That Cuba is governed in a reckless manner by a set of unscrupulous rogues, who draw all they can from the island by the most tyrannical means, in order that they may spend their days in luxurious living on their return to Spain, is an acknowledgment which will be readily agreed to. Expressions such as these from the lips of so prominent a person in Spanish politics as the Duke of Montpensier seem strange. Had Castelar, in one of his fiery and patriotic speeches, thus indulged there would be little cause for surprise; but from one who aims to sit upon the throne of Spain these sentiments are indeed significant. A letter from First Lieutenant Royal E. Whitman, of the Third cavalry, United States Army, commanding Camp Grant, Arizona Territory, dated May 1, directed to Captain Thomas 8. Dunn, Twenty-first infantry, United States Army, commanding Camp Lowell, Ari- zona Territory, gives an account of the mas- sacre of Apache Indians on the Camp Grant Reservation by a body of armed citizens, assisted by a party of Papagoe Indians, on the 30th of April. The details of the massacre show that it was a more horrible affair than was at first imagined. Sixty-three dead bodies have been found, and more than one hundred are dead or missing. But the crowning hor- ror of the massacre is contained in the fol- lowing sentence: —‘‘All save eight are women and children.” A large number of Indian women were made captives. It behooves the government to take immedi- ate steps to ascertain, in the first place, how it happened that an armed body of citizens, with Indian allies, was allowed to be organized at a military post of the United States for the purpose of massacring Indian women and children; and in the second place, what urgent necessity demanded the absence of Captain Stanwood from his post with the cavalry at such a critical moment. The Indians were peaceable, and had claimed and were living under the protection of the government. We repeat that the whole affair demands the earnest investigation of the government. It is useless to attempt to civilize or make peace with the Indians when they find that the gov- ernment not only fails to protect them upon their reservations, but allows indiscriminate massacres to occur and Indian women to be made captives, who may be used in a manner that even the refinement of savage cruelty can ecarcély realize. Mr. Seward on His Travels. Our ex-Secretary of State is fairly entitled to be called ‘‘The Great American Traveller.” For one of his age it is a marvel to see him circulate over thousands of miles none the worse for the fatigues of the journey. If the purchase of Alaska had not already made the irrepressible Seward immortal his grand tour de monde would have done it. We have fol- lowed his progress through the far Kast with a surprise akin to admiration. We found him in China hobnobbing with the Son of the Moon and many minor constellations. Scarcely had we recovered from our wonder than we dis- cover him in Japan, just engaged in a friendly chat with the Tycoon, and now we are regaled with the news that he has been feasted and toasted by the Anglo-Indians, We publish to-day an interesting letter from Bombay an- nouncing Mr. Seward’s arrival and his reception by the Governor General of India, The Byculla Club in Bombay gave a grand dinner in commemoration of his visit, and the banquet is described as a very brilliant affair. Well might the chairman of the occa- sion say, as he did, that a septuagenarian making the tour of Asia was a rare phenome- non, The response of Mr. Seward was in his usual vein—that is to say, a very sensible one, He told the Anglo-Indians many flattering things—and who would not on such an occa- sion?—and made some happy allusions as regards the relations between England, India and the United States. Anorogr Terrmie Orcanization for the extermination of all carpet-baggers and scala- wags is said to be in process of formation down South, It is different from the Ku Klux in some respects, but has the same object in view. It is wonderful what risks these carpet- baggers are willing to run just for the pleasure of living in » neighborhood that evidently does not want them. They might better sell out and ‘‘go West.” Cuba, ¥ The condition of affairs in Cuba—vacillating’ for the last two years between murders massacres, and promising neither peace to the! people nor safety to property while Spanist dominion continues in that island—is one those deplorable circumstances which almost, lead us to regard the world as still in a state of chaos and barbarism. No more hostile elements than those which have been at war in the “Ever Faithful Isle” can well be con- ceived. The struggle of Spain to suppress the Cuban insurrection is a struggle of the father to suppress the natural inclinations of a child systematically plundered and outraged. Tho struggle of the Cubans and of the creoles in Porto Rico to overcome the influence of Spain in the only territory now left to her dominion in America is a struggle against a most unnatural parent, And so the war goes on, and there is no hope for peace, for indus.’ try or for civilization. The Cuban revolution is ended, but the in surrection continues. In two years not fewer than sixty thousand soldiers have been sent from Spain to suppress a revolt which ought to have been successful from the beginning in both a moral and a military sense, and yet,. notwithstanding fifty thousand out of those sixty thousand mén have perished by the diseases of the country—the number killed by the inswrreotos being infinitesimal—the Cuban revolution has died on account of ita own in- herent confusion and rottenness. The Aldamas and the Ryans and the Jor- dans have done nothing for Cuban indepen« dence. They fought the Spaniards at a very, safe distance. While there was a prospect of making money by this venture in the name of freedom, or of obtaining power over a peo- ple who are the veriest slaves, without ang idea of the meaning of free government, these men were loud in their grandiloquent talk in behalf of the Cuban cause, But in the hour of extreme danger, when they, were most needed in Cuba, those of the so- called ‘leaders” who were not fighting the, battles of the republic in Broadway were seeking safety for themselves and theic property by accepting the terms offered to them by Valmaseda. The ‘‘butcher of Cuba” became their savior, and to-day the army which sometimes, as at Mayari and Bayamo, deais death to the Spanish troops, is an army of Chinese and negroes and of freebooters, who assume the cause of the republic to destroy both friend and foe. In their mountain fastnesses these marauders and murderers are secure against the power of Spain. No Spanish soldiery can penetrate into retreats where the barriers of nature are in themselves insurmountable—barriers which are rendered more insurmountable still by the knowledge these people possess of every bush and every footpath. And this is one great reason why the insurrection can never be subdued while the hate of Spanish rule is fostered by Spanish rapacity and cruelty. Another reason why the insurrection will continue is. to be found in the fact that the Spanish officers are unwilling to end it. They come to Cuba to make money, and generally succeed in making it. While serving in the island their pay is doubled, and they have be- sides many opportunities to amass wealth in a country where honor or honesty, truth or jus- tice, public or private virtue, are alike un- known. The only tenure by which Spain holds dominion in the West Indies is by the cupidity of her officials. The revolufion was an Oppor- tunity for many of them that they scarcely expected, and it is still a mine of Spanish ounces to the impoverished friends and rela- tions of men like Dulce and De Rodas. Thia view of the present state of Cuba is coincided in by the Duke of Montpensier, who, in a recent conversation with the HERALp corres- pondent in Madrid, which we present in an- other page, gives expression to sentiments akin to those which we now express, and which we have felt for some time past. At the beginning of the present year there was still something like legitimate resistance to Spanish tyranny, but one never hears of President Cespedes now. One never hears of General Ygnacio Agramonte, ‘the Comman- der-in-Chief of the Cuban forces” and the dio- tator of the republic. Even the Cuban Junta of New York is silent as the grave. Planta- tions are burned, crops of cane are destroyed, industry is paralyzed; but the end seems further off than in the beginning. Then the Cubans had a chance of sweeping everything before them. The country was rife for revo~ lution, Spain was hated as no government was ever hated by any people. A little mili- tary genius might have swept Spanish domin- ion from the island forever. But while the yellow fever, aided by the worst commissariat and the worst hospital accommodations pos- sessed by any army in the world, was destroy- ing regiment after regiment, in a country where sunshine and death are synonymous terme, soldierly skill was wanting. Havana ought to have been in the hands of the insurgents from the beginning. Failing to possess the capital, the swamps of Cienago and the mountains of Holguin and Santi Espiritu are worthless to them except as the base of operations for murdering and marauding parties, deserving only the garrote and the halter. The only hope for the island is in annexation to the United States; but this is an event which may be in the near, but is more probably in tho far future, Neither Cubans nor Spaniards now desire such a consummation, and until they have wrought out their own redemption throngh fire and blood they would make very undesirable fellow citizens for the American people. Debt Statements and Surplus Gold in the Treasury. Mr. Boutwell ought to be the happiest of finance ministers. The revenue pours in like a flood tide all the time, so that the Treasury remains full, and the only trouble he has is in knowing how to use the money. The enor- mous taxation imposed upon the people and the wonderful resources of the country give him a surplus fand of over a hundred millions of dollars all the time. We have snid repeat- edly that this money ought to be used in liqui- dating the debt, and thus save six millions or more a year to the country ; but Mr, Boutwell prefers, like a miser, to hug his money bags. He lets out every month, as we by the Treasury orders from Washington, to the Treasurer in New York a few millions of gold, just to koep the and hears in businca National

Other pages from this issue: