The New York Herald Newspaper, May 5, 1871, Page 6

ORL FIO Te NEW YORK HERALD | BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR, Velame XXXVI... steeeessees NO. 125 AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING, SOOTH'S TH ATRE, 334 at., vetween Sth and 6th ave.— 4 Woverre’s Tare WOOD'S MUSEUM Broadway, corner Sib st—Perform ances every aiternoon and evening. WALLACK’S THEATRE, ‘Tue Liak—AmrRioans IN Pal NIBLO'’S GARDEN, Broadway.—Tas Drama or Daxon anp Prratas. LINA EDWIN'’S THEATRE. 7% Broacway.—ComEDY OF PLuoK. GRAND OPFRA HOUSE, corner of Sh av. ana 2d sh— Le Petit Favs ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Fourteenth street—Iratiaw OrmRa—UN Bato In MAscneBa. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—Wuo Srmaxe Pinet— SomnipEr. NEW YORK STADT THEATRE, DArRoains FIFTH AVENUK THEATRE, Twenty-fourty street.— Tar Crirto—A THOUSAND a YRAR. No. 45 Bowery.— GLOBE THEATRE, 723 Broad TAINMENT, &O,—PEARL OF Ti THSATRE, Bi V.—VARIETY ENTER- OLYMPIC Horizon. MRS, F, B. OONWAY'S FARK THEATRE, Brooklyn.— BLP. -—-THE DRAMA oF SAN FRANCTSCO MINSTREL. HALT, 88 Broadway.— Satsuma's ROYAL Javanese TROUPE. BRYANT'S NEW OPERA HOUSK, 834 at, between @&h and 7th ave.—NEGRO MINSTEELSY, £0. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, 21 Bowery,—Va- BiInayY ENTERTAINMENT. THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 Broadway.—Comio VocaL- 18M8, NEGO ACTS, &0. NEWCOMB & ARLINGTON’S MINSTRELS, corner 28(h at. and Broadway.—NEGRO MINSTRELSY, 40. DR. KAHN'S ANATOMICAL MUSEUM, 745 Brondway.— SciENCE cS TRI PLE May 5, New York, CONTENTS OF TO-DAY’S HERALD, Pace. Rica t—Advertisements, 2—Advertisemenis, 3—Washington: Prociamation by the President Concerning the En.orcement Act: Attempt to Swindie a Territorial Judge Out of His Ofice— Yachting Notes—New York Bar Association— Music and the Drama—Boutwell’s Bulletings— Jersey's Great Sensation—OMicial Gladiators— Personal Intelligence. 4—France: The Commune Stronghold; the Repub- lic’s Headquarters; the German Camp; a Pic- ture of Paris: Origin of French Disasters—A French Soldier's Kit—Papal Infallubility: The Dollinger Movement in Germany—The Trot- ting Turf—The Hasbrouck Homicide—A Model Couple from the East Side—The Camden and Amphoy Lease—Snicide by Poison—A Woman Mobs @ Liquor Shop. $-The Putnam ‘Tragedy: Foster Arraigned in the Court of Oyer and Terminer; the Prisoner Pleads Not Gulity—More Telegraph—The Knickerboker life Insurance Company—Tue Attempted Maurier tn Brooklyn—Sharp Finane cial Operattous—The Break in the Erie Canal— The Presidency: The Outlook From a Pennsyl- Vania Standpomt—Poli' Notes—Naval In- telligence—Personal Notes—'fhe State Capital— Capital Punishment in New Orleans. @—Editoriais: Leading Artic'e, “The President's Proclamation—Condition of the South—Are We to Have Another Civil War?”—Amuse- Ment Announcemems, 7—Editoriais (contiuued from Sixth Page)—The Rouge Revolt—The British Pariiament—Mus- cellaneous Telegraph—Views of the Past— Business Notices. S—New York and Brooklyn Courts—The Erle Ratl- road War—The Ford Divorce Sut—Depart- ment of Docks—Report of Fire Marsnal MeSpedon—Brooklvn Burglaries—The Brook- lyn Fire—The Mace-Coburn Prize Fight— Suicide of a Peekskil! TPhysician—The New Asylum in Jersey—New Jersey State Prison— a New Tax Levy—Keduction of State Tax ation. 9—The Last of Fair: Closing Scenes of the Famous ‘Trial—Real kstave Matters—Death of an Ee- centric Preacher—Singalar Match Race in Cal- Mornia—Financia! and Commercial Reports— Marriages and Deaths. 10—folitical Inteiligence—The Coal Troubles—The New York Post OMce—Bills Signed by the Governor—Shipping Intelligence—Advertise- menis. 11—Advertisements. 12—Advertisemenis. Friday, NANTS AND SIX Prrvates of the British army were drowned in Lake Ontario yesterday by the capsizing of a small boat. Senators CamMzRon AND Morton are again fn Washington, They both feel confident of an amicable treaty arrangement on the part of the Joint High Commission and a prompt ratification on the part of the Senate. The extra session commences on Wednesday next. Tne Survivinc Members or THe Burn- Sipe Expeprrion and the Ninth Army corps propose to havea celebration in Boston on the 11th instant. Why not unite with the Amny of the Potomac, make a grand thing of it, and at the same time invite some of their Southern brethren in arms to participate? General Sherman would not object, Horace Greriey’s Commrrresz have kicked entirely out of the Grant traces and taken to Fenton. They adopted resolutions yesterday eulogistic of Sumner and condemning his removal from the chairmanship of the Foreign Relations Committee in a dramatic tone of indignation that could have proceeded only from a disappointed office-seeker or a dis- carded office-holder. They also vented their indignation against St. Domingo; but doubt less St. Domingo and Grant can both stand hese unkind cu M. Torers anp Tue TeMporaL Powsr.— A cable despatch has it that M. Thiers is on all hands believed to be in favor of the restora- tion of the temporal power of the Pope. In the appointment of his foreign Ministers he is said to have ignored the occupation of Rome by the Italians, He appointed one Minister to the Court of Victor Emmanuel at Florence, and another to the Oourt of the Holy Father at Rome. This is but another proof that the President of the French Assembly is not equal o the situation. His eyes are blinded, and he cannot see. His ears are stopped, and he can- not hear. But the world moves on; and M. Thiers will find out that not even he can resist it While Bismarck lives no French army will ever return to Rom Tue Stare or Kentucky comes promptly to the front and gives the democracy a model to follow in their coming canvass. Her Demo- cratic Convention, which represents nearly all the people in the State, has nominated P. H. Leslie for Governor and adopted a decia- ration of principles, which declares, among other greatly modified democratic doctrines, that the democratic party of the State pledges Itself to put down all infractions of the law, whether Ku Klux or otherwise, by the power of the State courts and the stern administra- tion of the State laws. Here is a good ex- ample, alike for Northern and Southern demo- crate. If there are Ku Klux in your States put them down yourselves. Kentucky gives the democracy a keynote, and we hold it beat for their own harmony that the democracy of all pections attune thempclves to it, | ‘The President's Proclamation—Condition of the South—Are We te Have Another Civil Wart We publish in another part of the paper the President's proclamation to the Ku Klux of the South. True, this mysterious body is not named, and the language is in general terms addressed to the whole people, but the direct meaning is not left doubiful. The President begins by saying:—‘‘The act of Congress entitled an act to enforce the provisions of the fourteenth amendment to the constitution of the United States and other purposes, approved April 20, 1871, being a law of extraordinary public importance, I consider it my duty to issue this my proclamation calling the atten- tion of the people of the United States thereto,” and so forth, This document isin the usual style, calling upon the officers of the govern- ment and citizens to enforce and abide by the law, and stating that the President will, as in duty bopnd, see that it be enforced everywhere to the extent of the power vested in the Execu- tive. But the point here is, as the President says, that ‘inasmuch as the necessity there- for is well known to have been caused chiefly by persistent violations of the rights of citi- zens of the United States by combinations of lawless and disaffected persons in certain local- ities, lately the theatre of insurrection and military conflict, Ido particularly exhort the people of those parts of the country to sup- press all such combinations by their own vol- untary efforts, through the agency of local Jaws, and to maintain the rights of all citizens of the United States, and to secure to all such citizens the equal protection of the laws.” The law of Congress, as the President says, applies to all parts of the United States ; but the proclamation is directed especially to the South, in consequence of the state of things existing there. It is mild, though firm in tone, and we hope it will have the effect of checking disorder, so as to prevent the use of mili- tary force. We must say, however, that this straining the power of the federal administra- tion not only to put down insurrection, which is proper, but to force local communities to secure civil rights, is a new feature in our gov- ernment, However, the law is on the statute book and the President has only to enforce it. We only hope he will do so prudently and wisely. In connection with this subject of reported Ku Klux disorders the special despatch from our correspondent in South Carolina, which we published yesterday, indicates a state of things threatening, if not dangerous, in that part of the South. We hope there is more smoke than fire in the incidents mentioned— in the drilling, marching and equipping of the white men of the State; in the organization and parade of rifle clubs and fire companies, and in the reported secret activity of the ‘‘Com- mittee of Public Safety” or Ku Klux on one side, and in the seemingly ominous parade of United Staies artiliery, forges, caissons and other paraphernalia of war through the streets of Charleston, with the erection of barracks, sheda and other preparations for troops that were going into the city. We hope all this is only precautionary and a display of force on both sides for moral effect, rather than with a view to provoke hostilities or in expectation of anything so terrible. Still, a little spark, under such a state of things, might kindle a great conflagra- tion. It behooves, therefore, both the United States authorities and the people of South Carolina to be prudent and reasonable, in order to avert such a possible calamity. If the fires of civil war should unbappily be lighted again there is no telling how far they may spread and what disasters and cost would be the result. We published the other day the remarks that General Sherman made on the pretended or real Ku Klux disorders in the South, and gave him credit for knowing both what the real cohdition of the South is and the cause of whatever trouble exists. We are convinced that in this matter no ,better or more reliable authority could be found than the General of the Army. It would be well if the adminis- tration were to heed what he said about the South and Ku Klux. There is no doubt that radical politicians, both South and North, have greatly exaggerated the disorders in the South- ern States, and have raised up a mons rous spectre that exists only in the imagination, either for political effect upon the conservative people of the country or to enable the adminis- tration to exercise military power previous to and pending the elections. Even the corre- spondents of radical Northern journals, writing from the South, confirm what General Sher- man said abont the pretended Ku Klux out- rages being greatly exaggerated, Yet many of the radical and administration newspapers teem with reported Ku Klux horrors, Just at this crisis, too, General O. O. Howard, Com- missioner of the Freedmen’s Bureau, comes out to fan the flame by a statement to the Secre- tary of War of a number of outrages said to have been committed on freedmen and others in Mississippi, from what he deems trust- worthy information. Details of the cases are given with apparent circumstantiality, and are intended, evidently, to help the government in the high-handed policy it has inaugurated, We do not know the source of General Howard’s one-sided gnd ex parte information, and it is possible he may deom it trustworthy, as he says; but we do know that he is a rampant radical partisan and a servant of the adminis- tration. Any representations he may receive of make on the subject are likely to be highly colored ia favor of his pet negroes and against the Southern whites. While we are aware that disorders exist in the Soutb, and that many of thém Spring from the secret so-called ‘Committee of Public Safety” or Ku Klux, and while we condemn them, as all good citizens should, we are con- vinced that they are over-estimated and that many of the ordinary crimes of violence there, such as occur in New York and other parts of the North, are wrongly attributed to the Ku Klux. How many frightful crimes of murder, rape, arson and other like crimes do we hear of being committed by negroes in the South. Yet what radical will admit there are negro Ku Kiuxes? No doubt many of these crimes, when the perpetrators are not discovered, are attributed to the white Ku Klux. Nearly all the crimes committed by white men in the South, whether these men have any affliation with secret societies or not, are said to be the work of the Ku Klux—all fit NEW YORK HERALD, FRIDAY, MAY 5, 1871. ee lat Which x F influence the public mind and to assist the party in its designs. And is another civil war to be the consequence of these political intrigues? Are the radicals, with the aid of the wretched scalawags and carpet-baggers in the South, going to follow the example of the Southern fire-eaters and plunge the country into another fratricidal war? Are we to have 8 military despotism fastened upon us through the conduct of knavish politicians? These are serious questions suggested by the exist- ing state of things which every good citizen should ponder over, We have advised over and over again the Southern white people to submit to the laws and the existing state of things, unpalatable as they may be, and to throw overboard their impracticable old secessionists, for the sake of peace and our common country. It is better to bear the ills they have than to fly to others they know not of. Their condition can only be made worse by resistance to the laws and the power of the federal government, At the same time it must be admitted that in some parts of the South, particularly in South Carolina, the white people have to bear a greatdeal As theold saying goes, a worm when tread upon will turn. A people, how- ever well or peaceably disposed, may be goaded to desperation, In many parts of the South, and especially in South Carolina, as our correspondent reports, the ruling power is absolutely in the hands of brutal and ignorant negroes, who cannot read or write and who have no conception of government, or, what is something worse, these negroes are under the control of corrupt and vile men, strangers to the soil and having no interest in common with the people—men, in fact, who are only there to plunder the people and to foment disorder for political ends. Let us imagine if we can the situation of intelligont white people—people of our own race and blood—under the state of things thus described by ‘our correspondent and well known to exist. Still, we earnestly advise the Southerners, as we have advised them before, to obey the laws and patiently bear these evils till that brighter day shall dawn, which will surely come, when the country will be restored to peace, prosperity and a better government, The War Against the Commune—Progress of the Stege of Paris. Our latest despatches from the seat of war around Paris, while they contain nothing of a startling character, are in a measure signifi- cant. We are at a loss to understand why the movement of Marshal MacMahon with a corps of thirty thousand men against the Western enceinte of Paris was abandoned. Was it a feint to draw the attention of the insurgents on the south of the city from the attack upon the forts, in order to render an assault upon them successful, or was it given up for the reason that the general commanding had no faith in his men? We can hardly believe the latter, because in all the fighting that has taken place the government troops have shown the greatest animosity to the men of the insurgent army, and have fought with resolute determination and bravery. If it was a feint we can only surmise that it was abandoned because the insur- gent positions were discovered not yet in a fit condition for assault. The siege drags; it is becoming monotonous; day after day passes without a change of any great importance. A position is stormed, carried and then abandoned because it is found to be untenable, An advance is made and then comes the halt; and so it goes slowly on. There may be, and doubtless are, very good reasons for all the delay, or else it would not occur. But we are at a loss to understand them. The reds are offering a most stubborn resistance, and fighting with an energy and determination worthy of a better cause; but by so doing they are only prolonging the misery of the inhabitants of Paris and adding to the distressed condition of France. They will have to be brought to submission by the Thiers government, or else by the Germans; and if they are wise they will not allow the latter to settle the disturbance. The Italian Government and the Pope. The Papal question daily acquires fresh interest, Our despatches from day to day from Europe show that while the climax is being steadily approached it is not yet reached. Amid the general confusion it is gratifying to know that the Italian govern- ment is really acting honestly by the Pope. The Papal Guarantees bill has just been accepted by the Italian Senate. When, some time ago, the bill was introduced into the Chamber of Deputies our opinion was that the Pope should encourage the proposed arranze- ment. We did not hesitate to express our opinion ; and we did so all the more heartily that we believed that the Italian government was stretching a point in order to make peace with the Pope and his invincible adviser, Car- dinal Antonelli, The bill endorsed by the Chamber of Deputies has now, to all intents and purposes, been sanctioned by the Senate. Once more, speaking in the interests of the Pope, we say: accept the situation, The arrangement may not be to the Holy See in every respect satisfactory ; but the presumption is that so satisfactory an arrangement will never again be possible. The bill provides for the payment in full of all the liabilities of the Holy See and secures the comfort of the Holy Father in Rome. What more can be got? As things now are it is all in vain io talk of the line of the Po and the Neapolitan frontier. Antonelli must poll in his horns and bow to facts. If Antonelli wiil hot be reasonable, we advise the Holy Father, for whom we have a high personal regard, to call to his aid a more sensible adviser. Italy is doing well, and the Pope must not, on any aceount, leave Rome. Tue Brer Question IN MAssacuTsETTs.— The Commonwealth of Massachusetts has just taken a vote upon the question whether the sale of beer shall be allowed in the several cities, towns and villages. In the larger cities, such as Worcester, Lynn, Lawrence, Spring- field and some others of lesser note, the beer vote prevailed. In Salem, New Bedford, Cam- bridge and some others the sale of beér was disallowed by the popular vote. It is notice- able that in all places where the German ele- ment prevailed the vote was in favor of the sale of beer. The next election will probably bring some prominent Massachusetts politi- Ja eo well to help the radical voliticinus tel cians te the bier Our Correspondence from France. We publish in another page of this morning’s issue a batch of letters from the HERAp's cor- respondents in Paris, Versailles and Rouen. The picture of Paris which our correspondent draws is melancholy in the extreme. Misery in every shape, wretchedness and riot every- where prevail throughout the once orderly and beautiful capital of France. Mon, throwing aside all regard for the good will or respect of their fellow men, have become murderers and thieves, and women forgetting their sex don men’s attire to participate in the wild tumult of riot which rages within the walls of the ill- fated city. Sarricaded streets, deserted houses and desecrated churches everywhere meet the eye. The dreadful sufferings of women and children have so often been described by the correspondents of the press that people almost weary of reading these agonizing tales of wretchedness and misery. As people would fly from ao plague-stricken city so with the Parisians, they fly from once happy homes, in order to shun the rule which weighs Paris to the earth before the demoralized men who influence the course of the Commune. And this is Paris of to-day. The power which attempts to stay this race to ruin makes but slight hoadway, From the Heratp corre- spondnt at Versailles we are informed that the same lack of organization and the same miserable organization which lost Napoleon his empire prevail at the present time in the armies of the republic, Worse than this, there is no attempt to alter this state of affairs. Carelessness, neglect and incompe- tency are painfully evident on the part of the officers in subordinate positions. When such examples are set by offi- cers what may ba expected from the men whom they are supposed to teach and to control? Results tell heavily against the army of France. An organized mob holds the capital of the nation and bids deflance to the whole country. Outside the walls of Paris commanders such as MacMahon, Vinoy, L’Ad- mirault and Canrobert endeavor to break into the capital and bring the insurgents to terms. Opposed to them are the mushroom generals of the Commune, and their success is estab- lished from the fact that still they control Paris, and the Communal army, though dimin- ished in numbers, is still defiant. The lesson which this struggle teaches will, we feel, be not lost on the revolutionary elements which are to be found in every capital of Europe. In Rouen another of the HERaLp correspond- ents, by mingling with the rank and file of the German army in that vicinity, ascertained the sentiments of the army of occupation on the present situation in France. They anxiously desire peace between the Commune and the republic, They have no heart to meddle in the domestic strife, and that they long for its close does not admit of a doubt, as its termi- nation will bring nearer the day when they will return to their homes beyond the Rhine in the dear old Fatherland. The Trial of Foster—The Law’s Delay. The first of a long series of quibbles by which the stern justice of the law is to be diluted in the case of Foster, charged with the murder of Mr. Putnam on a street car, putin its appearance in the Court of Oyer and Terminer yesterday, when the prisoner was called on to plead. His counsel entered a special plea, objecting to Judge Cardozo on the ground that he, having been designated by law one of the justices to hold the General Term, could not sit in Oyer and Terminer. The plea was promptly overruled by Judge Cardozo, who quoted precedents to sustain his view of the matter, and then the prisoner pleaded not guilty. District Attorney Garvin announced himself ready to proceed at once, but was willing to grant some delay to pris- oner’s counsel if they desired it, to prepare their case. They asked only a week, saying that they had associate counsel with whom they must consult, and that some delay was necessary in view of the excited state of the public mind in regard to the pending case. Judge Cardozo granted them until Thursday next, but remarked that no verdict could be obtained in his court by passion, prejudice or extraneous influence, The case was accordingly set down for Thurs- day next, and a panel of five hundred jurors was directed for that day. The law will, of course, always be obstructed by quibbles and delays. The people do not object to legitimate delays; they do not ask for instant and inconsiderate vengeance upon the malefactors who render the common waiks of life in this city a daily gauntlet of danger. They are willing to accord to Foster every chance for life that his terrible act has left him. If he is inno- cent they will gladly hail any proof of it that he can show. But where quibbles and technicalities are seized upon merely to gain time, and with no _ ultimate view of proving innocence, or even of ameliorating the odium of crime, the peopie are apt to become impatient, and to feel that the very laws operate against their own protection, and by dilation and weak ad- ministration become objects of mere mockery where they should serve as objects of stern warning. A straightforward, honest trial is all that the people ask now in regard to William Foster—one uninfluenced not only by unseemly prejudices and passion on the part of the populace, but uninfluenced alao by tricks and quibbles on the part of the lawyers, Tuk SvuLtaN any THe Knepive.—It is said that the Khedive of Egypt is shout to make a visit to Constantinople to pay his respects to his lord and master the Sultan. The Khedive has becomé a troublesome vas- sal. Said Pacha, the predecessor of the present Khedive, is believed to have been poisoned in Constantinople by a mysterious drug known only to the physicians of the Sublime Porte. The poison is slow but effective. Suid Pacha reached home after his visit to his master, but only to die. Is not Ismail Pacha afraid? Poor Sritz.—M. Thiers, as will be seen by a reference to our telegraphic columns, refuses to enter into a commercial treaty with Ger- many. Bismarck thMks it mean and unwise. As we understand it, Bismarck is right, not Thiers. Bad temper, however, is seldom wise ; and this is all we can say for M. Thiers and France. A more magnanimous policy on the part of the French President would have Jreen to his own advantage, -TRIPLE SHEET. i General Sherman for the Presidoncy—A Radical Demurrer. The late speech of General Sherman at New Orleans on the Ku Klux Klans is styled, by our radical contemporary the T'rombone, as “the last democratic godsend.” Moreover, our Chappaqua philosopher is evidently some- what alarmed at our presentation to the demo- cracy of General Sherman as their man of all men for 1872, for the man of Chappaqua devotes a whole editorial column to the task of scaring off the democracy from the great Union soldier, Thus we are told that in his Political ideas he is ‘absurd and fantastic ;” that his political utterances are fascinating because “they are so honestly and naively ig- norant—so destitute of any connection with known facts—so confident and cock-sure of his own powers and his own sagacity ;” that politi- cally, in short, he is a great blunderer, and would make a bad President for all of us, and particularly bad for Boss Tweed and Tammany Hall. But we all know what was said against each in his day by the opposition touching the capabilities for the White House of Generals Jackson, Harrison, Taylor and Grant, and we all know how each of those popular soldiers passed the test of a Presidential election. Remembering, too, how the democracy, on the same general platform, beat General Scott with General Pierce, we incline to think that they might, on the same general platform (the issues of the war), beat even General Grant with General Sherman, especially as General Grant has had one term given him in the White House. We know how triumphantly General Har- rison was sung into the Presidency with such songs as Tippecanoe and Tyler too, But what was Harrison’s little Indian fight of Tippeoanoe compared with Sherman’s “march tothe sea?” Why, the democracy with such bands of minstrels as Tammany Hall could put into the field on that ‘‘march to the sea” could sing General Sherman triumphantly all round the Union and down through the middle to Washington. We can imagine how some such campaign chorus as this would ring through the land :— And how did bold Sherman go down to the sea? He went like a fighting Cherokee From the Tennessee to the Chattahoochee, ‘To the Ocmulgee aud the Oconee, To the Ohoopee and the Cannouchee, And thence across the Ogeechee, To the sea, to the sea; And that’s the way Sherman went down to the sea. Let the democracy try Tecumseh Sherman, and try him on that chorus, with all the Indian embellishments due to the head chief of the Wigwam, and, our word for it, they will repeat Dr. Dollinger and the Papacy—A New Era in Prospect for the Catholic Re» ligton. The Christian world is on the eve of a momentous crisis. The declaration of Dél- linger may mark a new era in the history of the Roman Catholic Church equal in impor- tance to that of Luther in the fifteenth con- tury. Already we seo the grave solicitude of the head of the Roman Catholic Church and his adherents plainly manifesting itself in the strenuous endeavor to bring ‘“‘the erring brother” back to his allegiance. Nor is this all. The Sovereign of Bavaria has openly encouraged and supported the Dillinger move- ment by prohibiting the publication of the dogma of Papal infallibility upon the ground that it presented ‘great danger tothe political and social foundations of the State.” We published last Sunday the address to the King of Bavaria by the citizens in Munich repudiat- ing the new doctrine ‘‘as dangerous to the constitution of the State, because it makes the bishops papal prefects and passive instru- ments of a boundless Papal power.” We now give a translation of the reply of the Arch- bishop of Munich in his pastoral letter to the clergy and the flock of his diocese. He does not disguise his alarm at the preponderance of the Dillinger party in Munich and its in- fluence with the King of Bavaria, and looks upon the address of the citizens as a declara- tion of war against the Catholic Church. The movement has been inaugurated bya man whom his high position in the Church and his great learning have rendered famous among the theologians of Germany. How is the Pontiff to act under the present circum- stances? His Holiness cannot convoke an- other Council to reconsider the decision of the first, The thing would be quite out of the question. Such a step would deprive the decrees of the Church of their moral and spiritual influence and reduce the proceedings of the late Council to a solemn farce, Even the admission of the possibility of such a concession would be a flagrant contradiction of the dogma of infallibility and destroy its value at once. To the head of the Roman Catholic Church and his advisers there remains no choice but to abide by the “declaration of infallibility” and maintain it at all hazards, Those bishops who opposed this doctrine when, before the Council, but subsequently acquiesced in the vote of the majority, will probably observe the same course. Will, on the other hand, Dr. Déllinger retract? From the past career of the man— his age, great learning, the boldness with the “log cabin and hard cider” campaiga of | which he has expressed bis opinions— 1840. Woman Suffrage in the British Parlia- ment—A Serious Question. While the agitation of woman suffrage appears to be dying out, from the exhaustion of its advocates or of their financial supplies, it is a remarkable fact that this cause of woman’s rights is impressing itself among the new reform movements upon the British Par- liament. The late proceedings in the House of Commons on this question of woman suf- frage, as an indication of the aggressive spirit of the age upon old ideas, is deserving of more than a passing notice. These questions are suggested from the facts before us :—What is there in old feudal Eng- land in this woman's rights movement to induce Mr. Jacob Bright, in the Commons, to make an earnest and elaborate speech in sup- port of a motion for the second reading of the bill for enfranchising women? And why is it that Mr. Gladstone, de fucto the head of the British government, should sug.:est a com- promise upon this question, upon the Italian idea of female suffrage, founded upon pro- perty, but exercised by proxy? And how is it that in the vote upon the second reading of this woman suffrage bill, when there were probably at least some three or four hundred of the six huadred members of the Commons present, how is it that the majority against the bill was only sixty-nine, at this early stage of the agitation in England ? In answer to these questions our theory is hat Mr. Jacob Bright and the radical liberals of England are urging the general enfranchise- ment of women because they believe that in the acquisition of this vote they will be able to carry through Parliament such measures of reform as will sweep away all (hat remains of the old feudal system—aristocracy, Church, State and all. On the other hand, if Mr. Gladstone proposes a compromise, it is just that compromise on woman suffrage best cal- culated to maintain the aristocracy and Church and State. In his proposition we have a sort of confession of the strength and danger of this woman’s rights movement against old England and of the rising power of young England on the broad issues of popular rights and popular institutions. We see in all these things that the glorious success of our Union cause against Jeff Davis and his Southern pro-slavery con- federacy, and against old England, has ini- tiated a revolutionary movement by young England which already promises the ultimate triumph even of the woman’s suffrage agita- tion. Tak ConygoricuT Exgctiox, in the new light that has so far been thrown upon it by the researches of an investigating committee, now remains in that unusual position where the scattering votes decide the choice. Errors have been discovered in the returns sufficient to give English just three more votes than Jewell, and to indicate eleven votes as scattering. This leaves Bnglish with- out his required majority and throws the election into the Legislature, where Jewell is sure to be chosen. Scattering shot sometimes does extraordinary damage in battle, especially where sharp and desperate charges are made or the opposing forces come into close quarters; and such were the dis- tinguishing features of this great Connecticut battle. A plurality of three in a vote of more than ninety-five thousand shows sharp work. A Conronrr’s Jury mx Burrato have felt bold enough to speak out against the New York Central Railroad and charge the death of a victim of a runover accident to the care- lesaness and negligence of that company. The friends of the dead man will at once com- mence suit against the railroad. Little mat- ters like these may be the commencement of a strong and successful war of the people upon the giant corporation of the country—a war that may teach them more respect for the rights af the public, we cannot but answer this questioh in the negative. He has the unqualified support of the King of Bavaria and the citizens of Munich. The movement has already assumed a formidable aspect and cannot be considered a mere secession of priests and professors. Unlike the brilliant discourses of Father Hyacinthe, which only made a passing im- pression, Dilliager’s declaration has taken a firm root among the thinking masses of Germany. The opposition to the decrees of the Vatican has sprung up in a country renowned for faithful attachment to the Roman Catholic Church. Whither will this controversy lead? Perhaps to an open schism. It may give birth to a new religion under the name of a Reformed Catholic Church. We forbear giving any opinion as to the merits of the controversy on either side. We have only to consider the momentous prospects involved in the case. Within the last five years mighty events have unrolled themselves and crowded upop each other with a rapidity unparalleled by any former period of history. It took about half a century for Protestantism to establish and emancipate itself in Europe. The war about a paltry province had seven years’ duration. Compare this with the grand changes in our own time. The war of 1866 between two mighty Powers fight- ing for the supremacy of Germany did in reality only last about a fortnight, while the deadly duel between France and Germany was settled in a few months. May not the impend- ing controversy, which portends a great change in the relations of the Catholic Church to th~ Pontiff, receive an equally rapid solutiun? The present differences between the Church and the Dillinger party do not admit of any concession on eithor side. The question is, has the Ecumenical Council the right to de- clare and carry out its decrees and dogma of Papal infallibility? Yesorno. The question cannot be evaded by any subterfuge. Either Dillinger must recant or the Papacy annul the proceedings of the Council. Neither course is likely to be adopted, and thus the breach may widen day by day and result in the greatest event of our age and a new era for the Christian religion. Crosino Sores oy Mrs. Farr’s Trtan.— We give to-day an account of the closing scenes in the trial of Mrs. Laura D. Fair for the murder of A. P. Crittenden. At the close of the argument the charge, which was specially telegraphed to the HeRaxp, was de- livered by the Judge in the most impressive manner. During all the last hours of the trial the prisoner did not appear to be the least nervous or anxious; ber behaviour was as calm as possible, and even when the terrible verdict was announced that proclaimed her life forfeited to the offended laws of her country, scarcely a change in her appearanoe or manner was visible. She remained passive through all and received without emotion the words that moved judge and jury. If there is one thing more than another that proves the criminal to be one of the worst of women, utterly lost to all sensibility or feeling, itis the fact that the verdict of murder in the first degree failed to produce an emotion which would lead us to suppose that the prisoner in any manner appreciated her true position. Ax Enouisn View or Tae Lagat Tenper Act. Droiston.—The London J'imes, as we ara informed through the Ailantic cable, pronounces the late decision of our Supreme Court establishing the constitutionality of the Legal Tender act “‘unjust and violent,” and that “it will prove a misfortune to the coun- try.” Our London contemporary supposes, perhaps, that this decision applies to our national debt; but it does no such thing. It only legalizes our domestic currency estab- lished by Congress as lawful tender in the payment of debts among our own people, and of their debts to their government, excepting . duties on imported goods; and in the paymeny