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NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET, JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR, All business or news letter and telegraphic despatches must be addressed New York Gera. Letters and packages should be properly sealed, Rejected communications will not be re- turned. THE DAILY HERALD, puditshea every day in the gear. Four cents per copy. Annual subscription Frice $12. = Volume XXXVI... te wait ++:No, 119 AMUSEMENTS THIS AFTERNOON AND EVENING. GRAND OPERA HOCSE, corner of Sth ay, ana 23d st,— Lms BRIGANDS. Matinee—La PERIWHOLR. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—SOuNIDEB- NEW SONGS inp Dancers. FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, Twenty-fourth street.— Cur CrrTic—A THOUSAND 4 YEAR. Matinee at 134. GLOBE THEATRE, 728 Broadwav.—Vartsty ENTER- TAINMENT, 4C.—PEARL OF TOXAY. Matinee. OLYMPIC THEATRE, Erondway.—Toe DRAMA oF Horizon. Matinee at 2 BOOTH’S THUATRE. 334 ak, between 5th and 6th ave.— A WinrTer's TALE. Matinee—Jonquit. WOOD'S MUSEUM Broadway, corner 30th st.—Performe ances every afternoon and evening. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway ana 18th street.— Tax Lias—Tax NERVOUS MAN. Matinee. NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway.—Tae SPECTACLE OF ME LIFE AND DEATH OF RionARD IIL. LINA EDWIN'’S THEATRE. 720 Broadway.—ComEDY OF PLUCK. Matinee at 2. MRS. F. B. CONWAY'S PARK THEATRE, Brooklyn,— UNoLe Tom's Canin. Seay HALL, Fourteenth street.—Granp Con- orEt. SAN FRANCISCO MINSTREL HAUL, 585 Broadway.— Barsuma’s ROYAL JAPANESE TROUPE. Matinee. BRYANT’S NEW OPERA HOUSE, 334 st., between 6th ana 7th avs.—NEGRO MINSTRELSY, &c. Matinee at 2 TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE. 201 Bowery.—Va- MINTY ENTERTAINMENT. Matinee at 214. THEATRE COMIQUE, 514 Broadway.—Comto VooaL IsM8, NEGRO ACTS, #0. Matinee at 23. NEWCOMB & ARLINGTON'S MINSTRELS, corner 28th St. and Broadway.—NEGRO MINSTRELSY, £0, Matineo at 2. ASSOCIATION HALL, noon at 3—GRAND CONCERT. DR. KAE ScrENcE treet and 4th ave.—After- "'S ANATOMICAL MU; DART. M, 745 Broadway.— E SHEET. New Yerk, Saturday, April 29, 1871. CONTENTS OF TO-DAY’S HERALD, vertisementa, 2—Advertisements. 3—News from Washington—A Murderer Sen- tenced—The Coal Trouvles—Fires—The Car Hook Assault—The Kast Side Bagnios—Music and the Drama—Cuba—The keels being pushes to the Wall—Tne Indians—Running votes, Political and General—Miscellaneous Telecraph—Tne Robinson Street widening. Transient Forger—Tne Seventh Ward Wil- ney M. Tweed Club—Accident to a Naval ‘Micer. 4—Facts About Railroads—New York and New Haven Rallroad—Classifying the Directors of Great Railroad Corporations—A_Bivalyutat Boomerang—Woman Surrage—Aa Minister Ku Kluxed in Connecticut—Grvule Gardiner— Army Intelligence. Monroe Artillery Depot—Naval Orde! orth Carolina Fiends— Your Liquor or Your Life—New York Univer. sity—The Light Weight Championship—ine City Credit—Journalist:c Noves, S—The Courts—Matrimontal Mystery—The Troubles of Erie—The Gass Assassination—The Story of a Carpet— Mormonism on Long Island—Lexing- ton Avenue Pavement—Horse Noves—Jersey dewelry—New York City News—P!ymouti Lec- ture Room—The St. Clement’s Church Trouble in Philadelphia—A Direct 1 tween Italy and New Yor! mont Burglar—A Toucuing Seene—Shad Recent Order of the Pilot Commissioa—A Win- dow Smashing Burglar—Arson Iu Westchesier County—Americans Abroad, G—Editorials: Leauing Article, “The Management of Our National Finances as an Elecuoncertng Issue’’—Amusement Announcements. ‘'7—Editorials (conunued from sixtn Page)—Doomed Paris: Heraid Special Reporis from Paris and Versailles—Germany and the Pope—Misceila- neous Telegrams—Personal Intelligeace—Busi- ness Notices. S—Financial and Commercial Reports—advertise- ments. @—Marriages and Deaths— Advertisements. 10—"The Vexed Bermoothes”—Interview with the Governor of Bermuda—Weather Report—A Fatal Explosion — Miscellaneous ‘Foreign Items—Foreign Fersoual Gossip—Shipping in- teliigence—Advertisements. 1—Advertisements. 2—Advertisements. Tue War rx Cupa.—A special despatch to the Heratp from Havana tells the old story— Spanish contra guerillas surprise and defeat rebels ; four of them weve killed and the prisoners were immediately executed. ‘Tie New Nationar Loan is by no means as popular an investment among moneyed men as Secretary Boutweil anticipated. Yesterday the subscriptions to this loan amounted to but eixty-one thousand dollars. Capitalists let it alone very severely. FLANKING THE FENIANS.—Queen Victoria, they say, has bought an estate in county Kil- dare, Ireland, and will probably live there a few weeks in each year, for the purpose of conciliating her loving Fenian subjects. But will they be thus conciliated? Did any school- boy ever catch a cuckoo by putting salt on his tail? No; butin this case it may be done. Who knows ? “NAMELESS OvTraGEs” are mentioned as having recently occurred in Philadelphia, as well as in Chicago and Connecticut. What can be done to stop these awful offences against society and morality? Where are the Young Men's Christian Associations? But it would seem that where these associations flourish the most abundantly these outrages are the more frequently committed. What shall be done to close these floodgates of infemy ? Tag Weakty Trompoye has at last found anemployment congenial toits tastes. Having since its earliest existence encouraged a vio- lation of the most sacred domestic ties by its advocacy of free love, Fouricrism and other social abominations, it has recently undertaken the task of general scavenger, by throwing up the offal of society, and thereby infusing a stench tato the moral atmosphere that is offen- sive alike to decency and public virtue. Ghoul- like it steals at midnight into the houses of prostitution and other resorts of the vile and vicious, which its free love teachings have all along fostered, and with a gloat of demoniac satisfaction it shakes its horrid and revolting spoil into the faces of the community, There are enough sad occurrences in society which the faithful journalist sometimes finds it his painful duty to portray; but this voluntary seeking after putridity, this free will unroofiag of the moral slums and cesspools of the metro- polis, is a task which none but a taste for the vulgar and repulsive could stimulate or ap- prove, NEW YURK HERALD, SATURDAY, APRIL 29, 1871.—TRIPLE SHEET. | The Management of Our National Finances as an Electioneering Issue. It is evident that General Grant and the radical party expect to make a great deal of political capital in the next elections and Presidential contest out of the management of the national finances. The orators and newspapers of the party dwell particularly on this theme, and the frequent circulars issued by the Treasury Department are intended, no doubt, for electioneering bulletins. The Sec- retary of the Treasury has been the chief engineer in this political manceuvre, and has farnished the material for the financial plank which the radicals intend to put in their platform. He might have thought this would place him in a favorable position for the Presidential succession; but as General Grant has cut off all rivals in the party for the nomioation in 1872 Mr. Boutwell must transfer whatever credit he claims for financial wisdom to the administration, Whether General Grant knows anything about national finance or not he is the big chief that must appropriate the honor, if any honor there be, just as the Queen of England or any other monarch is lauded for the acts of the Cabinet. Congress, it is true, has not followed entirely the policy or recom- mendations of the Secretary and President; but whatever supposed good has been done by one or the other must be credited to the administration and the party, while to indi- viduals or accidents must be attributed any mistakes. The principal topic which the administra- tion orators and press dwell upon is the reduc- tion of the principal of the national debt and saving of interest thereon during the two years General Grant has occupied the Presidential chair. This, in fact, is the main thing they rely upon for popu- larity. True, they say something about reducing taxation, but their claim for that, when scrutinized, will not appear to havo much foundation. The reduction of the debt to the amount of two hundred millions in two years is something to boast of if accomplished through the wisdom and good management of the government. Nor are we disposed to de- tract from whatever merit is due to the ad- ministration. And here it is only fair to say that we believe the revenue has been better collected than during the former administra- tion, Still it must not be forgotten that Mr. Jobngon was the President of the republican party, at least until he and the party quar- relled with each other, and that the repub- licans all along had unlimited power in Con- gress over the offices and the politics of the country, While we offer no apology for the loss of revenue through the lax administration of Mr. Johnson, we cannot ignore the fact that a great deal of that loss was caused by the obstractions thrown in the way of his government and the bitter hostility manifested to it by a radical Congress and the very party that elected him. The whole evil sprung from the radical party. The democrats had neither power nor responsibility. But to return to the claim of the adminis- tration and its partisans that the national finances have been managed wisely and for the best interests of the country since General Grant came into power, let us see whether this is well founded or not. Well, then, of the two hundred millions and more of the debt paid little over the interest on one hundred millions has ceased. About three-ninths of the sum should be credited to the sinking fund, where the interest is increased from sim- ple to compound, and about one-ninth goes to pay premium on bonds purchased. Though the peopl> hereafter will feel the benefit, we of the present day only get the benefit of the liquidation of that portion of the debt on which interest ceases. Then, where does this money come from to enable the Treasury De- partment to pay a hundred millions a year of the debt? Mr. Boutwell is not a magician. He cannot call this vast sum from the bowels of the earth. It comes from the pockets of an over-burdened people. It is wrung unneces- sarily from the industry of the country. The present generation, which has borne the afflic- tion’s weight and an enormous expenditure in the most exhausting war of modern times, is called upon to bear continued and unnecessary burdens simply to enable the Secretary of the Treasury, the President and party in power to boast of paying a large amount of debt. To come down to the naked truth, that is why the people have been taxed about four hundred millions a year when three hundred millions or less would have been sufficient to cover the current expenses of government, the interest on the debt and an ample surplus for the sink- ing fund or liquidation of the debt. In fact, the revenue of the government ought not to exceed a hundred and fifty or a hundred and sixty millions, There are, however, other reasons why Mr. Boutwell and the party in power wish to keep up an enormous income. They are, for the most part, protectionists of the Massachusetts school, and by maintaining a vast revenue they afford protection to the manufacturers, Under the plea of necessity for revenue they are enabled to tax foreign articles of general con- sumption, which raises the price of home manufactures accordingly, without pretending to give protection. It is an insidious way ot carryiog out the protectionist doctrine and of blinding the people. Besides, a vast surplus fund in the hands of the government gives power to the administration. There are a hundred ways in which the money can be used | indirectly or in a covert manner to promote political objects. It opens the door to jobs and corraption in favor of partisaus. Then, in raising such a vast revenue, the necessity is created for a host of office-holders. The President can thus reward his supporters. These aod other considerations naturally lead the administration and its party to keep up taxation and as large a revenue as possible. The taxes that have been taken off are com- paratively a bagatelle. Hardly any one feels the change. The revenue still reaches, through the growth of the couatry and other causes, war figures. But some of the leaders of the party in Congress have promised a reduction of taxa- tion. Mr, Sherman introduced a measure in the Senate just before the adjournment of Con- gress for that object, but he took care to do this too late for action till the next session. It is all promise, Can the people rely upon the promises of a party whose policy has been so extravagant and opposed to economy? Under the pressure of public opision and necessity of doing something to win popularity on the eve of a Presidential contest the radicals might attempt to relieve the people of some of their burdens; but even in that case the public would hardly be deceived asto the motive. By the fruits and not by promises must the party in power be judged. To take a hundred millions or a hundred and fifty millions a year unnecessarily from the industry of the coun- try, as the government ts now doing, is a loss of many times that amount to production and the well-being of the people. In their financial policy, at least, the administration and radical party have been weighed in the balance and are found wanting. The Latest from Paris and Versailles— Progress of the War. Our latest despatches from Paris and Ver- sailles are of yesterday's date. Hostilities were being carried on with vigor, and the fighting was severe, but little progress is apparent on either side. The Communists were driven from an important position in the village of Mouliniceux, which was after- wards occupied by the government troops in force. The Maillot Gate and the Arc de Triomphe were again bombarded on the 27th by the batteries at Courbervoie. The Free- masons propose to plant their banners on the ramparts of Paris, and if fired upon by the Versaillists they will then take part in the defence of the city. The Mot d’Ordre alleges that the city of Toulouse is in a state of insur- rection; but the report is doubted. The advance works of Fort d’Issy are reported to have been taken by the government forces. M. Thiers, in a speech to the Assembly on the 27th, said that the situation was painful, but that it was consoling to know that the dé- nouement was near, He concluded by an- nouncing that the insurgents are isolated, and that all France is with the government. Ina fight at Bruyére de Sevres the Communists were defeated and some of their officers cap- tured. The insurgent forces, by mistake, at- tacked and captured a German battery. Its res- titution has been demanded. A Paris despatch makes everything appear progressive for the reds. It says that the Communists, in a re- connoissance towards Bagneux, on the south of Paris, met and drove the government troops before them; that the government forces were repulsed in three attacks upon the railroad station at Clamarte, and that in every operation the insurgents were successful, holding all their positions. General Dom- browski has turnéd up once more, and re- ports favorably on the operations of his command, Three new government bat- teries were to open yesterday, but our correspondent was not allowed to give their locality. Over two thousand persons left Paris on Wednesday last. Marshal Mac- Mahon has his headquarters at Chateau Becon. The sailors have abandoned the guns of Fort d'Isgy, as it has become untenable. The Paris civilians are forced to fight. Fifty men and boys who were hanging about the Northern station were surrounded and pressed into the ser- vice. The language of Mr. Thiers in his speech to the Assembly, in which he asserts boldly that although the situation is painful still the dé. nouement is close at hand is significant, This assertion we regard as the best indi- cation of the strength of the government, and of its ability to crush the rebel- lion when the proper moment arrives to act with all its force. The fighting, although severe, does not appear to be general. Positions that are necessary to com- plete the lines of the investing army are at- tacked and carried and the actions are fierce, and sometimes the government troops meet with a temporary reverse. The grand affair is yet to come off, and it is only delayed now, we suppose, in order to afford time to ar- range the attack in a manner to render it irre- sistible. The bombardment, which is part of the bloody and destructive programme, con- tinues without a lull and is doing great dam- age. In all the operations we can see that de- termination to conquer and not to compromise is the plan of the Thiers government. This, as we have often asserted, is its only plan— its only hope in the future. However much we may long for peace and desire to see France once more tranquil and prosperous, we would not have the government forces meet a reverse or the government ‘show signs of being willing to make terms except those of unconditional surrender. Tue Friction and Match Quesiion in Eog- lund. Mr. Gladstone and his able Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Lowe, have been de- feated and compelled to yield on the match tax. Public opinion in Great Britain has, in this particular case, been short, sharp and de- cisive. The reason is not difficult to find. Mr. Disraeli and his whole following have been angry with Mr, Gladstone for abolishing the right of purchase inthe army. But the government measure was 80 popular that in the House of Commons, at least, the opposi- tion gave up the fight. The match tax divided the liberals in the House, as well as raised a storm outside; and the Asiatic leader of the tory gentry of England found his opportunity. The withdrawal of the match tax is, no matter what the reason, a Disraeli triumph. By the great mass of the people he will be credited with the honor and glory. Mr. Gladstone must take care. A few more trips of this kind and the Queen will find it necessary to send for the Right Honorable Benjamin, After all, there is a little of the ad captandum ougus even in the British Parliament. In these times, when the mob in all lands is be- coming so irresistible, it cannot be called a good sign. Secretary Bovurwet1’s administration of the finances is, in some instances, question- able. The report of the Fifth Auditor of the Treasury sbows that, notwithstanding the in- ternal revenue in 1865-6 yielded $89,565,000 more than in 1869-70, the cost of collection in the latter year was $211,853 more than ip the former term. Financiering which requires in- creased expenses to collect a diminished revenue is not calculated to speedily oxtin. guish the public debt or to relieve the people from the oppressive taxation now imposed upon them, New Enoxanp Justice is eminently tender- hearted. Joel Perkins, the Litchfield beast, who debauched his owr daughters and killed their offspring, was yesterday convicted of tenced to the State Prison for life. In a less sentimental community than the Connecticut Litchfield Perkins’ horrid crimes would have led him to the gallows. The Great Democratic Difiiculty. The great difficulty which faces the demo- cracy of the nation is that of harmonizing the Northera and Southern wings of the party on the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments. Leading Southern democratic journals keep up the cry that upon these issues their Northern brethren must face the music. The Mobile Register, for example, says that while the thirteenth amendment (which abolished and prohibited slavery) is all right, the reconstruction amendments—the fourteenth, declaring all persons born or naturalized in the United States, citizens thereof, and entitled to equal civil rights, and repudiating the rebel war debt, and declaring sacred tho Union war debt, and the fifteenth amendment, establishing negro suffrage—stand upon another footing. The Southern democracy do not and will not recognize them; but what do the Southern democracy demand? ‘‘Nothing more,” says our Mobile democratic contempo- rary, ‘“‘than the national democracy has already conceded in the New York Convention of 1868, when, in its platform, it declared these recon- struction measures ‘unconstitutional, revolu- tionary, null and void.’” ‘This is all; but this they do and will demand. Here, then, is the great democratic diff- culty; and from General Grant’s course on the Ku Klux question it is evident that he intends to force the fight upon these two amend- ments, 80 obnoxious to the democracy of the South and never recognized by the democracy of the North. A late interviewer says that Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, Vice President of the ‘“‘so-called Confederate States,” pro- nounces the fourteenth and fifteenth amend- ments ‘gross usurpations of power, passed by force and fraud.” But a Northern democratic organ, the New York World, proposes a demo- cratic compromise upon this difficulty, viz.:— That the democracy of the nation consent to the recognition of these amendments until we have a judgment upon them from the Supreme Court. Now if these amendments can be carried into the Supreme Court we can under- stand how they can be there upset when the opportunity offers by the simple process of reconstructing the Court itself. How is this? In the constitution the methods of adopting amendments thereto are laid down, but the method of the proclamation of the ratification is left to Congress. So by the law of 1818 on the subject the Secretary of State is em- powered to make the proclamation, and under this law the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth amendments have been declared ratified and “valid, to all intents and purposes,” as parts of the constitution, The thing is fixed by the voucher of the Secretary of State ; and to the Supreme Court, as to the rest of us, it is the “supreme law of the land.” Like the recog- nition of a State, these amendments are be- yond the reach of the Supreme Court. If the question of the creation of the new State of West Virginia had been within the jurisdiction of the Court, it is morally certain that the pro- cesses by which that State was created would have been declared irregular and void; but Chief Justice Taney had declared in the Rhode Island Dorr case the authority of Congress in the matter complete and conclusive. Equaliy so isthe voucher of the Secretary of State, whose intelligence and good faith are not ques- tioned touching the ratification of a constita- tional amendment. ° It can, after his procia- mation, be upset only by another amendment, adopted in a regular way. The Supreme Court dodge, then, proposed as a compromise to the Southern democracy, will not do. The Northern democracy must persuade their Southern brethren to acquiesce in the amendments in question, or go over to them in the repudiation of said amendments, or prepare for a sectional split upon them. It is clear that General Grant intends to force the fight upon this subject. It is equally clear that If the Southern democracy will only con- sent to fixed facts he may be flanked in 1872; but will those leading Southern fire-eaters consent? That isthe question, and there is the difficulty. Italian Opera at Last. At last the curtain of mystery which has so long veiled the future of Mlle, Nilsson in this country is lifted, and we are enabled to catch a glimpse of the coming season when the Swedish nightingale will for the first time illumine the American stage with those operatic impersonations which a season or two past set London and Parisin a state of ecstacy. Ao arrangement has been effected at last with the directors of the Academy of Music. The terms are:—Ten wecka of opera in the fall, rent free, and the expenses of scenery and appointments are to be equally shared between the nightingale’s manager and the powers that be at Irving place. The stock- holders still cling to their free seats; but in the concession they have made we see a gleam of hope for the future—an entering wedge into their armor of exclusiveness and a complete triumph for the public and art. There is now every reason to expect that the obstacles in the path of the permanent establishment of Jtalian operain this city will be entirely re- moved. If the management will not fall into the mistake that one prima donna makes @ company, and will present each opera with an irreproachable cast, satisfactory choras and orchestra, and scenery and ap- pointments to correspond, the success of the enterprise is already assared. There are excellent materials in the quartet of artists consisting of Mlle. Nilsson, Miss Cary, Brig- noli and Verger, and it is only necessary to have the rest of the company of proportionate merit, The metropolitan public will guaran- tee by their liberality whatever outlay the management may make to secure completeness in the presentation of each opera. Several important engagements will likely be made this summer with home and foreign talent with a view toward this completeness, and we trust also that the services of the chorus, which has so long disgraced the Academy of Music, and of the orchestra, which the Musical Union con- trols, will be dispensed with, to make room for fresh voices and tractable instrumentalists. Meanwhile the fair Diva, for whom all these arrangements are being made, will seek during the summer to make herself more intimately acquainted with the country in which she has met her warmest friends and with which she murder in the segond degree, and will be sen- ! is so delighted, George T. Downieg on the Radical Party= A Bivalvalar Beomering. A prophetic sharpening of oyster knives and clattering of stew pans come to vs from Wash- ington. Strangely portentous sounds are those we hear issuing from the great polyglot camp of the republican party. The ¢clements are out of harmony, the machinery cut of joint, and there is a rasping and a craking and a croaking that bode bad weather ahead for the radical rowboat. In another column we give 8 long blast from the lusty trombone of George T. Downing, the great oysterman of Washing- ton and Newport, whose skill in combining the stew political with the stew bivalvular has never been excelled in any age or clime. Andrew Johnson a few years ago set up for being the colored man’s Moses, and bewildered every darky in the South with his figures of fancy about leading him to t’other side of Jor- dan, to a land flowing with milk and molasses, It was a weak invention. It waa a bubble that George T. Downing pricked with the point of his oyster knife; and for the wondrous penetration then shown and since sustained on every great crisis and occasion George has been awarded the champion belt, and no other Moses is now recognized by the colored race. True, Fred Douglass played Moses for a while, but played it badly. Had he been brought up, like George, in the atmos- phere of Fulton Market, in the busy mart of men, where humanity is catered for, classified and codified, and where opening oysters isa step to opening a path to fame and fortune, he might have gleaned the experience necessary to be at onco a usefal and an elegant Moses. George graduated at the best school on the Continent, and now he has come to look upon the world as his oyster, which he oan at any time open, lay oa the half shell, and toss off as comfortably as if it were 8 Shrewsbury or a Cherrystone. There is a philosophy in this business which George himself could well and amply explain, spoon in hand, over a simmering saucepan of stews. As we sald before—and it can’t be too well understood—George ts now the bona Jide Moses, and has a right to be. As such his utterances on any subject concerning the tribes under his charge have a weight and a significance that cannot be questioned. Figuratively he has gone up the mountain or to the top of the Capitol, and with a meta- phorical forty-foot telescope swept the politi- cal horizon, He reports that things are not as they ought to be. We refrain from infring- ing on the copyright of his rhetoric, but he declares substantially and emphatically that the republican party is not treating the negro ag a man and a brother. This is his entire complaint crystallized in a line, and if the republican party continue this treatment George very broadly hints that ‘‘the man and a brother” will seek for sympathy and rela- tionship among the democracy. Nobody can contradict the fact that the republican party has treated the negro shamefully. After emancipating him, giving him the bootless ballot and a few offices not worth noticing, there they leave him—there they drop him, in the words of Abratwm Lincoln, “like a hot potato.” Was it for this the colored troops fought nobly, for this they moved forward to the polls like the Macedonian Phalanx, and for this they bear with the temper-trying tricks of the Ku Klux at the South? “It is painfully eviden” says George, “that there is a lack of due respect for colored men on the part of the republican party.” Of course there is, and George is in a position to know it. Beneath the floor where the four- teenth and fifteenth amendments were started on their troublesome journey George keeps his restaurant. From the leonine Stevens to the assinine Mullins all have partaken of his hospitality at the regular rates. He has had the fullest opportunities of measuring the degree of respect which the radical consumers of his oysters show to the colored man. They are willing to take his oysters on @ perfect equality, bat do they take the negroes on a similar basis? Not a bit of it. Up stairs they talk and talk till words grow exhausted in favor of the ‘great principle” of equality in all things; but when they go down to dine which of them has the courage to put his theory in practice and say, ‘Come, George, take a seat and try a dozen on the half shell ;’’ or “How d’ye do, Mr. Downing? Had your dinner? Join us in a clam chowder ;” or ‘‘Call up and see us, Mr. Downing. Mrs. Jones will be so glad. Bring your family and make yourself at home?” Oh! no. You hear nothing of this kind in the radical restaurant, and George knows it. But this is a trifling complaint compared to the general conduct in political affairs of the republican party towards the black man. ‘‘I feel called on,” says George, ‘‘to declare that a majority of those known as republicans in their example practically illustrate Judge Taney’s declaration that ‘black men have no rights that white men are bound to respect.’ ” Just so. The black man has exchanged per- sonal for political bondage, to escape from which George, as the new Moses, looks wist- fully across the lines to the democratic camp. He quotes Fernando Wood, and thinks he sees in the luminous speech of that gilt-edzed statesman a gleam of hope that the democratic heart is melting in sympathy for the Ethiopic tribes, that positions are reversed, and the scalding tears that furrowed republican cheeks in the years gone by, when Uncle Tom and Uncle Bob wore the visible shackles of slavery, are now transferred to democratic eyes, which are red with weeping over the sad condition of the sable serfs of radicalism. At the tail end of his letter George, in a tone of solemnity that ought to make reckless republican leaders shake in their shoes, ex- claims, as he mentally likens the party toa ship at sea, “Let it sail close; let no party go between it and the moral winds which waft to the nation’s haven of peace, prosperity and honor.” George is something of a nauti- cal man. His long residence at Newport has taught him some seafaring wrinkles that aro good to know in the calm or in the galé; and of course when he reflects upon the matter he can have no objection to the democratic craft taking the wind of the republican lugger when the moral Eolus of which he speaks is bound to waft it to a “haven of peace, prosperity and honor.” On the whole we anticipate this boomerang will strike in the right quarter, and that the radical party will be brought to a proper sense of the respect, attention and gratitude which thev owe the colored man, The Emperor William and the Pope—Pre- @ress ef tae Catholic Movement in Gere Many. The world-wide movement which is being made by the Roman Catholic congregations in defence of the Pontifical independence and temporalities of the Pope finds a very zealous support and firm expression in North Ger- many. The Catholic subjects of the Emperor William have requested his Majesty, throngh a deputation which had audience of him in Berlin, “to intervene to prevent the continued occupa- tion of Rome by the Italian government.” His Majesty is exceedingly cautious in his treatment of this very delicate subject. Our telegram from the Prussian capital goes to show that he received the deputation with his usual affa- bility and condescension. Various rumors were afloat in the city as to the exact terms of his reply. It was asserted, on the one hand, that the Emperor promised to “‘take some action” in the premises; and again it was sald that his words ‘did not commit his govern- ment to any positive line of action.” That the German ruler fully appreciates the vast importance of the great Church question is patent. Hesees that the ‘‘glory has departed” from France. He knows equally that the Roman Catholic Church has always had @ powerful lay defender. He has read how popes have been already restored to Rome hy Ger- man monarchs, and how German troops have held the Holy City in defence of the tiara in days gone by. To wield the sword of Peter and sit on the throne of Charlemagne would constitute a glorious epoch in the history of any nation, particularly if realized at a moment when the succession of a Teuton cleric to the Pontificate itself may be, perhaps, apparent in the distance. Emperor William and Prince Bismarck have treated the Italo-Papal ques- tion with great diplomatic care and much liber- ality of expression from the very beginning, as will be seen from the official Prussian cor- respondence which we have specially attached to our news telegram from Germany. The Mexico of To-Day. From the information received from Mexico by the last three or four steamers it is evident that that country is again on the eve of another bloody and exhausting revolution— exhausting, if such a word be admissible when treating of a people without proper social and political organization, without a treasury and without most of the moral ele- ments which are indisp2nsable to the existence of @ healthy and prosperous government. The three principal candidates for the Presi- dency—Messrs. Juarez, Lerdo and Diaz—tos considerable extent represent different social grades, Mr. Juarez has his circle of admirers, among whom are a great portion of the office- holders of to-day, including those of the army. Such of the latter as have been hesitating as to.where to cast their weight have been compelled, as a general thing, to support Mr, Juarez by the recent bills introduced into the Mexican Congress to restrict the voting privi- leges of the army. Mr. Juarez has consider- able strength, not only in the liberal party, but also in the conservative and Church ele- ment of the population. Mr. Lerdo, it appears, has failed to calt around him the old supporters of the empire and of the Church, who profess to have more confidence in Mr. Juarez, but the personal and political friends of Mr. Lerdo are evidently nu- merous and powerful; they pertain to the liberal and moneyed ranks ; are good wire-pullers, and know where to use their funds in the coming election. His partisans, evidently believing .it would be a stroke of policy in obtaining votes for their candidate, have been recently attacking the government of President Juares in various directions, and especially accusing it of making fatal land contracts with American companies and even of actually contemplating the absolute sale of Lower California, and per- haps Sonora and Chihuahua, to the United States. This bait finds its takers, and many fish have been thereby added to Mr. Lerdo’s piscatory string. As will be remembered, the “Free Zone” element in the country identifiea itself with Mr. Lerdo, whose greatest friend ia Mr. Emelio Vilasco, of Tamaulipas, who was the special champion of the ‘‘Free Zone.” Porfirio Diaz is emphatically the candidate of the officers who have been eliminated from the liberal army since the fall of Maximilian and of a greater portion of the lower class in life. He is evidently a good soldier and an honest man, but his opponents say he lacks experience in governmental affairs, and that he would, if elected, inevitably be surrounded. by applicants for office less fitting than such ag would be named by either Juarea or Lerdo. The friends of Messrs. Lerdo and Diag in Congress recently united and called an extra session of that body in order to pass certain wills intended to throw Mr. Juarez out of the contest, leaving thus only two Kilkenny cata to devour each other. They claim that Juarez’s fourteen years of Presidential service should satisfy him, and that he should retire from the field, lest he be further accused of attempting to establish himself as dictator. From advices we learn that the contest haa been a violent and resultless one so far, that there has been a Congressional knockdown, and that profiting by the illustrious example set our Mexican neighbors in Indiana and Arkansas, when voting on vital questions has been forced, the minority have fled from the hall in sufficient oumbers to occasion a want of a quorum. Fines and punishments have been threatened to the delinquents; but the shout of “God and Liberty” has been thus far success- fully raised. We see that the opposition press of Mexico desires Mr, Juarez to inform the mation what is meant by a recent resolution presented to the United States Congress, inquiring as to whether the United States wants Lower California. Is not Mexico satis- fied with her tri-monthly or semi-annual revolu- tions, or is she going to declare war? The Mexican press is pointing the nation to the approaching demon of civil war, armed with the sword and the firebrand Unie tHe Heatoen Cuinee the Japs continue to make remarkable advances in civilization. Last evening Governor Ito and the Japanese Assistant Minister of Finance gave a dinner to several members of the Cabi- net which was in no manner inferior to similar entertainments given in Washington this sea- son, Governor Ito is a man of discernment. He sees the powerful influence of dining and wining diplomacy, and that American states- men are quite ag readily affected by appeals