The New York Herald Newspaper, May 9, 1871, Page 6

6 NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET, JAMES GORDON BENNETT, prop Volame XXXVI. AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING, WALLACK’S THEATRE, B: street. Ranpacu's Taoxn, a rs NIBLO'S GARDEN, TRAVELLER, Broadway.—Ktt, THB ARKANSAS SPINA EDWIN'S THEATRE. 720 Broadway.—ComEpy GRAND OPER USE, corne LOAN OPERA HOUSE, corner of 8h ay, ana tid st noneet THEATRE, Bowery.—Tut Drama OF CLAUDE NEW YORK STADT TI Romer K STADT THEATRE, No. FIFTH AYENUS THEATRE, ! street. — Usep Ur—Tur Crrrr eosin ize 45 Bowery.— GLOBE TUEATRE, 728 Broadwav.—Vanigty ENTER- TAINMENT, 40.—THE TEMPTER FOILED, ees OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway.—Tur Drama oF Honizoyx. ROOTH'S TH UATRIS, 284 8t,, vetween - A Winter's Tacr. i¢ besa WOOD'S MUSEUM Br. ances every a/ternoon MRS. F. B. CONWAY'S NECK AND Neck. BROOKLYN ACAREMY OF MUSIC, s - wBROO! o) USIC, Montague street Pacer th LL, 585 Broaiway.— BRYA b a) st, between 6th TONY PASTOR'S OP TUP1Y ENT. WTAINNE THEATR rena, Nac A HOUSE, 201 Bowery.—Va- 514 Broadway.—Comio Vooar ATRB, Brooklyn (formerly 1 "8).—Va> ATES, yn (formerly Hooley's).—Va- ARLI IN’'S MINSTRELS, corner 28th NEGRO MINSTRELSY, KO, ‘Matinee at 2. DR. KATIN'S oLENCE aNo TRIPLE SHEET, YATOMICAL MUSEUM, 745 Broadway.— The Great Treaty of Ponce Between Eng- land and the Unit States from the Joint High Commission. We have the pleasure of giving to our readers this morning the substance of the new treaty of peace between England and the United States as agreed upon and signed, sealed and delivered to the President from the Joint High Commission yesterday at Wash- ington. Regarding this as one of the most in- teresting and important political events of the nineteenth century, with all its astounding revolutions and political transformations in both hemfspheres, we are sure that the en- lightened and peace-loving people of this great republic will accept this treaty with something of the faith of St. Paul, and that 1s, as ‘‘the substance of things hoped for and the evidence of things not seen.” When, on the 17th of March last, we re- ceived our reports of the despatches which had just passed between Queen Victoria and President Grant looking to the appointment of this Joint Commission, and when we saw that General Grant’s proposition that this Com- mission be charged with the adjust- ment of all the unsettled questions pend- ing between the two countries was at once accepted by her Majesty, we could not resist the impression that the labors of the Joint High Commission thus agreed upon would be crowned with a great and glorious treaty of peace, satisfactory to both sides, honorable to both parties, and broadly fore- shadowing a new era of peace, prosperity and progress, not only to the English-speaking peoples of the earth, but to all the uations of all languages and to all the races and tribes of New — York, Tuesday, May 9, 1871. CONTENTS OF TO-DAY’S HERALD. ements, ements. treaty : Provistons of the Treaty Ar- 1¢ Anglo-American Commission; A le Showing jor Our Slae—The es—The Erle Canal Break—Miscel- nusements—MacKkaye's F ve on Deisarte’s System of Dra- ic EXpression—South Caroliua State Con- eeclugs in the Courts—Farmer Nostrand’s The Fatal Kerosene Explosion— way War—The National Game— Departure of the J ue—The Dramatic Fund The Brooklyn Board o anese Party Launch of the Colossal York Shore Tower—A Brookiyane’ ers—The Vinaucil and mercial Keports—Political Notes—Miscelianeous Foreign Notes=General Sherman in Texas—Marniages and Deaths— Advertisements, Leading Article, “The Great Treaty Between England and the United pm the Jot High Comission — (continued from sixth Page)—The Revolt: Herald spectai Reports from ‘aris aud Berlin—RKumored Return aperor Napoleon to France—The attous—The British Parliament— ews from Central and South Ame- tio May Anniversarieg—l’ersonal Lntel- ligence—Business Notices, S—Adver 11S. ts 9—Advert Ss. O—Ben bi sception of the Essex Statesman by the Coiored Folks of Bosto: a Klux in Norih y ‘elegraph— Suipping Intelligence—advertisements, 1—Advertiscments men upon our bustling little planet. The crowning result, we think, justifies our high anticipations, Considering the delicate and difficult questions connected with the Alabama claims, the Northeastern fisheried, the Northwestern boundary dispute and the navigation of the St. Lawrence, there is cer- tainly no cause for serious complaint on our side touching the terms of adjustment and pacification agreed upon in the disposition of any of these questions. The High Commission on the part of England and on the part of the United States seems to have met with the common determination of a mu- tually satisfactory and comprehensive treaty of peace, and with this common idea that, as peace is manifestly the true international policy henceforward of the United States and England, all existing embarrassments to per- fect harmony between the two nations must be removed. The ways and means adopted hetween the high contracting parties for the settlement of the Alabama claims, the fishery disputes and the boundary question do, certainly, all things | considered, embrace concessions to the United 2—Advertisements, 4 OF INFORMA- fa AS MOST PERSONS IN REGARD TO WHAT IS ALLED THE Ku Krox, 4 PERFECT! Prep mar Tie THING 13 GReTL MaTeD; AND IF THE Ku KLvx BILLS WERE KEPT por or Coxaness AND THE ARMY KEPT aT THEIR ITIMATE DU TUERE ARE ENOUGH GOOD AND mM )UTHERN STATES TO PUT DOWN ee Ko Kivx on OfaER BANDS OF MARAUDERS.”— [General Sherman. (KN IN ALL. States, in the matters both of American claims and international law, which ought to be satisfactory to the Senate. Concerning the navigation of the St. Lawrence canals, in having conceded to us the same rights as the Canadians we have unquestionably se- cured all that we could ask, It appears, too, that in the British claims allowed as offsets to our Alabama cluims all those classes of British claims not clearly within the pale of international law upon our How To Prevent Horsg Can Ourragrs— Waksdeos the Hansom cab system, It is Worthy ofa fair tri Tug RevoLurions iN CENTRAL AMERICA.— A special despatch from Panama, via King- re published in another column, gives the latest phases of the revolutionary movements | 42 Colombia, Salvadorand Guatemala, These bantam republics are warlike just now, but ,Will soon setile down to fandangos and agua- diente, Tue Latest Ksrosznzg Tracepy.—The late frightful disaster, caused by the explosion ‘of a kerosene lamp, by which two persons lost heir lives, should serve as another waraing Rgainst the careless use of this dangerous com- pustible. Is it not time some stringent city rdinance were adopted to prevent the sale of came articles under the name of “patent Bafety burning fluids?” A New Perprexiry has arisen in connec- tion with the Connecticut election riddle. It geems that, according to the constitution of the State, the Legislature must canvass the votes on the first day of the regular session, pnd if there is no choice it must elect a Gov- yrnor on the second day. As the first and Jecond days of the session have both passed and there has been neither canvass nor elec- tion the Connecticut people are in doubt whether they are entitled to any Governor at all this year. We Prusiisu Tais Morstva a special re- port of the reception of General Butler by the golored people of Boston, together with his own construction have been thrown out, and that some American claims, considered as hardly within the jurisdiction of the High Commission, have been considered and pro- vided for. Entertaining the opinion that the treaty stipu- lations entered into will be ratified and in good faith carried out on both sides, we adhere to our original impression that the appointment of this Joint High Commission will hence- important landmark to the the opening of a new chapter in a new and higher order of international reciprocities and obligations than the civilized world has known heretofore, With all the concessions from either side in this budget of conventions from the High Commission, the greatest concession is that of the paramount necessity to England of peace, and of our manifest obligations of peace to ourselves and to the world at large. Asa war between the United States and England would be one of the heaviest of misfortunes to both parties and to the general cause of human progress, so these new bonds of peace between England and the United States may be regarded as fruitful of blessings to the United States, to England and to all her different races and nationalities, including old forward be an historian, ppeech on the occasion, General Butler said nothing new. He lauded the negroes to the skies, said they were better fitted to govern Bouth Carolina than were the whites of that State, and declared that the rule of an un- educated majority was preferable to the rule of an educated minority. All of this donbtless tickled his negro auditors immensely and con- firmed them in the belief that Beu Butler is the real Moses of the downtrodden American citizen of African descent in this republic. Tur Kv Kivux tn Norrn Caroina came up efore a United States Commissioner in Ra- leigh yesterday—the first case under the new anti-Ku Klux law. Three of these raiderg, the only ones arrested out of a gang of thirty, were charged with whipping and maltreating Ireland, and to the general cause of the whole family of mankind. Tho The total subscriptions to the new loan reported up to last evening were, in round numbers, sixty-three million dollars, These, it should be remembered, are to the five per cents only, and consist in great part of conversions of five-twenty six per cents, which the holdera are willing to exchange for the new bonds rather than take the chances of a derangement of their investment, as threat- ened by the refunding process, Curiously enough the subscriptions are in great part from the national banks, or those of them who prefer to take the bonds at five per cent and New Loan. some old white women and negro men in Chatham county. As they were disguised, like the rest, at the time, it was impossible to identify them, and an alibi was proven in each case, Nevertheless they were bound over. ‘The law does not appear likely to exercise any Very salutary influence among these disguised pparauders, insure their privileges of banking upon them for tea years longer. But then the national banks represent a capital of about three hun- dred and fifty million dollars, The inference ig that even to these institutions, with whom many more reasons exist for subscribing than the general public, the loan is not very attrac- tive. Atleast only one-seventh of their capital | hagdeen subscribed to the new five per cents. Tw popular subscriptions so far are, in fact, a Ingatelle, And yet Mr. Boutwell has made the money market very easy. What will be- come of his four and four and a half and five per cents next fall, when money will be worth seven per cent and ‘a bonus”—the latter meaning ten, twenty, and even fifty per cent additional ? The Internal Troubles of France—Bismarck on the Watch—A Chance for the Resto- ration of the Empire of Charlemagne. No words of ours are needed to convince the reading public that the condition of France to-day is more pitiable than it has been at any former period of her history. The intelligent Frenchman in France is more convinced of this truth than any member of the outside world. If any nation ever lay prostrate France lies prostrate, That she is full of fight is no proof of strength. France is a house divided, and we have high authority for say~ ing that a house divided cannot stand. The world looks on and wonders; but it pities as much as it wonders, and there are many simple people who, knowing nothing of history and little of politics, see in the France of to-day only an enlarged example of a stupid, brawl- ing, badly governed household. We are not of those who see no principle in the Commune and who can find for the members thereof no nobler names than those of thieves and rob- bers. Nor are we of those who see good, and nothing but good, in the Versailles Assembly. Our belief is that there is principle on both sides; for the Paris Communal fights for mu- nicipal rights, and the Versailles Assembly, with all its faults, fights for national unity; but we cannot close our eyes to the fact that Frenchmen, in their excessive love of indi- vidual liberty, and in their too ready disposi- tion to rest satisfied with the present and to be indifferent towards the future, have brought on themselves all this trouble. A purely self- ish man is seldom a good member of a house- hold, of a private circle of friends, of a com- munity. How can he be a good citizen or a patriot? Frenchmen, since the revolution of 1789, have, as individuals, been growing more and more selfish year by year; and henée the weakness of France asa nation to- day. Our latest news shows that Germany is im- patient of the disorders which affect her con- quered neighbor. Bismarck has waited long, and he has not been unkind. If France cannot meet her obiigations it is no fault of his, With his hand upon her throat he has been reasonably indulgent; but his patience is exhausted, and he says so. In bis proclama- tion tothe people of Paris—a proclamation which will be found this morning in our tele- graphic columns—M. Thiers says :—‘‘The Germans declare that they will mercilessly resume the war if the insurrection is not at once suppressed.” We have little hope that the Communists will yield. They are fighting for municipal rights—fighting for them, we think, at a wrong time and in a wrong way, but still fighting for them—and they are just as willing to have the Germans in Paris as the troops of the Assembly. It is our belief that the Commune would regard a German occu- pation, of the capital city as more a relief than a defeat. Count Bismarck, as all our readers know, advises a resort to the plédiscite. In the circumstances a pilébiscite could not be regarded as unfair, If any faith is to be placed in the French vote for the last twenty years it seems not a bad way of bringing out the dominant national sentiment. If the advice of Count Bismarck is complied with and the plébiscite resorted to, the question to which France must answer “yes” or ‘‘no” must be submitted to the French people by the Versailles government. What question that government will put it is difficult to say. But whatever be the question put to the people {we have no doubt at all as to the purport of the “yeas” and ‘“‘nays.” It is not to be denied that for one time more the attempt to estab- lish a republic has failed. The French people have not responded to the Paris Communists, Out of the great cities the Commune is hated. The rural population who, in the event of a plébiscite, will have the controlling vote, detest the Commune. On the other hand, there seems to be no chance for the royalists. During all these anxious days and weeks and growing months scarcely a word bas been said in favor of the Bourbons, older or younger. The Count de Chambord is a species of Micawber ; the Count de Paris isa nobody; the Duc d’Aumale is a bit of a demagogue. These three represent the cause of the Bour- bons, and, notwithstanding the mention of the King of the Belgians and the King of Sweden, both of them Frenchmen by descent, the cause of the royalists. Our correspondents in Paris and all over France give us the best of reasons for believing that Frenchmen, taken os a whole, are as indifferent to the royalists as they are opposed to the republic. Twenty years of the empire and twenty years of much apparent prosperity have made Frenchmen forgetful of Charles the Tenth and of Louis Philippe, and nine months of so-called self-government, with accu- mulating disaster and intensifying sorrow, have made them despair of the republic. The pid- biscite cannot, will not establish the republic; t will not restore the kingdom. On the face of things it is apparent that the empire, with some member of the family of Bonaparte at its head, has the greatest chance. The glitter of, not the glory of, the empire, fills the Frenchman's mind. The greatness of France for three-quarters of a century has been associated with it. No man or boy, no mother or daughter but reflects with pride on the days of the First Napoleon, He gave the nation glory, he gave it power, he made it the mistress of Burope. Under the second empire, up until disastrous Sedan, the French were prosperous and happy at home, and the mame of France was re- spected and honored abroad. If the Third Napoleon was unfortunate it was, perhaps, more his misfortune than his fault, All things considered, the presumption is that a popular national vote will restore the em- pire—France and the Bonapartes equally serv- ing themselves by preferring a regency. Such @ solution of the difficulty, although probable, cannot, however, be called satisfactory or final, At best it could only be regarded as a compro- mise, All the world knows, and every French- man feels, that the glory of the empire Is gone, and that the star of Austerlitz and of Solfo ting is cloadgd, The republic disgraced. the NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, MAY 9. 1871.-TRIPLE SHEET. royalists in disrepute, the Bonapartes without their happy star, the future of France, left in every sense to her own control, is the reverse of full of promise. So fur as we can see, Bismarck has found the grandest opportunity of his life. Sadowa and Sedan will make his name immortal. In the future history of the Fatherland his name will never be forgotten, and in spite of his faults he will ever be remembered with pride, Another opportunity, however, is now offered him. If he is wise he will use it. What is that opportunity? He can restore the German empire in its full sense—the empire of Charle- magne, of Otho, of Frederick of the Red Beard. He can restore it under con- ditions more favorable than ever. The Holy Roman empire has for many centuries been dead. It had long since been dead when the First Napoleon, in 1806, con- stituted the Confederation of the Rhine, and | when the Emperor Francis resigned the impe- rial crown. The Holy Roman Empire can never bo restored, because we cannot bring back the Middle Ages, All old things have passed away—all things have become new. But the empire of Charlemagne and of Otho the Great has been revived; the dreams of German patriots and poets and prophets have become reality; the ravens have flown away from the hill under which the Great Frederick so long has slept, and the Emperor lives again. It was the ambition of the First Napoleon to repeat the 7dle of Charlemagne. It was his pride to call himself his successor. In a weaker and milder way the Third Napoleon yielded to the same ambition and worked out the same policy. Tho restoration of the Western empire, with France for its centre— that has been the dream of the Bonapartes. The fates are now on the side of Germany. The empire, as we have said, is revived, but it is yet limited. It does not stretch from the North Sea to the Mediterranean and from the Atlantic and the Ebro in Spain to the confines of Russia, Bis- marck, however, has but to say the word and the old empirg ip gill its length and breadth is restored. Let him advise his master to ainex France to Germany. Italy and Spain and Portugal will then be at his mercy. Protestant Germany will approve and Catholic Germany will not resist the bold endeavor. The Pope, if he does not oppose, will at least have to submit, In the interests of humanity the neighboring Powers ought to have no objection. A new Western empire more powerful than that of Augustus, more magnificent than that of Charlemagne, more intelligent than that of Charles the Fifth— that will be the result. As it is no longer doubtful that the Latin races are played out, and that the star of empire shines in the Northern sky, we indicate the opportunity ; and if the German Chancellor is wise he will turn it to account, “T CONSIDER IT ONE OF THE MOST PRESSING NEEDS OF OUR DAYS THAT WE SHOULD RETURN TO THE SOUND PRACTICH OF CONSTIUTIONAL GOVERNMENT. THE SAFEGUARDS OF OUR COM- MON RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES CONTAINED IN THE CONSTITUTION ARE TOO SACRED AND VALUABLE A BOON TO BE PERMANENTLY JEOPARDIZED IN PRO- VIDING FOR A PASSING EMERGENCY. It 1s TIME THAT THE AMERICAN PEOPLE OPEN THEIR EYES TO THE DANGEROUS CHARACTER OF THIS TENDENCY, AND@BUAT NEHER A GREAT NAME NOR AN OBJECT APPEALING TO OUR SYMPATHIES SHOULD BE PERMITTED TO DISGUISE IT, AS FOR ME, I HAVE SEEN THE WORKING OF IRRESPONSIBLE POWER AND PERSONAL GOVERNMENT IN OTHER COUNTRIES, AND I MAY ASSURE MY CONSTITUENTS THAT WHILE I AM A CITIZEN OF THIS REPUBLIC I SHALL STRUGGLE TO THE LAST GASP AGAINST ITS INTRODUCTION HERE.”—Carl Schurz, at St. Louis. The Situation Outside Paris. We have nearly the same old story to write about regarding the operations in front of Paris. We hear of new batteries and new guns, reinforcements, successful cavalry re- connoissances and proclamations, but little or no action, The consoling information, how- ever, is vouschafed that all goes on well. If doing comparatively nothing means going on well, why, then the Versailles government and the French army are accomplishing as much as can be expected of them. The new battery at Montretout, with its eighty-two guns, we are informed will open fire on Paris to-day. An attack which was made by the Versailles troops near Levallois yester- day was successfully repulsed by the Paris _insurgents. The reinforcements which arrived at different points within the last few days are still in a state of mas- terly inactivity, and the report comes from Paris that negotiations for an armistice of twenty-five days are still progressing. M. Thiers has issued another proclamation, call- ing on the people of Paris to rally round the government troops; but we see no movement on the part of those troops of which the execu- tive head of the French republic speaks to reach any point where the Parisians could make a demonstration in their favor. If there were fewer proclamations and more action infused into the military operations of the army about Versailles the nearer would be the ap- proach of France to peace. A special tele- gram from the Heraip's special correspondent at Versailles, dated yesterday, says that the commanders of divisions had arrived there to receive the orders from Marshal MacMahon; 80 there may be something new to write about if anything can be deduced from the assembling of the military chiefs. It was romored in London yesterday that Louis Napoleon had gone to France, relying, It is said, upon the disaffection in the army for support in an at- tempt to regain the throne. We place very little reliance op this report. Louis Napo- leon, whatever may be his other faults, is not devoid of common sense. Times have changed since the ex-Emperor played @ character that gave him the empire which he lost at Sedan. Whatever aspirations he may have toward getting back what he lost could hardly be advanced by a secret landing in France. “7 PROBABLY HAVE AS GOOD MEANS OF INFORMA- TION AS MOST PERSONS IN REGARD TO WHAT IS. CALLED THK Ku Kix, AND AM PERFECTLY 6aTIS- PIkD THAT THE THING 18 GREATLY OVER-ESTI- MATED ; AND IF THE Ku Kix BILLS WERE KEPT OUT OF CONGRESS AND THE ARMY KEPT AT THEIR LEGITIMATE DUTIES, THERE ARE ENOUGH GOOD AND TRUE MEN IN ALL SOUTHERN STATES TO PUT DOWN att Ku Kix oR OTHER BANDS OF MARAUDERS,””— General Sherman. | General Sherman on the Ku Klux Ques- tion—What Did General Sherman Say ¢ In a widely cireulated report of a speech made by General Sherman, at a recent recep- tion given him in New Orleans by the Ameri- can Union Club of that city, he is represented | as thus expressing himself on the Ku Klux question :— I probably have as good means of information as most persons in regard to what 1s called the Ku Klux, and am perfectly satistied that the thing 1s greatly over-estimated; and if the Ku Klux Dills were kept out of Congress and the army kept at their legitimate duties, there are enough good and true men tn all Southern States to put down all Ku Klux or ovher bands of marauders, And now wo have a statement on this matter from Mr. Thomas W. Conway, Secretary of the Union League Club of Now Orleans, in which he says that on the 22d of April last said Club gave a complimentary dinner to General Sherman; that about one hundred Persons were present, some of whom were colored men; that Mr. Conway was not pre- sent at the reception given the General by the American Union Club, so that he (Mr. Conway) cannot speak of what the General said on that occasion. ‘‘But,” says Mr. Con- way, “I made a careful report of what he did say on the occasion of the reception given by the Club, to which I belong, and have my original notes now with me ;” and this is what “General Sherman said :"— Mr. Prestdent—I am not much ofa speaker; my forte is action, not speechmaking. I do not wish my remarks this evening to be reported in the news- papers, for / see that what I said on the occasion af another reception extended to me since my arrival has been entirely misrepresented, and Tam credited with words Idid not utier acall, I there- fore hope there are no reporters here to serve this leasant interview as they served the other to which have alluded, My duty as the commander of the army of the country bene ne me employed in military matters, and by that employment | may be enabled to assist the nation in its civil and political interests, but J do not wish to be considered a politician, 1 strive as well a3 1 can todo what my oficial duty ea, and in doing that find myself amply employed. I do not seek any ctvit position whatever, and do not wish to be suspected of doing 80, Indeed, I shoud pone decline any offer of a civil or political po- sition, I mean to devote my whole time in the future to the study of the military art, not with the view of destroying, but a8 a means of promoting the good of all, even the lowest classes or our citizens. Here, then, touching the speech of General Sherman at the Amerioan Union Club dinner, the question recurs, what did General Sher- man say? In a New Orleans letter on the subject to the New York Standard the writer gives, substantially, Mr. Conway’s report of the General’s speech at the Union League Club dinner, and says that “in conversation he certainly talked savagely enough against lawlessness in some parts of the South; and, instead of being blind to the fact that nearly every Southern democrat is a member of the Ku Klux, he seemed to be well aware of the fact and thoroughly alive to its impor- tance.” It further appears from this report that the General had no objection to the pre- sence of American citizons of African descent at the dinner table of the Union League, and that before the dinner was finished ‘‘he paid some high compliments to the colored mea who were present, having found from what they said and from their manner that they were men of culture and refinement.” But, admitting all this to be true as to what Gene- ral Sherman said at the Union League Club dinner, the question still remains to bo an- sered, what did he say at the reception of that other club, composed wholly of white men— officers of the army and navy? The quotation we have given above as from his remarks on that occasion, and which has electrified the democracy all over the country as indicating their man of all men for 1872, has not been disclaimed by General Sherman over his own signature. We are, then, strongly inclined to the impression that this is the General's position—that he did make substantially the remarks at the American Union Club reception attributed to him in the widely published report of that speech, but that he did not imagine that that speech would get into print, but would be treated as a pri- vate confidential conversation. Secondly, that in the face of his protest at the second reception against newspaper reporters, he did not suppose his remarks, intended as purely social and confidential, would ever get into the newspapers. He hoped that there were no reporters present. There was no response, and so he was satisfied that none were present, and he went ahead. Thirdly, we think it probable that the Ku Klux remarks of the General having got into the newspapers, and having raised him to the clouds as the right man for the democracy in 1872, he was pleased with the great sensation and disposed to let it take its course, and so has remained silent on the subject. Why not? But this statement of Mr. Conway places General Sherman between two fires, and so he is called upon to define his position. It is not enough that he does not seek, does not want and will not accept any political position. That is the old story. It must be evident to him now that he bas only to say the word in order to become the leader of the democratic party ona new departure. There is a weak point with the General, however, in his dread of newspaper reporters. It was developed early in the war, and it sticks to him yet. This peculiarity in the General we cannot comprehend. He is a good speaker and a ready speaker, and he likes to make speeches, but he has no fancy for newspaper reporters, They are, no doubt, too apt to put dowm what he does say off-hand, as the thought strikes him, instead of putting it down os what, according to his own recollection or his own impressions, he did say or intended to say. In such cases our experience has taught us that the newspaper reporter is generally cor- rect; but still, after the tremendous excite- ment created by the reported New Orleans speech of General Sherman on the Ku Klux Klans, we should like to hear from the General himself what he did say or intended to say on that occasion. Itis due to himself and the electrified and hopeful democracy that he should define his position on this Ku Klux question, Tur Sgconp Catsson or THR East River Bripax was successfully launched yesterday. The contractors show so much activity in the prosecution of their important work that we shall probably have the Brooklyn bridge in full operation before we have braved the river ice of many more winters in the ferryboats. Tar Foster Case.—The case of Foster, the assassin of a respectable citizen who had ladies under his protection, still continugs to enlist grave public attention, It should not be permitted to slumber until the law is vindi- cated and an example made which will check similar outrages In the future. ———— EE General Sherman and the Independent Press. almost invariably taken the initiative in any great movement tending to the perpetuation and the grandeur of the republic. for more than a quarter of a century this power has been wielded in defence of republican liberty and in support of progressive ideas, and still lives, while party journals, by scores, have gone to the wall and never been heard of afterwards, In the sensation now pervading all over the Union in regard to the nomination of General Sherman as a candidate for the Presidency, we find some curious developments. Among the old party journals—the republican Evening Journal at Albany, for example—we find General Sherman compared to the noblest of European warriors and statesmen ; that ‘his words have a diamond point” (it might have said that his sword also has); yet it declines to accept him asa candidate for the Presidential chair—and nobody hardly expected it would do otherwise. The metro- politan ropublican press seems to have been dumfounded at the mention of General Sher- man’s name, And well it might; for, while it has been pottering about some local affairs which will readily settle themselves, the inde- pendent and conservative press of the country at large have taken up the name of ‘‘Old Te- cumseh,” and sounded the tocsin that not only echoes to the refrain of ‘‘Sherman’s March to the Sea,” but bis ‘‘Grand March to the White House,” Passing over the “erratic growls” of some wall-flowers of the political press in regard to Sherman, we find the Richmond Whig, the conservative organ in the State of Virginia, declaring that Sherman’s New Orleans speech on the Ku Klux business “‘has fallen like a bombshell in the republican camp, and pro- duced a panic among Grant’s friends.” So it has, or why do they flutter and scatter so? The Indianapolis Sentinel, democratic organ, fays the “declarations gf General Shorman, have péculiar slgnificance,” and that “ihey will be received by the people as the expres- sions of an honest and sagacious public ser- vant.” When a democratic paper speaks of a public man not precisely identified with its party as an “honest and sagacious public servant’ it is saying a good deal in behalf of his general popularity. The New Haven (Conn.) Palladium, republican, thinks the democrats might do worse than nominate General Sherman. The Palladium is evidently going back .® Grant, The Mem- phis (Tenn.) Avalanche is out for General Sher- man for President on the platform, ‘Universal amnesty and universal amity.” The Knox- ville (Tenn.) Press says General Sherman's New Orleans speech (Ku Klux) ‘is univer- sally commended by the moderate press.” Tho Wilmington (N. C.) Journal remarks that the opinions of a man occupying the position General Sherman does ‘‘are not to be lightly passed by,” and adds that ‘‘without General Sherman’s co-operation President Grant will find it difficult to carry out his schemes of op- pression and usurpation.” Nearly every prominent paper in the coun- try has published the paragraph in his New Orleans speech regarding the Ku Kluxes as reproduced to-day in the Hzrarp. It has created a marked sensation everywhere, and it will require more than “‘seven-league boots” to overtake so truthful and remarkable a declaration as that General Sherman lately made about the situatfon in the South. The independent press all go for Sherman, and as General Grant was first nominated by those journals and was elected to the Presidential chair with a grand hurrah in 1868, so will “Old Tecumseh Sherman” be chosen for the same chair in 1872, the friends of ‘general amnesty and general amity” sticking together. “I CONSIDER IT ONE OF THE MOST PRESSING NEEDS: OF OUR DAYS THAT WE SHOULD RETURN TO THB SOUND PRACTICE OF CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT. THE SAFEGUARDS OF OUR COMMON RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES CONTAINED IN THE CONSTITUTION ARB TOO SACRED AND VALUABLE A BOON TO BE PER- MANENTLY JEOPARDIZED IN PROVIDING FOR A PASS- ING BMERGENOY. Ir 1s TIME THAT THE AMERICAN PEOPLE OPEN THEIR EYES TO THE DANGEROUS CHARACTER OF TIS TENDENCY, AND THAT NEITHER A GREAT NAME NOR AN OBJECT APPEALING TO OUR SYMPATHIES SHOULD BE PERMITTED TO DISGUISE Tr. AS For ME,I HAVE SEEN TUE WORKING OF IRRESPONSIBLE POWER AND PERSONAL GOVERN- MENT IN OTHER COUNTRIES, AND I MAY ASSURE MY CONSTITUENTS THAT WittLH I AM A CITIZEN OF Tus REPUBLIC I SHALI, STRUGGLE TO THE Last GASP AGAINST ITS INTRODUCTION HERE.”—Carb Schurz, at St. Louis. Mexico—Her Manifest Destiny. The present condition of the republic of Mexico gives no promise for the future other than that of anarchy. She has trodden the downward path with such rapid strides as to render astoppage almost impossible. As a nation she has reached almost the depths of degradation, and her leaders appear deter- mined to complete the destruction. Profiting nothing by her experience during the late French invasion ; showing no appreciation for being freed from the rule of an Emperor, and failing to follow the example set by her sister republic of the United States, she has per- mitted a civil war to exist almost constantly since the fall and execution of Maximilian. If not in the whole country it has been in several of her States, and this condition of affairs has continued until she has be- credit come utterly bankrupt, without either at home or abroad. She oom- mands no respect from foreign Powers; in fact Mexico has become, as it were, a blot upon the face of the earth—a foul hlotch, that will have to be wiped out. Sho cannot be allowed much longer to stop tho progress of civilization or to impede the march of enlightenment, Something must be dono ere long to end her present condition and place her people in the right path—in the road to prosperity and wealth, in the way to make themselves once more respectod. And now the question arises, how is this to be accom- plished? When Napoleon inaugurated his ex- pedition to Mexico for the purpose of conquer- ing that country and establishing an empire he openly declared it was for the purpose of regrafting the Latin race upon the Continent of America, How signally he failed thorein has become a matter of history, Since tho empire of his creation ceased to exist—not s¢ much by the act of the Mexican people as by The independent press of this country have.