The New York Herald Newspaper, February 6, 1871, Page 4

7 NEW YORK HERALD] * BROADWAY AY “AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. All business or news letter and telegraphic despatches must be addresaed New York Merawp. Letters and packages should be properly sealed. Rejected communications will not be re- AMUSEMENTS THiS EVENING, NEW YORK STADT THEATRE, 45 Bowery.—Emuir GaLLorre. FIFTH AVENUE THDATR®, SAaBATOGA. Twenty-fourth street,— ROOTH’S THEATRE, 284 «i Rroumiinu. VOURTEENTR STREET THE. Bpwin Fouarst as King Ly. between th and 6th ave. B (Theatre Francais)— NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broad Tue BLAack Crook. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broaiway ang (Stu street.— Mowry. y.—Iat SPrCTACLE oF LINA EDWIN'S THEATRE, 72 Broadway. Down; Ox, THE TWo Lives or Many LEren. Hunrep GRAND OPERA HOUSE, corner of Sth ay, ana 3d #t.— QRAND OPERATIO CARNIVAL. OLYMPIC THEATRE. Broadway.—THX PANTOMINE OF RICHELIEU OF THE PERIOD. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—SkE Saw-—NECK AND NRoK. Brondway.—VARIETY BNTED- Bo rer, . GLOBE THEATRE, TAINMENT, &C.—LIT WOOD'S MUSEUM Broadway, corner B0th at.—Perform- ances every afternoon and evening. MRS. F. B. CONWAY'S PARK THEATRE, Brooklyn.— Tut Rep Lieut. BROOKLYN ACADEMY OF MUSIC-RrADING AND CoNoRRT. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, 201 Bowery.—Va- RIETY ENTERTAINMENT. THEATRE COMIQUE, 16M, NFGRO ACTS, &O. ¢ Broadway.—Comre Vooar- BAN FRANCISCO MIV! NFGRO MINSTERLBY, Fan L HALL, 585 Broadway.— BURL ESQUES, £0. BRYANT'S NEW OPERA HOUSE, 28d st., between 6th and 7th avs.—NrGxo MINSTRELSY, EOOENTRIOITIES, A&C. HOOLEY'S OPERA HOUSE, Brooklyn.—Hoouny's AND KELLY & Leon's MINSTRELS. STEINWAY HALL, Pourteen:u street— oErT. RAND Con- APOLLO HALL. corner 2 Dn. Coury’s Dionama or I street and Brondway.— NEW YORK CIROTE, B urveenth strest,—SoRNRS tN TAR RING, ACEOBATS, NEW YORK MUSEUM 0) SCIENOR AND A: DR. KAHN’S ANATOMICAL MUSEUM, 745 Broadway.— SOUENOY AND ART. WITH SUPP L EM EN Monday, Fel reery 6 1871. TOMY, 618 Broadway.— "CONTENTS oF TO-DAY’S RERALD. Pack. i—Advertisements. ‘2— Advertisements. 3—Music aud the Drama—Chess Matters—The Murderer Rullof!—Co-operative Building As- soctation—A “He athen Chinee to be Hung— isements, T New Era in Poliues”—Amusement = An- Is: Leading re International nouncements. 5—- Editorial (Continued from Fourth Page)—The Peace French £l jon—The Armistice—The Miscellaneous Report ant from Cuba—S} The Roumanian Que A Biting Day—Busir — Papacy: The © Sk i the Closet—Ge eral News Tien and Commercial Keports. ‘"7—Advertisements. S—The Westchester Will Case: Conti the Story of an panes Family—. Matricide Ms After Seven Y Attempted Suicide of a New Yorker ‘ourt ee, sonranlly stic Notes—A Maine Divorce Case—Religious: Sermons and terday in the Metropolis and Els What the ‘Teachers and Believers in Christianity Shonid Do. ®—Religious (continued trom Eighth Page)—Mor- mondont: The Rey. Sabine Outdone; Dodgmg ine internal Revenue—A Thriliing ‘tale: Two ed Men Adrifton an Ice Floe— pb Cables—An Unknown Woman Faints oat aetna Late County Auditor— Zoological Exhbition—Art Netes, 10—News from Washington » President Cole fax’s Lecture on Temperance in Washing- ton—The British Army—Siipping Inteli- geuce—Advertisements. Tne CARNIVAL IN WASHINGTON promises to be a capital affair. BrooxkiyN AND THE C) oH IN RomME.— The good people of the City of Churches, the Catholics, a very goodly portion of the population in point of numbers, have been thoroughly roused in defence of the sovereign rights and temporalities of the Pope, both in Rome and the Papal States. They came out ip strong expression, uttered by the different congregations en yesterday. King Victor Emmanuel need never seek alderma:ic honors on Long Island, should he be forced to emigrate to America. That's enough. Masse, Derear OF THE REBELS IN CuBA.—By special telegram from the Herap’s corre- spondent in Havana we learn that the rebels have been attacked in their strongheld by the Spanish troops and completely defeated, with a loss of fifty killed, many wounded and prisoners. Thus the work goes on, and it appears to be the intention of the Spanish forces now to make short work of the re- mainder of those ia arms against the govern- ment, Another insurgent cf note, Jesus del Sol, of the Cinco Villas, has also come in and surrendered. Mr. Cramen’s Nomination as Minister to Denmark was the cause of quite an exciting scene in executive session on Saturday. Zach Chandler engineered the nomination with all the awkwardness and blundering that seems inherent in Zach, and naturally enough poor Cramer used up 80 heartily among the disagreeing Senators that we have no doubt he wishes he was never nominated or that he was anybody's brother- in-law but the Presiden It has come to such a pass now that being a relative of the President is looked upon as a sad disaster, was Arremprep Revivat or THE KNow Notuine Fouty.—We are sorry to see a respectable contemporary endeavoring to revive the stupid prejudices of religious sects for political pur- poses, Who cares what religious opinions predominate among the men whe hold effice in this city or State? That is their own affair, ‘and concerns the public service naught. Ten years ago this same foolish game was played, and with what political result we all know. The thing died of its own rottenness. To set men by the ears upon the subject of differences in religious belief is a poor occupation for a public journal anyhow. Therefore we regret to see the folly and the viciousness of the past attempted to be revived in a metropolitan _ NEW YORK HERALD, MUNDAY, FEBRU The Now Era in International Politics. The London Conference hangs fire. Aud well it may, fer the politics of Europe are plainly entering into a new phase; and the written as well as the unwritten traditions of the diplomacy of the Old World are not adequate to furnish guidance for statesmen who have to arrange affairs under the new and as yet undeveloped condilions. At this juncture it is the office of enlightened public opinion, actiog through the leading journals of the world, to furnish guidance, first to the thought, then to the action of nations and cabinets. The moment is of deep critical impertance to the development of humanity in international politics. It behooves us all to study it and master its meaning. The question that underlies this Conference is one of tremendous import to the future of the human race. It is the question to what Power shall hereafter belong the mastery of the Eastern World. The rivalry of Russia and Great Britain in the task ef reconstruct- ing the decaying East is probably not to be reconciled, as some have suggested, by a divi- sion of spoils in the Levant and Central Asia. A partnership in that great transaction might be very beneficial to the peaceful prosecution of the great work. But Great Britain and Rassia represent social and political prin- ciples too cenflicting for such diplomatic ar- rangement to be final and secure. The prob- lem will be solved en the principle of pre- ponderance, secured either by war or by such an overwhelming marshalling of the forces of Europe, on the one side or the other, as shall, without war, reduce one of these Powers per- force to the secondary part. To discuss the probabilities of this vast question is to take soundings im a ‘‘dim and perilous” way. But we are bound to do it nevertheless. The whole stress of the question rests now upon the shape which shall be taken by the action of united Germany. According to all reascnable calculation France is now out of the account in the striking of this balance wherein the nations are about to be weighed. Upon any view of the matter, France, if she rise again at all tothe level of an effective military Power, with an initiative and a will, must take a quarter of a century to do it, The world moves fast nowadays, and long before that time expires the issues of which we speak will be virtually settled. But it is doubtful, to say the least, whether France will sorise. The thrifty, scientific German body, now fairly to be organized as a whole under the provident, subtle Hohenzollerns, has got France under. Germany is a unit domesti- cally, and has acquired a frontier against which France can do nothing henceforward but dash herself to pieces. Even if her factions admitted the possibility of her resurrection into an effective milicary State, trained, disci- plined, guided by single political and military designs, Germany, with but a fraction of her new strength, in her new military positions, and with the great fleet of the future which she is sure to have, could firat hold her back and then emerge to crush her. When France comes to ponder on and analyze her new posi- tion she is more likely to acqniesce in the new decree of Providence, or fate, than work steadily agaiust it. To maintain political order at home will task her utmost energies. Whether she will even now emerge as an inde- pendent State depends upon the use she makes of the next fortnight, during which all observ- ers may well hold their breath with awe while she discusses her destinies with the German sword at her throat. Itis there, and it will never be removed. She lives and moves and has her being henceforward, if at all, on the sufferance of Germany, which will not and dare not ever relent. With Germany, then, we say, rests the solu- tion of the whole great future of internation- ality. So plain is this that the Austrian Cab net recognizes it fully. In the despatch with which Count Beust replied to the notification of the creation of the German empire that statesman declares that the Austrian Emperor recognizes in the advent of the new German Power a fact of supreme historical significance. The meaning of this, when considered by the light of the facts concerning Austria and Rus- sia, is unmistakable. Russia is playing on the sympathies of the Slavonic part of the Aus- trian population, without disguise, to break up the Austrian empire and win Constantinople under the flag of Panslavism. It is an effort which promised success while the antagonism within Germany of Austria and Prussia divided the forces of the German people. That was cured by 1866 and Sadowa. And Prussia is now the spearhead of a German empire. And Austria’s policy will be determined not by her Slaves, but by her Germans and Hun- garians, the twenty-five millions of her people who possess nearly all its wealth and culture, all its material and moral power. And the great fight of 1870, which poets may call the fight for the watch of the Rhine, politi- clans may now see to have been a fight for the watch of the Danube. The two great his- torical river basins of Europe will be firmly held with a united purpose by the great Teutonic empire and the great Eastrian, as we call it, not Austrian, empire. Central Europe, not Germany alone, is a military, political, diplomatic unit. It isa great barrier against rising Russia and against fallen France. If all this be 30, the peace and neutrality policy of England are, after all, justified by the event. Time tries all and reveals all, and things may yet turn out differently from the horescope ef nations which we are now draw- ing. But the inner justification of the non- intervening policy of our mother nation is to be found in the latent conviction of her states- men and people that the stars in their courses were fighting for her. True it is that in the Crimean war France aided England to hold Russia back. But it was illusory aid. And since the peace of 1856 France, in her Egyp- tian, Syrian and Suez Isthmus policy, has plainly shown that she was a dangerous and equivocal friend to English dominion in the East as against Russia. Till France fell it was always possible that she might come to an understanding with Russia, which should involve nothing less than the magnificent plan of handing over Asia to the Czar and Africa to the Gallic power. All that is over. And Russia now is cenfronted and conflanked—we must cein that word—not only on their own behalf, but on that of England virtually, by Germany and Austria. Their interests, therefore, are the interests of the land we call Turkey. Perhaps not of the Turks, but certainly of the European lands over which the Porte holds sway direct or indirect. And the great strategic line of empire from London to Constantinople is there- fore now secured by irresistible political and military power, according to all human cal- culation, forever. This country has had much and bitter cause of complaint against the ruling classes of Eng- land, and it will exact signal reparation for her offences, It sympathizes and will con- tinue to do so with the development of the great Slavonic power. But it must study and appreciate facts, It is impossible not to see that England has made a great gain by all that has passed during the last six months. If her dominion in the Bast is to be assailed by Russia now it must be by a direct onslaught on India, That contingency still remains, The great traveller in Central Asia, M. Vambery, is about to produce a work upon this sub- ject—the result of his latest travels and studies. We shall look for it with deep in- terest. Itis a far cry to India. But Ruesia is very strong, and English, as well as Indiaa military power, very badly erganized. The Situation of Affairs im France. Judging from the despatches whigh we pub. lish in this morning’s Heraxp from France a stormy time may be anticipated, and that before long, between the Bordeaux and Paris governments. The message to Gambetta that henceforth the government of Paris would ex- ercise the executive power will tend; if we mistake not, to inflame the minds of the red republican leaders who go hand in hand with him in all he says or does. Since the conclu- sion of the armistice there has been an evident coolness between the French leaders in Paris and those in Berdeaux. Every day the breach has become wider and more distinct. In the opposition of Gambetta, in his dictatorial decrees and his fiery addresses is exhibited the weakness of that party of which he is the head. If the republican senti- ment prevailed throughout France as gen- erally as Gambetta and his clan, ould have the world believe there would be no necessity to attempt to prevent monarchical or imperiai candidates from entering the election campaign, Lyons, a southern city, which has exp®rienced néne of the severities of the war, believes in and upholds the late dictatorial decrees issued by the Bordeaux wing of the government. Lille, a city which has done far more for the republic, decides against such dictation as to the ‘character of the candi- dates for the National Assembly. In contrast, also, to the mad ravings of the Bordeaux reds, the address of the Duc D'Aumale appears conspicious. He be- lieves that monarchy is the best form of gov- ernment for France. This opinion he ex- presses openly and freely; but should the French people decide in faver of a republi- can form of ruling he will bow to that decision. How widely different from Gambetta’s views are the sentiments expressed by the Duke! The radical leader would stuff republicanism down the throats of the Freach people wheth er they like it or not. It strikes us that M. Gambetta might take a lesson in democracy from this aristocrat, and yet this Duke is one of the men proscribed. it is plain to be seen that the question with this would-be dictator is, if the French people express themselves freely, what will become of Gambetta? Tiiat he loves France we do not doubt, but that he loves power more we firmly believe. Italy, Germany and the Pope. What is to become of the Pope? Will Italy, through any compensations she may haye to offer, be able to reconcile him to the loss of his little temporal kingdom? Or will the Lon- don Conference before its final adjournment be compelled to take up this important matter of a settlement of the future residence and spir- itual kingdom and political imdependence of the Holy Father? Our latest information from the Vatican is tothe effect that he will listen to no compromise touching the patri- mony of St. Peter—that he does not consent to the loss of those parts of it which have heretofore been appropriated by Italy any more than he consents to her present military and political occupation of the Holy City. But it is true, notwithstanding, that even the Pope, like St. Peter himself, must submit to the temporal necessities of his situation. From the correspondence which has been passing meantime between Count Bismarck, on the one hand, and the North German Ambas- sadors at Reme and at Florence on the other, it is evident thatthe Emperor William, in the interest of the numerous Catholics of Germany, and especially of the South German States, intends that the Pope ard his claims shall be respectfully considered and magnanimously adjusted, as far as possible without needless offence to the Italian government. It appears, too, that considerable progress has been made in the Italian Parliament upon what is called “the Papal Guarantees bill,” which, we be- lieve, provides not only for the independence of the Pope as the head of his Church, in- cluding free intercommunications between the Church throughout the world and the Vatican, but also for a liberal yearly allow- ance from the Italian Treasury, in quarterly instalments, to the Pope, in compensation fer the loss of his temporalities and the revenues which heretofore he derived from them as their political sovereign. But still it is apparent that there will be no harmony between Italy and the Pope while there is a prospect to him of something betver at least than the terms of Italy, from a settlement of his claims by the great Powers, in which the voice of his good Pro- testant friend, the Emperor William, will be more petential than that of the excommuni- cated Catholic, Victor Emmanuel, Strange, too, as it may appear, all Europe is beginning to share in the opinion that the Pope, though abandoned by or beyond help frem the Catho- lic States, is still a power on the Continent in having for his friend the powerful Protes- tant Emperer yr of Germany, ye ANOTHER Fravp, similar te “the Chorpen- ning swindle, has been passed in the House. Doubtless there is an immense litter of them hid away among the ‘‘husiness on the Speaker's table.” GovzENor Moran is in Washington for the purpose, it is said, of harmonizing the New York republicans. He will be a ‘‘good- enough Mergau till after election” if he can do that. ; PAK es RY 6, 1871 The Fishieries Quostion—A Settloment to be Made. It seems to be settled that England, in the interest of good feeling, has directed her pro- vineial authorities in Canada to grant heenses at once to American fishermen in Canadian waters, and that Minister Schenck’s depar- ture for his post at St. James has been de- layed until the preliminaries of the settlement can be arranged between Sir John Rose, the London banker, who has been in Washington for some time on sewi-diplomatic business, and Minister Thornton, England’s representa- tive at our capital. The concessions on the part of Canada are to be unconditional. This arrangement will be immensely satisfactory, especially to General Builer and the Glou- cester fishermen, and will not redound to the discredit or loss of Canada herself. It is also a telling argument in favor of a straighiforward, unhesitating line of policy in our foreign affairs, The prompt declaration which President Grant made in his recent Message to Congress in favor of securing their rights to our fishermen, and the steady agita- tion which General Butler has kept up frem the first may not have enforced these prompt concessions—it would be ungenerous now to say so—but without doubt a weak and waver- ing policy would have been likely to keep the subject unsettled for a long time, and to have left a long train of evils and bitternesses behind, if it had ever succeeded in a settle- ment, ‘the Churches Yesterday. There was, perhaps, less of sectarianism in the sermons delivered yesterday—reports of which we publish this morning—than we can recall to mind as distinguishing those of many previous Sundays. As a general rule the preachers confined themselves to the discussion of subjects more intimately connected with salvation than the efficacy of baptism by immersion or by sprinkling. Even the Pope, so far as we have read, escaped a wordy casti- gation. Charity was invoked and discoursed upon eloquently in several churches, for vari- ous good and pious causes, in addition to its own intrinsic ae “ a 1 soul-saving virtue, The “memorial. offering” g of five inilli¢hs of do dollars, which is intended as a kind of spiritual cement to keep well fastened tegether the two branches of the Presbyterians, which have recently become one again after a division of a third of a century, formed the subject of Dr. Sanderson’s sermon. He recalled to the minds of his hearers :the story of the widow’s mite and the meanness of some of the rich people on a certain memorable occasion men- tioned in the Scriptures, implying thereby, we suppose, that some of the reunited brethren had ignored the subscription list. Brother Beecher also dwelt upon the beauty of charity, calling upon his congregation to outdo their former generosity ‘‘and make ample provision for the Gospel to the poor and outcast.” Considering the severe cold snap and the price of coal and food, he might have suggested fuel and bread and meat among the provisions. Charity, teo, for the House of the Good Shepherd, was the theme of Dr. Potter, and in his sermon he took occasion to speak highly of the morals and religion of a great city in opposition to the assumption that all the Wirtues of a country are to be found in the rural districts. At the other churches the sermons were good. Dr. McVickar held up the example of Christ to his hearers, appealing to them to manifest in their lives some evidence of recog- nition ef His great love for them. At St. Peter's Roman Catholic church Father Allen discoursed on the spread of Catholicism in America, while at St. James’ Father McEvoy urged upon the congregation the necessity of working out one’s ewn salvation. A collec- tion was taken up at this church for that admirable institution, the Foundling Hospital, previons to which Father Farrelly briefly referred to the immense good it was deing in breaking up the infamous practice of the abortionists. Rev. Mr. Foote, at the Christian Church, gave the scriptural defi- nition of sin, while at the Church of the Mes- siah Mr. Hepworth held forth the doctrine that true religion did not require any particular form or creed. In Washington Dr. Addision discoursed on ‘rejoicing in religion.” For a very cold day all the churches were well attended. Although the exhibit of wealth and fashion was probably not so great as on more agreeable days, the religious spectacle was none the less gratifying to all true believers in Christianity. Tne LEGISLATURE reassembles to-day. Members will take their seats afier the re- fresbing benefits, we hope, of a Sabbath passed in religious devotions. They will have had time to reflect upon measures which have been presented to them from committees. They may have asked themselves, ‘‘Where is the job inthis or that proposed measure ?”—say the investing of powers in the hands of one man for the purchase of lands and water privileges—the fountainheads from whieh the people of the city of New York derive their supply of water; or whether there is not much good in the preposition to repeal the bill for the widening of Broadway ; or whether the Tammany Regency have not made a mistake in proposing to place the Tax levy of this city in the hands ef gentlemen most of whem are in no way responsible {o the people. These are a few of the questions which, we trust, the interim since the adjournment last Friday has given members the leisure to reflect upon. Let them act honestly and conscientiously. This the people t demand. More CasiEs,—Let us have all we can get. The gentlemen interested in the new cable project to Belgium have been reduced to memorializing the Senate to pass a certain bill which gives everybody the right to lay cables, when the Senate ought to have passed the bill which has already passed in the House long ago without any memorials on the sub- ject. These gentlemen ask no favors, no subsidies, no land grants. They merely wish it to be settled that they are at liberty to land acable on our shores, and they promise to send a hundred words a minute through the ecean to Europe and to charge eventually only a dime a word. No objection can be had to this, except the old dark-aged objections that were made to the landing of the French cable, and which were mainly inspired by « competing monopoly. But we need more cables, and there will always be plenty of work for all we can gets wav a —WITH SUPPLEMENT. Boutwells Policy—Ite Cruelty and Folly. The financial defects of Mr. Boutwell’s policy may not be obvious to the masses of the Ameri- can people, but they all wince and suffer under its unparalleled heartlessness and cruelty. It is an old and trite saying that corporate bodies have no souls, but it is something new to find statesmen entrusted with the direction of pub- lic affairs losing sight of all feeling of humanity or regard for the happiness and comforts of the present generation ina perhaps honest but blind pursuit of a policy which is paralyz- ing the sinews of industry throughout the whole country, Even if Mr. Boutwell’s policy was the true one, which it is not, he should remember the axiom of Solon—‘You cannot give a people the best laws, but the best they can bear.” Mr. Boutwell should learn that there is a vast difference between an enlightened states- man and a mere heartless, hard politician. The former identifies himself with the féelings, the thoughts, the sufferings and the hopes of the people; the latter moves only in the vicious mechanism of party ; the ene strives to promote the happiness and prosperity of the surging mass of humanity styled the people ;, the other acts only for his party, and if he makes what may seem a triumph for a hard abstract party principle, thinks nothing of the suffering by which it is secured. That Mr. Boutwell belongs to this latter class and not to that of the full-souled, large-viewed statesmen, must be manifest to the whole coun- try. His vision is bounded by one idea, beyond which he can neither see nor feel—‘‘pay off the public debt.” He simply says to his party, “If after four years we can tell the people we have paid off a large poriion of the public debt we can secure a new lease of power until 1876, No matter what sins may be laid at the door of the administration this, my financial policy, will cover them all.” Bat instead of hailing this policy as a blessing, the American people, as Mr. Boutwell: will find, are beginning to regard it as a curse, and instead of imparting fresh life, if persevered in, it will bring speedy death to the republican party. What are the facts? From 1861 to 1865 vast masses of the American people sacrificed their property and lives in the war for the pre- servation of the Union. The war came to a close, but not the sacrifices. In the general inflation of the prices ofall the necessaries and comforts of life, in the oppressive taxation imposed on even the smallest resources of enjoyment, in the impulse which war contracts gave to shoddy, pretension and fraud in the demoralizing practices it engendered and the burdens it imposed, no generation has ever been subjected to so many gallings, hardships and shocking extortions as the present gene- ration of Americans who bore the brunt of the civil war and by the most unparalleled sacri- fices brought it to a triumphant close. One would almost imagine from the iniquities fostered on every side among peculators, spec- ulators and shoddy contractors and the oppres- sive taxes imposed by Congress upon the people that they were the rebels, and were to be punished during their natura! lives for the heroic devotion they displayed towards their country. Surely if vindictive passions still live in the hearts of the leaders of the Southern rebellion they must be fully gratified by the sight of the masses of the Northern people bowed down under a crushing load of taxation, their foreign commerce destroyed and the American flag swept from the seas, while the Southern States, which depend less on industry and commerce than on agriculture, are steadily progressing in the work of regeneration. But Mr. Boutwell’s callousness seem: as great as his statesmanlike genius is small. It matters not, apparently, to him that that generation which contributed its blood and treasure for the country’s life, should be prostrated by the demoralizations and taxation the war has pro- duced, so long as in 1872 he may boast of the wonders he performed in reducing the public debt. In Europe at the close of great wars, as at present of that between France and Ger- many, the victorious party always exacts from the defeated indemnity for expenditure and loss. But our war being a civil one, it was deemed more magnanimous to throw the bur- den mainly on the victors, who were supposed to be able to bear it best. It may be that ia such matters magnanimity, like charity, had better begin at home; but at all events, the readiness with which the North accepted the burden should entitle it not only to justice, but even to tenderness in the measure of its in- fliction. Let Mr. Boutwell look to the example of all other countries, if he can be induced for a moment to elevate his vision. What would have been thought of the statesman in the time of Pitt who should have proposed to make the generation of Englishmen which battled against the first Napoleon assume the public debt? The great object of England’s statesmen was to maintain first and before all things her com- merce and her industry, the security for the debt, and to distribute the debt over a number of future generations in the manner best cal- culated to effect this object. If such a policy was geod for indebtedness incurred in foreign wars, the wisdom of which might be disputed by after generations, how much more power- ful in regard to a war for the preservation of the life of the nation itself, the benefit of which no after generation can question? Was the civil war fought only to preserve the nation to the close of Mr. Boutwell’s tenure of office, or was it waged to preserve the bless- ings of the Union to generations yet unborn? If ever there was a war fought in the interest of the future it was this. Yet Mr. Boutwell seems bent on throwing on the present genera- tion the whole burden of the obligations ef posterity. Impotent to devise any statesman- like measure by which our crippled commerce can be revived and our industry healed and reapimated, he has but one idea by which to compel forty millions of people to assume obligations within forty years which sheuld be borne, and might be without distress, by a popu- lation growing into billions up to the middle of the next century. 1976 has, however, little attraction for Mr. Boutwell; 1876 is his point. Ifthe ineome tax can only be eontinued and the American people ground to the dust with taxation, Boutwell will be able to tell his con- stituents at Boston and Groton at the end of the four years that he has paid off some thou- sand or more millions of the public debt, his ambition will be satisfied and the cor- rupt rings which thrive on the rich being made richer and the poor poorer may ec throw up thelr hats and ery, “Blessed be Boutwell!” But General Grant, who, we believe, hae the interest of the masses of the people at heart, may rest assured that he will find in such a policy a deep injury to his fame and administration, and that he will find infinitely more honor and safety in the wise and pre- scient counsel of General Pleasonton. Country Versus City Christianity. There is a very common belief among Chris. tians as well as moralists that the country is the only place where true religion can be best maintained and nurtured. The vices and crimes of a great city are supposed to ba in- surmountable obstacles to the progress of truth, and we presume that this style of belief very largely influences Protestant congrega- tions in their removal from the lower to the upper wards of this city—from where they conceive the grossest immorality exists to where the highest types of Christian morality may be found. A short time ago some such sentiment was expressed by a reverend rector of @ new Protestant Episcopal church which he was dedicating, as an excuse for getting away from the Highth ward. It was pleasing, therefore, last even- ing to hear another eminent divine of the same denomination, while advocating the cause of a benevolent institution, speak so grandly as he did in favor of city Christianily. The battles of truth, the discoveries of science, the manly courage, the promptness of action, the gener- ous charity and the deep sympathy of the human heart and soul are drawn out in cities as they cannot be anywhere else. Here, on every side of us, we find objects which take hold of our inmost nature. Poverty, sick- ness, suffering, stare us in the face at every step. Temptation to vice and crime meets us, en many a corner, and, as every athlete well knows, it is by constant grappling with one difficulty after another that physical obstacles are overcome. So must it be, and so it is in spiritual life. Hence the manliest type of Christianity is found in cities, In the country it meets little or no opposition from any quar- ter; there is nothing to call out the noblest or highest attributes of the soul comparad with cities, and bence when tie Saviour com. missioned His disciples to go and preach the Gospel to every creature He expressly en- joined that they should begin at Jerusalem. hrist knew, as every Christian who has re- sided in a large city knows, that a man who can successfully resist the temptations which exist among us here derives moral courage and strength that will carry him safely through this life, no matter where he may be called to go. While, therefore, advocating the superior claims of the country for children, Dr. Potter was right in asseriing that ‘everywhere cities are conspicuous for robust manhood.” The busy life of the city demands it and furnishes it; and, since the Reformation, mankind bas been gathered more largely into cities than ever before, as if to prepare the world for still greater exhibitions of Christian manliness. In sympathy, too, to some extent with Dr. Potter's idea of cily religion, were the remarks of Rev. Dr. Hepworth, whe declared that ‘ight action is more needed than right believing.” After all it is the life, the char- acter of a man, that makes its impress upon the community, and that impression is core respondingly good or bad as the character may be good or bad. This great metropolis is too frequently held up as a second Sodom and deserving the fate of that city; but for every evil among us there is a correspond- ing good, and however much we may desire ease and pleasure in the country here is where we can cultivate true Christian manli- ness, because here the t»mptations exist to which we must say yes or no, and the oppor- tunities for right action are here given to us as they occur nowhere else. The Alabama Claims—A Caance for Settling Them. From information in our possession we have reason to think that a plan has been arrived at for settling the Alabama claims which may leave Minister Schenck very little to do upon that matter, except as far as regards such official action as his position of American Minister to the Court of England may demand. Ithas been evident for some time past that England was quite willing, and, indeed, anxious, to seftle up the Alabama claims upon reasonable and feasible terms, England was, perhaps, never in a political situation so delicate as to render desirable the smoothening down of all angularities with foreign nations, and, above all, of securing so powerful a nation as the United States ter its friendly ally. Notwithstanding the capitulation of Paris and the existing armistice, the olive brinch of peace in Europe may be a delusion. deed, it is premature even to regard the war be- tween France and Germany as concluded. The end is not while foolish Gambct.a holds power and half a million of armed French- men are hovering about the North and South of France in armies still preserving form and organization, It only can be finished up by the wholesale destruction of these armies by the overwhelming force which the Geimin Emperor has at his command. Should the action of the National Assembiy result ina declaration against peace upon Bismarck’s hard terms it will be war to the knife, ending most probably in a terrible chastisement for poor France. Then there are little clouds of trouble float- ing in the atmosphere of Europe that may gather into a storm cloud of war upon any of the yet unsettled questions as to the bound- aries, and the disposition of territories, and maritime rights on the watera of the Black Sea. All these possibilities in the immediate future make it desirable for England to have a friend in this great nation. The idea which is talked of about her having to submit to any humiliation in settling the Alabama claims is all nonsense. There is no man or nation humiliated by paying debts justly due. Eng- land does not deny that there are claims to be settled upon this Alabama question, and that there are many points to be definitely set at rest in the fishery business. All that remains now is a mode of arriving at a peaceful and conscientious settlement of both subjects. This, we understand, England offers to accomplish by means of a joint commission of three statesmen from each country, who shall take the whole matter in hand, and whose decision ahall be binding upon both govern-