The New York Herald Newspaper, May 23, 1871, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET, JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR, All business or news letter and telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York HERA. Letters and packages should be properly sealed, Volume XXXVI AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING, BOOTH’S THEATRE, 23d st., vetween 5th and 6tn ave. — & Wonrer's TALE, WOOD'S MUSEUM Broadway, corner 30th at.—Performe ences every afternoon and evening.—HELr. WALLACK'S THEATRE, Broadway and 1th street= PLayine wir Finr. NIBLO'S GARDEN, TRAVELLER GRAND OPERA NOUSE, corner of 8th ay. ana 23d st.— Tak Tune HuNcuBacss. Broadway.—Kit, THE ARKANSAS LINA EDWIN'’s THEATRE. 720 Broadway.—Comrpy or RANK. BOWERY THEATRE, BIATE ScoBErs. FIFTH AVENUE TIEATRE, Twonty-fourth street.— MARRIED TOR MONFY—IF I'D A THOUSAND a YEAR, GLOBE THEATRE, 728 Broatway.—Vanizty ENTER- TAINMENT, 40,—THE TEMPYER FOLLED, OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway.—Nrw VERSION oF Jack Surreanp, MRS. F, B. CONWAY'S PARK THES , = sien nee K THEATRE, Brooklyn.. BROOKLYN ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Montague street— Talian Opera—RIGOLErTo. BRYANT'S NEW OPERA HO: 331 st, between Gib abd 7th avs.—N&GNO MINSTREL! THEATRE COMIQUE, 614 Broadway.—Comto VooaL 16NS, NEGRO ACTB, ac. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA MOUSE, 201 Bowery.—Va- RALGy ENTERTALNMENT. ‘COMB & ARLINGTON’S MINSTRELS, corner 28th Droadway.—NEGUO MINSTHELSY, do. sand IRVING TALL, Irving ‘THE FRANOO-GERMANIC W CENTRAL PARK GARDE! Suanen Nieuts’ Concerts, lace, MOVING PANORAMA OF Tukopore Tuomas’ DR. bSiapges - ATOMICAL MUSEUM, 745 Broadway.— D Al SCIENCE SHEET, TRIPLE New York, Taesd: 1871. yy May 23, WS HERALD, CONTENTS OF TC- PAGE, 1—Advertisements, ki: A HERALD Correspondent Making the Rounds with the Insurgent Gen- eral—At Chiselnurst: A Dinner Chat with Ex Ued Imperialtsts; The Bonapartes Sanguine of Returning to Power; Nanoleon_ to Abdicate in kavor of His Son; The Prussians to Restore the f£mpire—A Matrimonial Maniac—Supposed Suicide of a Military OMicer—Bloody Black Boyd—Trial at Newburg of a Negro for the Murjer of a White Man—The Case of Dr. Cutter, of Newark—Murder on the Rail—The Yacht Livonia—Sanguinary ee ARelweep Shosmakers—Huropean Markets. 4—Ben kutlers Opinion of the New Treaty: A Letter to Scnator Ames Declaring His Oppost- ton to It—The Avenue A Homicide—The Mor- rissey Gambling Case—Pool Selling on the Pigeon Match—Oficial Proceedings of the Common Council. S—The Putnam Tragedy: The Trial of William Foster jor the Murder of Avery D. Pannai— Financial and Commerctal Reports—Reat Estate Matters—A Sacrilegious Burgiar—Mar- ria d Deaths—Advertisements. B—Eait is: Leading Article, ‘General Mac- Mahon and the Troops of the Axsembdly in Yaris—What is to Follow’—Amusement An- nouncements, ‘Y—Editorials (coutt Commune D. ed from Sixth Page)—Tho Hen. Irom Versatlies; Occupation of Government Forces—The New Tr sion Over it in the Exeon of the Senate and the British Hi of Lords; Protest of the Gloucester ( Mass.) Fishermen— Miscellaneous Telegrams—Amusenents— Weather Report—Business Notices. S—Advertisements. gion Srocecdings in the rooklyn Courts—Religions In- telligence—Mr. Bonner’s Hor: A Correc- tion—Murder in Bridgeport, Conn.—Suipping Intelligence—Ac'vertisements, 41—Adverusements, 12—Advertisements. Tne Ixpran Cocnom was in session in Washington yesterday. The chiefs made the same complaints that they always make and professed the same desire for peace with the white man. Tae Senators in Exzcutive Srssion, who have been frittering away their time instead of attending to the important business of the treaty, will doubiless regret it, now that the ‘weather is becoming 80 warm. They are com- pelled to sit with closed doors, and the atmos- phere of the chamber is so sultry and stifling that Vice President Colfax was taken out of it sick yesterday. Napor“on at Cmsgvuvrst.—From one of the Hreany's correspondents in London we lesrn that the life of the imperial exiles at Chiselhorst flows on quietly, with- owt ostentation or show, and that those who have remained true to Napoleon in his misfortunes entertain the belief that their im- perial master will once again occupy the Tuil- eries. The supposition of the exiled Court at Chiselhurst is that the restoration 6f the empire will be carried out by the Prussians. The Emperor of Germany and Prinee Bismarck are, they claim, in favor of placing the Prince Imperial on the throne of France, The letter from which we derive this news, and which we pub- lish in another part of the Hrratp this morn. ing, possesses a new interest from the recent events which have taken place, by the occupa- tion of Paris and the present unsettled condi- tion of France, Super Beprorp Exporsep aL Provession.—We have at last a direct expression given us of the abhorrence in which the “pervading crime of abortion” is held by the medical faculty of our city, The recent trials and convictions of the two noted professional abortionists, the soi-disant doctors Wolfe and Lookup Evans, in the Court of Gen- eral Sessions, and the sentences passed upon these scoundrels by City Judge Bedford, have elicited a timely and very complimentary en- dorsement of the plucky Judge's services to | the community {n the premises, At a stated meeting of the New York Academy of Medi- cine, beld.a few days since, a series of resolu- tions were passed expressive of the feeling above referred to, as entertained by the medi- cal profession for Judge Bedford for “his manner of conducting the trials of those noto- rious abortionists and enemies of mankind,” Wolfe and Lookup Evans, This exposition of the sentiments of so honored, but so oft misrepresented, & profession by cheats and charlatans, will help the good work inaugurated in the General Sessions, and tend to put a complete chevk to the pernicious crime so de- plorably prevalent in this great city. The resolutions will be found ia anotuer part of our BApely eee Bowery.—Tak Goup BELT— BY THE Mept- | Y NEW YORK HERALD. TUESDAY, MAY 23, 1871—TRIPLE SHEET. General MacMahon and the Troops of the | movements that we think it safe to leave the Assembly in Paris—What Is to Follow? The growing hours strengthen the conyic- tion that the Commane has at last practically collapsed. It is possible that while we write Marshal MacMahon and his eoldiers are in possession of the rebellious capital of France, It is now over three months since Paris sur- rendered to the German forces, It is conse- quently more than three months since the poor blockaded and starved inhabitants began to believe that the enemy was gone. At the time when Germany and England and America were doing their best to alleviate the wants of the famishing thousands who had so stoutly held out against the Prussian soldiers, little did the Parisians believe that a three months additional sorrow was in store for them. The presumption now is that relief has come to Paris once more, and that France, after hay- ing fought in vain against the foreign foe and fought in vain agaiost herself, has at last found peace. The fall of the Commune makes an end of the civil war. Taking it for granted, then, that Marsbal MacMahon and his troops will soon be, if they are not now, in full possession of Paris, the future of Paris and France becomes the absorbing question, What will the Versailles government do? In what shape and by what means is France to settle down to peaceful and submissive ways? France has been so much of a puzzle to itself and to the world generally since July of last yoar, not to go further back, that the answering of these questions is confessedly difficult. To givea direct and positive answer is a simple impossi- bility. It is our belief, as we have said, that the fall of the Commune makes an end of the civil war. It consists with our certain kaow- ledge that Germany means thatit shall be so. Still, it has to be admitted that the end of the civil war, happen when and how it may, will leave France in a most unsettled as well as most unhappy condition, A government which will represent the popular will, sat- isfy the popular desire and give promise of stability will remain a desideratum. The first thing, of course, which the Ver- sailles goverament will have to do will be to restore order in Paris, Considering what has been done during the two sieges this will be a hardand painful task. It will be necessary to deal with the men who created and who mainiained the trouble. It willbe necessary to give liberty to all those who have been unjustly impris- oned. It will be necessary to consider the claims of loyal citizens and foreigners whose property has been destroyed, and to do justice to all. To say that this implies mach work and involves great difficulty and danger is but to give expression toa truism. Whether all this shall be regarded as a necessary prelim- inary, or whether, except in certain immedi- ately pressing matters, it shall be postponed to a more convenient season, we know not. Certain, however, it {s that all these matters must weigh heavily upon the government. Certain, too, it is that in additioa to all this the Versailles government will have to set about the reconstruction of France. We have scen during these recent troubles that France, taken as a whole, has no united purpose. Her wants are many; bul her wants reveal no points of contact. A more demoral- ized nation and people never commanded the attention of mankind. Since Poland, through her confessed incapacity for self-gov- ernment, courted Invesion and foll a prey to the rapacity of her neighbors, no such exam- ple as that of France has been presented to the world. Like the monster in the ancient fable, she has been eating up her vilals; and if the onlookers do not hasten her destrac- tion it is not because they are without the temptation. To save France from herself, to give her a new chance for her life—that is the work now before M. Thiers, Whether the French are to remain a separate people or to be incorporated with one or more of their pow- erful neighbors is the alternative which to-day commands the attention of many thoughtful minds in and out of France. Since 1789 every government in France has proved a failure. We can afford for the present to touch lightly on the horrors of the Reign of Terror and on the feebleness of the Directory. The consulate and the empire were brilliant ; but the consulate ruined French liberty and the empire was a mockery of the great Revo- lution, The empire fell, and France felt and confessed what the outside world long had known, that its glory wasa vain show. The restoration was a failure. The Citizen King was a failure. The republic of 1848 was afailure. The coup d'état restored the Bona- partes, revived French ambition, recalled or seemed to recall the glory of the days of the First Napoleon; but the collapse of the second empire will be remembered as one of the wonders of the historic past. The self-con- stituted government of September was a failure. The government of M. Thiers has been anything but a success; and who can tell to-day what France wants, who are to be | her next masters or what is to be her final | fate? The glory is departed, and how the glory is in any sense to he revived is the mys- | tery of the moment. Our readers have been made familiar with | the purposes and plans of the Commune. In our edition of yesterday we gave these, as | formulated by M. de Girardin. We do not | deay that the federal republic, as desired by | the Communists and sketched by Girardin, looks well enough on paper. But France is not @ Switzerland and can never be another | United States. A more equitable division of | the electoral districts is the most that can be | attempted by any goverament to meet the not | wholly unjust demands of the men who seek | tespectability under a new name and call themselves Federalists, To rearrange the | electoral districts would, however, require time, and might provoke fresh insurrection. It is not likely that M. Thiers will run the | risk of adding to his sorrows by making the doubtfal experiment, It is more likely that the Versailles government will consider the | propriety of giving the French people an opportunity of electing a new Assembly—a general election, which shall empower the new Assembly to act for the nation and decide apon some stable form of government or a plébiscite—these seem for the preseut to be the alternatives. A plébiscite, in our judg- ment, would be the wiser course. Time passes; Germany and France both suffer from delay, and both peoples are impatient, France hag so feebly responded to the republican | i | republic out of the question. Let it be put to the French people whether they will have a limited monarchy, under some member of the House of Orleans, or the empire restored, with the Empress as Regent, We have no doubt at all that the vote would restore the empire by an overwhelming majority. Nay, we are not certain that the vote would not restore Napoleon, It is known to us that Prince Bismarck and the Emperor William are favorable to the restoration of the empire and by no means averse to the recall of Na- poleon. It is well known that should the French recall Napoleon Germany is willing to abate somewhat of her demands, and by no means unwilling to withdraw her troops at once from French soil. These facts are not unknown at Versailles. We should have re- joiced to see France taking her place among the hopeful republics of the world. We should have been pleased to see her finding liberly under a limited monarchy. But the republi- cans have badly used their opportunitics, and the Orleanists have not shown themselves equal to the occasion. Let this also be borne in mind, that Marshal MacMahon has put down the insurgents by the soldiers of the empire, and that so soon as he is in full possession of Paris he, not M. Thiers, will be master of the situation, The facts of the hour point to the restoration of the empire and to the possible recall of Napoleon, With the fall of the Com- wune the situation will be new, but it will be more interesting than ever. End of tho Paris Insurrection—france Re- deomed. President Thiers made a speech yesterday inthe National Assembly in which he congrat- ulated the members on the success of the forces of the republic in occupying Paris and bringing to a close the reign of the Commune. By the telegraph we have the information that etghty thousand soldiers of the Versailles army had forced an entrance into the city and occupied positions inside the walls. Marshal MacMahon has established his headquarters in the New Opera House, and General Cissey, who effected an entrance from the south, had occupied the military school in front of the Champs de Mars ashis headquarters, We have few details from which we can forma correct estimate of the resistance which has been offered by the Communists, but there is every reason to believe that there was hot work and a consid- erable sacrifice of life. General Dombrowski, who commanded the forces of the Commune, does not show to ad- vantage in this the final struggle for the de- fence of Paris. Onze despatch has it that he was captured by the Versaillist troops, rescued again by his own command, and at latest accounts he was surrounded while attempting to get away, and escape was now almost impossible. M. Assy, one of the most promi- nent of the civil leaders of the rebellion, has been taken prisoner by General Ub- rich, and is now confined at Versailles, together with four hundred others, who were firm ad- herents of the rule which for the last few weeks rendered Paris almost uninhabitable. In fact, nearly all the leaders of the Commune bave fallon into the hands of the victors, and, if we credit the words of M. Thiers, the severest punishment which the law can award to these misguided men will be dealt ont to them promptly and with terrible exfect. Though the greater portion of the city is at present occupied by the forces of Versailles the rebels still fight with terrible earnestaess, Explosions and “conflagrations are numerous, the insurgent battertes of Montmartre still per- form their deadly and destructive work, and the barricades in many parts of the city are yet defended. Notwithstanding all this resist- ance, however, the struggle is a vain one. General Ladmirault says that the firing may contiaue some hours, but that the end is near at hand when Paris will be restored to that degree of peace for months she has been deprived of. The entrance into the city was effected through the gates of St. Cloud, d’Auteuil, Passy, La Muette, and from Maillot through the Arc de Triomphe. It would thus appear that the forces which Marshal MacMahon had massed in the Bois de Boulogne followed up the initi- ative movement on the south and south- west, which proved so unexpectedly suc- cessful on Sunday. This also explains the movement of General Cissey, whose part of tbe plan evidently was to effect an entrance at a point opposite Fort Montrouge, and, once inside the walls, push direct throngh the bar- ricaded streets to the northwest and effect a meeting with the troops which were to enter the city at the points before indicated. This he successfully carried ont, from the fact of his headquarters being now located at the Military School, which is in front of the Champ de Mars, on the east sids of the Seine, The greater portion, if not all, of the west side of the city is at the present time in possession of the government forces, Montmartre, as might have been expected, is still defiant. It is natural that the very cradle of the rebellion should hold out to the last. Even in the very heyday of the Commune there were evidences in this locality of an uprising against the authority which it in a great mea- sure bad helped to establish, It was Montmartre and Belleville, it will be remembered, which kindled the torch which set the insurrection ablaze in Paris, There is no news from Belleville, and the probabilities are that when Montmartre yields to the strong arguments of an overwhelming force the struggle will be ended, Still great injury can be inflicted on the city by the insurgent batteries, which have been turned on it, and short as the éonflict must inevitably be under the existing order of things, the beauty of Paris may be much de- faced in the last hours of the Commune, From the positions occupied by the Prus- sians they have been able to render assistance to the Versailles army. The German lines at all points were strengthened, and fleeing rebels found but @ poor reception in their attempts to escape over the ground occupied by them, Those who consoled themselves with the belief that there was still a loophole open by which they could escape the vengeance which their own evil deeds will bring down upon them were doomed to disappointment, There was no parley with the rebels; they were driven back into the city by the Pruasians, there to fall with the power which they had galled into existence, In a few days at moat the struggle will be over, the insurrection ended, France will be once more redeemed, and a permanent peace, let us hope, established. The Treaty in the British aud American Senates. The new treaty was discussed in executive session of the Senate yesterday, Senators Davis and Thurman, both democrats, speaking upon it, They did not actually oppose it, but indicated that they had certain amendments to offer. So far only one member is known to be opposed to its ratification. Thus it moves along smoothly enough in our own Senate, thereby offering a rather startling con- trast to the discussions upon it in the Senate of Great Britain, where, it must be remembered, the members have not yetseena copy of the actual treaty, The speech which Senator Sumner refuses to father has raised lively debate in the House of Lords. The discussion was opened by the Marquis of Salisbury, who wanted to know whether tho government would ratify the treaty before the 12th of June—that is to say, before their lordships had their say on the subject, The -Earl of Lauderdale seemed rather mystified by the speech now repudiated by Sumner. The Earl, with sublime disdain, scouted the idea of an apology on the part of England. The noble lord had better dismiss the subject of “apology” from his mind, for however he may fume and chafe, it is now too late. The treaty at its beginning says that ‘her Britannic Majesty has authorized the Commissioners to express the regret felt,” &c. Lord Lauder- dale may not call this an apology, nor do we. Still if any one has, perhaps unwittingly, in- jured you, pays the damage done and says I couldn’t help it, but [ am sorry for it, such an answer, we should say, is quite sufficient to all purposes of apology, and it would be unreasonable to ex- pect more, Earl Granville, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had alsoaslap at Senator Sumner, with whom he ‘‘sympathized as little as with Lord Lauderdale.” Earl Grey admin- istered a quiet snubbing to his Lordship by de- claring that it was ‘‘a prerogative of the crown to conclude treaties.” This, however, did not satisfy the old womanish Earl Russell, who ought to have exhausted the subject by this time, But Lord John has Alabama claims on the brain. We do not wonder at it. Has not he and our own irrepressible Seward for years kept up a lively cross fire of “‘paper pellets of the brain ?” We take these speeches for what they are worth, or rather for what they are intended— to make political capital against the Glad- stone Ministry, And, after hearing all argu- ments for and against the treaty, the British Parliameat will acquiesce in the action of the governmeut, Quincy Adams on the Demo- cratic Situation, Mr. John Quincy Adams, a chip of the old Mr. John General Butler ou tho Fishories Question. The statesman of Gloucester—whose flery wrath upon the stump among the Massachu- setts fishermen last fall, when he denounced the action of th eProvincial authorities in de- priving American fishermen of their rights, certainly stirred up the British lion to the necessity of settling the vexed questions in some way, and thence led to the formation of the Joint High Commission and to the negotiation of the great treaty now pending in the Senate—has come forth just in the nick of time with a pamphlet full of the same flery wrath against the fisheries clause of the treaty itself. Tho great statesman took occasion yesterday to read before &@ committee of the Massachusetts Legis- lature a letter addressed to Senator Ames by himself, in which this review of the fisheries clause is contained. In it he says the privilege of fishing within the three- mile line in British waters is really of little value. During the pendency of the Reciprocity Treaty the American catch therein was some- thing less than one-fifth of the whole catch. In fact, he says the extent of business done therein, when reduced to a money value, amounts to about seven thousand dollars, and Nova Scotia once offered to sell and did sell the privilege for just that sum. Yet for this insignificant concession the American Com- missioners have negotiated a treaty opening all our ports to Canadian fishermen and per- mitting them to fish in our waters and cure their fish and dry their nets upon our shoros. According to the protocols published in the HERALD our Commissioners were even willing to give a million dollars for this profitless concession, General Butler thereupon urges, through this letter to his son-in-law, the Senator, that the Senate ought not to ratify the treaty. General Butler ought of course to be heard respectfully on this subject. It is one which he has closely studied and one upon which he has more than once won his way through the suffrages of his Gloucester con- stituency to the House of Representatives, and upon it he will most likely wia his way there again. He is the accepted mouthpiece of the fishermen, and we may rest satisfied that they back bim up in his war upon this fisheries clause of the treaty. But it appears the Canadian fishermen arg just as wrothy as Buller over this fisheries clause. They denounce it as heartily as he, and hold that nothing but the old Reciprocity Treaty, with all its grants and privileges, can repay them for the damage that may accrue from the presence of Yankee fishermen in their waters, It is somewhat siogular that these two interested parties—the Canadians of the first part and the Americans of the second— should so strenuously contend that they are likely to los? money by the proposed ar- rangement. It gives us a forcible impression that the Yankee spirit of bargain-driving is animating both sides. They aim to get bet- ter terms by depreciating the goods to pur- chased, just as a small purchaser higgles fora few cents on the article he wishes. In the block of Quincy granite, and the late demo- Der he treaty will be ratified, and then both cratic candidate for Governor in Massachu- setts, has written a bold, outspoken letter to a political colaborer in Missouri, which pretty sharply defincs the democratic situation on the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments es- tablishing negro civil and political equality. In this letter he says the people feel that as things a now going they aré going wrong, but that “the sweep of reaction is stayed by the dread of revolution ;” that it is the true policy of the democrats to ‘‘dispel this apprehen- sion;” that he deplores “‘the halting, hesi- tating step with which the democracy is sneak- Ing up to its inevitable position;” that he regrets “‘the studious ambiguity which seems to search for a sallyport through which to dodge its destiny ;” that, on the other hand, he does not like the policy of those who pro- claim “their purpose of revolution.” He holds that ‘‘ihe republican organization can rally to no cry but a slogan, and conquer under no standard but a spear;” and that “hostility to the fifteenth amendment (negro suffrage) is the stock ia trade of the fomenters of strife.” This is speaking to the point and to the pur- pose. Mr. Adams says, furthermore, that everything gives way to ‘‘the supreme arbitra- ment of war;” that “‘the people will never resign their attitude of hostile vigilance, which is the real significance of the present adminis- tration, until they know that no one of their war trophies is any longer disputed,” but that “then they will resume the habits which they love and the good nature they repress.” So he urges the democrats to come up to the scratch of the fifteenth amendment of ‘‘equal and exact justice,” and asks them “who dares face an intelligent people with that tes- timony (equal rights) upon his lips, and denounce a measure which ts too democratic for democrats only because the enfranchised are black?” He says that ‘“‘the old constitu- tion is just as good as ever it was, for South as well as North, in spite of the marks of the mailed hand which must remain upon it for a warning to those that come after us.” “It is war—civil war’—that oppresses the States; and you have only to close this war and you “sestore self-government to the people of the States.” Here we have the whole merits of the main quesiion in a nutshell, and Mr. Adams, in his independent way of speaking his con- victions, has heen doing the best service that he could possibly do to put the democratic party on the right track, It is a little remarkable, too, that at about the same time that late recognized chief of all the copper- heads, that keen observer of ‘fixed facts,” Mr. Vallandigham, of Ohio, should be doing the very thing recommended by Mr, Adams— an honest recognition, out and out, of the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments, negro civil and political equality, negro suffrage and all, And thisis the very point to which the democracy of the nation must come before they can hope to reverse the popular judgment of the Presidential elections of 1860, 1864 and 1868, A New Coyssirvtion For Nortn Caro- 1INA.—The Statesville (N. ©.) American learns that a number of prominent republicans in that State have declared themselves for a convention to change the State constitution, It is not proposed to make it a perfect measure, Would it not be well to try and enforce the parties will slyly chaff each other over the good bargain they obtained. The Terrible Pestilence in Buonos Ayres. According to our latest reports of the ray- ages of the yellow fever in the city of Buenos Ayres twelve thousand of its population of two hundred thousand had recently died of that terrible disease. A similar percentage of mortality in this city would cut off sixty thousand of our population. It is not surpris- ing, then, that at the latest accounts the popu- lation of Buenos Ayres remaining in the city had been reduced to about twenty-five thou- sand, and that two-thirds of these were suffer- ing from the epidemic—that the entire popu- lation of the city, in fact, excepiing the sick and their immediate friends, had sought safety in flight. It is to be feared, however, that those flying away have carried the contagion with them, and that so the epidemic will be extended to Montevideo and all the surround- ing towns, villages and couniry places, A calamity so heavy must inevitably be fol- lowed by a vast amount of suffering and desti- tution among the surviving people of the afflicted city, and especially among its nume- rous widows and orphans left without means of support. Here, then, is a call upon New York which it is moratly bound to answer with the accustomed generosity of our fellow citizens in such cases. Nor do we think that in this extreme case it would be amiss for the city in its official capacity to interpose in the name of holy Charity for the relief of Buenos Ayres. The Mayor and Common Council might at least confer with the Argen- tine Consul General as to the extent of the relief which will be needed at once in Buenos Ayres to prevent the addition of tie horrors of famine to the afflictions of the pestilence and in view of voluntary contributions of relief. Nor can the duty of vigilance be too strongly impressed upon our health authorities in reference to this yellow fever at Buenos Ayres, It is evidently a virulent epidemic In its char- acter, highly contagious, and much more dangerous as a contagion than the yellow fever of the ordinary type. It is of that type of yellow fever which some twelve or’ fifteen years ago desolated Norfolk, and which, by the wind from a ship with the disease on board in the lower bay, was communicated to Fort Hamilton, spreading thence along the shore to Governor's Island and over to Staten Island. So, in view of the numerous trading vessels dropping in here from South America, we would urge something more than ordinary vigilance against this South American pestl- lence on the part of our health authorities, Tae Svrcipg oF Emma Cxavs was investi- gated by Coroner Young yesterday. The evi- dence showed that disappointment at the strange freak of her lover in not meeting ber atthe church for the wedding, and probably shame at the ridicule her invited friends might have cast upon her, were the causes of her sul- cide; but there was nothing to show that she had not been a virtuous and good girl through- out all her young life, Tur Foster Trtar.—Tho twelfth juror was finally obtained in the Foster trial yesterday, and the prosecution presented its evidence. Mra. Duval and her danghters, Mrs. Putnam and the conductor and driver of the car gave thelr evidence, mainly in corroboration of the provisions of the existing constitution, withgut ) reports already published in tho Hunan, undertaking uew experiment ¢ Tho defegce will open tq-day, : RRR! Ttaly=Its Republics aod ity Monarchica, A large proportion even of the most intelligent observers of passing events cannot understand why it is that the Italians seem neither happy nor prosperous under the rule of Victor Emmanuel. It is forgotten that at no time has the monarchical system been guc- cessful in modern Italy. No European coun- try, with the sole exception of ancient Greece, owes 80 much to republicanism as Italy. In short, whatever is great and glorious in their history the Italians owe to their republics, whereas none having any intelligence can * experience much difficulty in tracing their worst calamities to their monarchies. Since all who are familiar with Italian history must, on reflection, admit this, what is there strange, after all, in the present condition of Italy ? As for the antagonism between the King and the Pope, that is nothing new, Former kinze and popes have not merely denounced each other as usurpers and tyrants; in several instances they have marched their armies against each other. Nor have the republics and the popes been on all occasions much more friendly or more peaceful in their rela- tions with each other. If Italian kings have sometimes been excommunicated by the popes, so have Italian republics; and if the kings have sometimes declared the temporal power of the Pope at an end, so have Italian repub- lics. We make this comparison for no other purpose than that it may be perfectly under= stood that if Italy is not likely to become elther very prosperous or very powerful under the present 7égime the cause must be traced to a source quite different from the mutual accusations and recriminations of Vic- tor Emmanuel and Pius IX. It wero better, indeed, that there should be a good under- standing between the King of Catholic Italy and the recognized spiritual head of the Catholic Church throughout the world; but the consequences of the opposite state of affairs are by no means so serious as either those Catholics or Protestants who are more zeal- ous than thoughtful or intelligent would have the world believe. It may be said of the French, the Spaniards, the Germans, or even the English, that the re- publican form of government does not suit them; but no such objection can be mada against the Helians, 2o¢ famous republicg of Venice, Florence, Genoa and Pisa, especially the two former, were powerful and enlightened States, while the most pretentious kingdoms and empires were in a condition of compara- tive barbarism. So early as the sixth century the Venetians proved their capacity for self- government, At the beginning of the ninth’ century they had a large fleet and carried om an extensive commerce with Constantinople, the Levant and Egypt. Their regular annual elections are traced as far back a3 A. D. 697. When the Crusades commenced Venice was the greatest naval power in Europe, and it was principally owing to her superior fleets that: Constantinople was taken by the Crusaders in 1204. It was as a recognition of this maritind superiority that Pope Alexander If. made @ formal grant of the sovereignty of the Adriatic Sea to the republic, which was annually com- memorated by the grand ceremony called the Marriage of the Adriatic for more than five centuries—until the overthrow of the republic by Napoleon in 1797, Sismondi teils us that toward the close of the fourteenth century the Venetians had an amonnt of capital invested in commerce equal to thirty millions of dollars; the real estate of the cliy was estimated at twenty millions; the number of ships owned by the republic exceeded three thousaud, the sailors employed ia manning them numbering over twenty thousand. At this time the territories of the republic included Candia and Cyprus, the whole of the Ionian Islands, and most of the islands of the Archipelago, besides that part of Italy extending from the Adriatic to the river Adda, and from the Po to the Alps; com- prising the cities of Padua, Verona, Bressia and Bergamo. In short, at the close of the fifteenth century not only had the republic of Venice become the most powerful State im Europe, it had also become the most highly enlightened and the most liberal patron of the arts and sciences, The republic of Florence did not endure quite go long, nor did it attain so commanding a position, as the republic of Venice; but it has quite as glorious a history. Even in point of duration few monarchies have lasted longer. No Italian monarchy has maintained its great- ness for upwards of four centuries, as the Florentine republic has done, And what king- dom or empire anywheve has produced more illustrious men than Dante, Michael Angelo, Machiavelli? What royal or imperial family can boast more munificent patrons of litera- ture, science and the arts than the Medici, not to mention Lorenzo the Magnificent and the great Leo X.? Bo it remembered that of all the great cities that have claimed the title of the Modern Athens, to Florence alone has it been universally awarded for ite superior culture, enlightenment and general intellectual activity. Passing over the several other Italian re- publica, each of which has a history that reflects honor on Its citizens, we may well ask what royal dynasties have done 80 much for Italy, or for modern civilization throughout Christendom, as the republics of Venice and Florence? Both republics have, tndeed, been guilty of grave errors, and even crimes; but we need hardly say that neither has produced, in its worst days, more detestable malefactors than Italian monarchies which have not lasted half as long as either. But let us now turn for a moment to the anointed kings of Italy, and see what they have accomplished, as compared with the repub- lics. There is quite a long list of those royal personages, but we fail to find one among them to whom the Italians owe the least grati- tude, This will seem the less strange when it is borne in mind that at least two-thirds of those who have ruled Italy have been either the sovereigns of other countries or the sons, nephews or favorites of such ; and yet the na- tive Italian princes have done very little bet~ ter—sometimes they have done still worse—as Italian kings. But let us montioa a few of the most prominent names, such as Lothaire L, Louis If., Carloman, Bareoger L, Lothaire IL, Otho U,, Conrad, Henry VI. Charles the Bald, Charies the Fat, Conrad IIL. Not one of these can ba said to be superior to Victor Emmanuel ; atthe same time we think it can hardly be claimed by the warmest admirers of his pre