The New York Herald Newspaper, January 27, 1871, Page 4

NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON PENNETT, PROPBIS TOR. AW business or pest lottey apite A telegraphle | beecStig through the ‘Getuan Ptaveatiog ape despatches must bo Menarp. addre: ey New Yorks Letters and packages should be properly realed. Volume XS XXVE AMUSERENTS THIS EVENYS LINA BDWIN'S THRATRE, 720 Broadway. Down; On, ThE Two Lives Many or Lriau, Hontep prner of Sth av, ana 22d Kh— Tue PANTOMIME OF p WINK. WERY THEATRE, Bowery Rrowarn IIL.—Srr Woop's MUSEU enees every after GLOBE THEATRE, 125 Broadway. TAINNRD e NEW YORK STADT THEATRY, 45 GRISPLDIS, SUFTH AVENUE THEATRE, Twenty-fourts sireet.— RARATOGA. ~VaRrnry 45 Bowery,—SEeBacu ROOTH'S THEATRE, Bd st., verwe: Rowe Liev, NISLO'S GARL ‘Ta Back C200; a sh and 6th eye— Broadway bP SPEOTACLR oF THEATRE, WALL Broniway and 18th street. FanY Nevin WON Fain LApy—Usep Up. B. CONWAY'S PARK THEATRES, Brookign,— NOLE—LIVE INDIAN, ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Fourteenth street.—Lrorunr ox Tipys AND TIDAL OUREENTS STRINWAY HALL, Fourteen"h street—Guawp Cov- ornT, TONY PASTOR'S KA HOUSE, 21 Bowery.—Va- MELY ENTEDTAINM Como THEAT away. Vous 1em, N 4 street and Broadway. onth sireet.--SCENES IN Brooklyn.—-Hooury's AND | OMY, 618 Broadway. | DR. f M, 745 Broadway.— SOMENCE aN. ART. 1871 New York, Friday, January 27, pital JaAGr. t—Adver'isements. i 2— Adveritvements, B—New York and Brookiyn ether yeaa es Aband ent of a Vi by the Crew— veey Executive Appointments—The Hayton farriuges, Birth and Deaths— “Paris—Closing Amusement ‘continued from Fourth Page)—The France—Sermany’s Demands—Paris tions in Favre—The mm Rome and Impending Ke- Is ae Club Views of —Business Passage In the fenate he Income Tax—Music e Ings and Homan + onstitution— mportant from afety Asserted Posi- Transit Problem : A Granite Abortion Case ughter in the olff Convicted of ond Degree and e Prison for Seven : The Prince of mnbs City Prison— Department of Docks—More Market Room : Long Island Farmers Stating Their Grievances- Prize Fight 1n Jov ‘The AES Fiend Again in 5 ughout the Coun on-—Shipping aig tsements. Wat. STREET succumbed | to the rigors of the heavy snow storm, and the topic of the hour was rather the severity of the season than the merits of Central or Erie. Even the shouts of the newsboys proclaiming the sur- render of Paris failed to penetrate to ears that were muffled to deafaess by swathes collar and be of coat 3 have ed a most des- Casrar’s Fr perate proclamation of resistance fo the death against Yankee invasion and the sale of their conntry by Baez, and if there is such a tifing as fear in the heart of our Commissioners they will feel it aceutely when they read the pro- eMyation which we publish elsewhere. There are fierce dennnciations, mixed similes and classic allusions enovgh in it to chill the heart even of brave old Ben Wade himeelf, but there isn’t much of anything else. i Governor Horrgan has issued timely mes in regard to bribery at elec- tions and the granting of suffrage to convicts and felons. He proposes that resolutions be passed by the Legislature debarring criminals from voting. There is no doubt that a great deal of the villany that defies the law in this city is the work of rough politicians, who, being able to “run” a ward or district, are free to ‘‘go throngh” respectable citizens without fear of punishment. of the Governor would cut these men off from | the ballot, and consequently from their pre- | sent immanity, for without political inftuence they are a# apt to be punished as any ordinary ruffian. Tue New Map o¥ a very ope.—Events move rapidly in this most extraerdioary era of the | world’s history. Paris has not yet given forth | the last sigh of its death agony, and yet we can almost bebolj one of the most, important of the smaller States of Europe unrolling its ENTER | | taining it. | with the army within the investing lines. Parte—Closing Scenes of tho War in France. General Trochu, the Governor of Parls, has of late been severely criticised. By some he is regarded as incapable, by others as lacking courage, while by another class he is con- demned for not attempting a grand sortie with two hundred thousand men, oe thereabouts, and | Tee ee Not alone from those outside the walls of Paris come adverse criticisms of the Governor. The | people within the city cry out against him, and “A bas Trochu!” may be heard in any of the sireets of Paris, yelled by men who perhaps ‘ | have never handled a musket or done a day's | duty at the outposts, Before Trochu fs con- | demned, however, might it not bo well to intolll- gently and calmly consider his position before visiting on him that unstinted condemnation | which has of late been heaped upon his name ? It is scarcely necessary to recall to the read- ers of the Henarp the rapid, almost sudden, collapse of the armies of Napoleon. After the capture of the imperial armies the capital of France stood in danger. .King William re- garded his victories as incomplete until Paris was taken, The capture of the capital was the prize intended to crown the edifice of German success and French humiliation, To avert so dread a calamity General Trochu bent all his energies, Paris he resolved to render impregnable. How well he succeeded the months during which the Germans havo lain around the cily will amply testify. So far, then, as the defence of Paria is concerned, Trochu has done his duty, The surrender of Napoleon at Sedan gave to the German conqueror the last of the armies of the empire, with the exception of those of Bazaine at Metz and Ulrich at Strasbourg. The forces of these two generals, however, were unable to do anything for France. Ba- zaine was hemmed in on all sides in Metz and Uirich was effectually locked up in Strasbourg. While the thorough investment of these for- tresses was beiag completed the great bulk of the German army was marching on Paris. When Trochn assumed the governorship of the caplial he found himself in a position of esponsibility without the means of main- It is trae he had fortifications and outworks, and means at command by which the city might be rendered impregnable, bul he lacked the properly drilled and disci- plined soldiers, without which the fortifica- tions and the war material they contained were absolutely worthless, ,To form an army, to discipline that army and prepare it for great | future operations Trochu directed all his skill. Molike’s summons to the Governor of Paris to surrender after he appeared outside the | walls with his victorious legions was refused, | and for over four months that refusal has been maintained. The republic was proclaimed, France was declared free without the means to assert her independence. Withont armies in the fleld it was plainly the duty of General Trochu, even supposing that he hada force of say three hundred thousand well disciplined men under him—which he had not—to remain where he was, and, by masterly inactivity, afford a chance for the republican leaders in the provinces to awaken the people to the neces- sities of the situation. The war had, with the fall of the empire, assumed an altogether different phase. Trochu held, by the policy he pursued, over thrae hundred thousand Germans outside Paris in check, doing nothing but watching; the obstinacy of Bazaiue engaged : | the attention of nearly two hundred thousand more at Metz, and the gallant defence of Gen- eral Ulrich at Strasbourg gave employment to another formidable force there. Thus it will be seen that nearly the entire German army was delayed, affording time for republican France to prepare armies for the field. That the time so acquired was profitably employed none will attempt to deny. The country becamé alive to the necessities of the hour; armies were organized in the southeast, in the southwest and in the north, and when Metz and Strasbourg surrendered, and the German armies which were employed in their reduc- tion were released, they found new armies to confront them in different parts of France. General Trochu all this time was engaged in raising and in disciplining an army within Paris. He attempted no sorties, rightly judg- ing that the raw recruits which composed his army were not able to cope with the veterans encamped withont the walls. The French Army of the Loire-was rapidly assuming for- midable proportions; the Army of the North was also being perfected and Garibaldi was creating an army for operations in the Vosges, From two, at least, of these armies Trochu expected succor. It was the intention of General Paladines to ‘‘move directly on the eaemy’s works” outside Paris and co-operate Von ; der Tann’s defeat encouraged the hope that France would be ablo to turn the tide of Ger- man success, but the addition of the forces of the Red Prince, with his army from Metz, checked the advance of Paladines, while at the same time the repulse of the sorties from Paris again threw a damper over French ardor. Again, General Chanzy, the successor of Pala- dines, with the Army of the Loire considerably strengthened, moved on to the rescue of the capital, but the defeat at Le Mans again The suggestion | spread demoralization among the newly raised armies of republican France, It is evident, from the facts already pub- lished, that Trochu relied to a very great extent on the successes of the armies of the provinces. So long as he held out so long did he hold an army of ever three hundred thousand men in check. The armies of the provinces, having failed to fulfil their part in the great game of war, have left no alterns- tive to Trochn but capitulation. Much has been said of his incapacity, his timidity and own wid ny cheet and arranging its limbs to | the aititude of an easy dissolution. Denmark speaks of a coming alteration of the map of | Europe. Her legislators a wledge, in | parliamentary ge, that7the small aes mb! ‘Btates will soon dsep.ear,” or that, if they are anxious for ccntiaued life, they musi “fight for their independence.” ch is the substance of a cable telegram whi enched | us from Copenhagen List night. A promi- | nent Danish political 1 ader says the small States will be oblitersto?, ixter of War aseerts th y may fight.” The statesm iD warned the Old Woild cope. Pcrhaps the | new map is reooy w for pablication in Berlip. “be forced to The Danish Miu- | mark have thus | his lack of courage to make one great struggle with a vast force to break through the lines. His failure to attempt this, it is argued, implies weakness. It is hardly possible, it is also contended, that the German investment can | be so strong at all points that some weak spot | might not be found through which the Army of Paris could push and take to the open country, But, admitting that this weak spot had been found, and that Trochu possessed all the essentials necessary to secure the success of such a movement, what, in the name of common sense, could he do in the fleld with an army lacking artillery, lacking cavalry, lacking 2 commiseariat, half-starved, poorly clad, and with half-disoiplined men, op- | posed to the Gaest army ip Qurope and commanded by the greatest captain of tho age? General Trochu has done all that could be done with what he had at his command. Ho made the most of the situation. He gave the armies of the provinces time to organize. It he could not é¥ergome impossibilities let us + not condemn him unjustly, but rather pity hin for the embarrassing position in Whtch he Was | placed. Dismissing the situation in Paris with these views, let uslook to the provinces, Of all the obain of fortresses which guarded the Belgian and Luxembourg frontier Longwy alone re- mafned in possession of the French until Wednesday, when, after a herole straggle, it too surrendered, but not, however, until the town was nearly desiroyed, ‘‘The Iron Gate of France,” as Louis XIV. once termed it, has been throwa open to the Germans, and they have entered. Bourbaki in the east, Chanzy in the south and Faidherbe in the north still preserve their armies and hold their positions; but of what avail are these considerations now, when the grand centre to which they all directed their efforts is becoming day by day more ineffective? Famine stalks through the streets of the capi- tal, and this dreadful ally of the German Kaiser will secure the terms of a capitulation which scarcely anything else could command. With the fall of Paris falls France, unless madness seizes the leaders In the provinces to urge the peeple to continue a struggle which is hopeless, and the people are blind enough to follow such teachings. France to-day fs help- less, and she ought to acknowledge it, It is the duty of her leaders not only to believe that this is her position at present, but to tell the people of France that it is so, The dreadful tragedy is'drawing to a close, the final scenes are being performed, and the impendiag ca- pitulation of Paris alone delays the climax which is inevitable, Uew Italinn Opera Can Succeed at the Academy. The weak, spasmodic attempts which are periodically mado at our representative opera house to revive public interest in Italian opera only excite disgust in the minds of all who desire to see this great branch of the lyric art permanently established in this city, and by their constant failure do more harm than good. When some artist of acknowledged reputation arrives from Europe forthwith a manager seizes him or her, leases the Academy fora brief season, and, without paying the least attention to necessary details, gives the same skeleton performances of Italian opera that have almost driven the memory of genuino lyric drama out of the minds of the metro- politan public. In the opinion of the manager the star is a sufficient attraction, without regard to ensemble of cast, chorus, orchestra, scenery or appointments. When the inevita- ble failure takes place the manager's sole excuse is that le is so hampered with condi- tions attached to his lease of the opera house that be finds it impossible to produce operas in the style necessary for their perfect representation. Some of these conditions are certainly calculated to discourage even the most enterprising impresario, Besides being obliged to give up two hundred and fifty of the best seats in the house to the stock- holders, without receiving any compensation therefrom, he has no jurisdiction over a host of employ¢s attached to the building. The little children who sell bouquets and the per- sons who attend the bar and resiayrant down- stairs are entirely {odependent éf him, and doorkeepers, stage hands and ushers owe him no allegiance. This alone isa hard condition; for a manager should have full control in his theatre, Then he is prohibited from making any material changes on the stage which may be necessary to the production of certain operas. The terms of the ia are so worded that he scarcely re- ecives anything but the bare walls and acollection of old scenery which ia of little use to him, The only remedy for this, and the proper way to make Italian opera sue- cessful at the Academy, is for the stockholders to lease the house for a long term to some manager in whom they can have confidence and to give him full and unrestrained power to regulate everything connected with the house, as he may deem expedient. Tien, if they de- sire to retain their seats, they should pay for them, and as they represent some of our wealthiest citizens they should furnish the manager with a subscription“at the com- mencement of the season large enough to enable bim to meet a large pro- portion of his expenses. Italian opera isan expensive luxury and cannot be sus- tained in the same manner as the drama, by depending merely on the patronage of the general public. No impresario in Europe would venture to commence a season without the express guarantee of a large subscription from the wealthy classes, who alone are able to sustain such a Iuxury. Then a manager can present Italian opera in its entirety and bestow the same attention upon the scenery and appointments as Wallack, Booth and Daly do in the production of their plays, But the stockholders must have confidence in the manager, leave his hands unfettered and assist him substantially. Tur Sxow SrézM.—The heavy fall of snow which we experienced yesterday, and which continued up to 4 late hour last night, is no doubt the opening of a long sleighing season. We are quite Ilkely to haye another severe fall of snow within a short time, It would appear, from our weather report, that the siorm prevails all over that part of the Conti- nent east of the Ohio river and north of North Carolina, There has been an unusually heavy blockade on the railroads running into the city, the Washington mail being the only one due last night which has yet reached here, and it came in five hours behind time. The Bosten, Erle and Pennsylvania Western mails are still bebind. Tue CHANoc#s For 1872.—Sunset Cox gave a dinner last evening to Frank Blair and ex- Senator Hendricks, and there was a fine gathering of democratic bigwigs present. The question of the next Presidency was discussed, and Hancock and Hendricks seemed to be the leading candidates, Tre Srate SeNATE has agreed to adjourn at the end of a hundred day session, which will be about the last of April, The “Boss” evidently takes no pleasure in working with so sliga 4 majority, NEW YORK HERALD, FRIDAY, JANUARY 27, 18TL The London Conference. The more wo see of the London Conference the more we feel the early conviction we expressed that it will tern out a rosy fiction. In these days, when diplomacy is played out and troaties have become g¢ yych waste paper; | it ig diMoult to belleve tt that a few gentle- BOR Of the old schoo} who are the posthussois representatives of the international conven- tionalities of bygone years can settle anything by sitting round a green table in Downlog street, It is a gathering which must certainly claim the attention of fashionable society, gyen if it should fail to achieve anything else. Tt will be an exquisitely graceful reunion, over which Granville will preside with the courtly ease of a Chesterfield, and to which the ocio- genarian Brunnow will lend the polished charm of the defunct diplomacy of the olden time. The German-Russlan Baron Brunnow—for he is more German than Russian, even in pres- ence and idea—has a vivid remembrance of the Holy Alliance Treaty of 1815, and may from his own experience instruct the comparatively youthful Granville how treaties are made but for the moment, to be broken at the beck of self-interest and strength. Turkey sends a live Turk (Mustapha) to the Conference; but the fact that Mussurus, the regular envoy, is a Greek, and not a Moslem, calls up appalling visions in the Mussulman mind; while the fact that Brunnow is not a bona fide Russian, but a Saxon by birth, like Beust, is not a little calculated to cast over the Muscovite soul sinister forebodings of the formidable influence of Teutonic nationality. Count Bernstorff, the German Plenipotentiary, is, at all events, a German to the core, and consequently not only the formal representative of an emperor, but in every sense the spokesman of a nation, He represents on this occasion Germany more comprehensively than Granville represents England, considering that the German masses endorse more unanimously the na- tional aspfrations of their ruling classes than the English people identify themselves with the foreign policy of their social and political oligarchy. Bernstorff has this great advantage over Granville, that while he feels omnipotent in the authority and confidence of the German Emperor and people the English Minister suffers the debility of having to undergo not only a political opposition and popular agita- tion, but considerable differences in the Cabi- net itself; while America, though absent, will haunt him like Banquo’s ghost, and strengthen the Russian-German influence by a distant view of the Alabama claims. Thus much of the principal @ramatis persone, If they present a picturesque appearance in their artistic blending of tho elements of court life elegance and of medieval traditions, the work they are called upon to do flashes on the world with all the dark splendor of a camera obscura, Russia says, though in gentle and moderate tone, that she has made up her mind to vindi- cate her right to an uncontrolled freedom of the Black Sea, If the Conference so far modi- fies the Treaty of Paris as to accept this demand, all well; but if not, she insists upon making good her rights in other ways, If the Conference does not submit to what Russia regards a8 an accomplished fact the Confer- ence will oly become what such conferences generally have been—a preliminary to war. Preceding our own civil war there was also a peace conference—a conference being in reality the last tribute which a lingering sense of humanity pays to expiring peace. As an evidence of the public consciousness of the barbarism of war a conference is a good thing from an ethical point of view, but that fs all. Nor do the plenipotentiaries indulge in any illusions about their meeting. Turkey seems to understand that the fall of France has placed England and Austria hors de combat, and the only way to obtain a further lease of life is to hold on to Bernstorff and Brunnow, Granville’s position is the most dificult and delicate of all. He belongs to the great whig families and is a whig pure and simple, and though the traditions of that party during their long period of opposition were anti-war, and Lord Grey came into power on the cry of “peace, retrenchment and reform,” the shields have been since reversed; and while the tory party, under Sir Robert Peel, with Lord Aber- deen in the Foreign Office, have been the strongest friends of peace, the whigs, under Lord Russell, with Palmerston in the Foreign Office, have been the strongest in maintaining the traditional policy of the aristocracy of England by carrying thiugs with a high hand and dazzling the imagination of the people with the prestige of Great Britain’s power. But the inheritors of Sir Robert Peel's policy and the representatives of the radical party— another word for the peace party—in the Gladstone Cabinet far outnumber the others, and we should be surprised if Lord Granville would receive for any bold policy the sustain- ment of more than two of his colleagues, Lord Hartington and Lord Halifax, neither of whom is a manof weight. But while Lord Granville is a whig, he has not any of that disposition, so constantly exhibited by Lord Russell, to upset the ministerial coach. He is concilia- tory not only in manner, but in character of mind, and, unless on some very grave point of principle, will follow the opinions of the.ma- jority of the Cabinet, and there would be, we should fancy, but little difficulty in spoetne to Russia’s demand. But another huge difficulty looms up. Ad the Anglo-Russian complication has really grown out of the Franco-German war, it is yery lIlkely that the logical power, which is the crowning grace of the Teutonic mind, may preside over the Conférence, and will endeavor to resolve the question of the Treaty of Paris by putting an end to the vicissitudes which brought it about. Much will depend upon Bismarck’s action in permitting Jules Favre to go to London, or whether, if permitted, the French Minister would, as stated in our tele- gram yesterday, refuse to go. Then Jules Favre, as the representative of a nation, the government of which is not officially recog- nized by the sovereigns whose plenipoten- tiaries meet at the London Conference, would be actually powerless, so far as the voice of France is concerned, in the consideration of the Treaty of 1856. The unwillingness of the Emperor of Germany to recognize the French government for the national defence as the sovereign and lawfully constituted authority of the French nation must wake him equally reluctant to — facilitate tion by causing the republic to be recognized by his fellow sovereigns. If Favre attends this Conference he can carry no authority un- less he is primarily recognized as the repre- sentative of the French government—a recog- nition which would imply that of the republig itsolf. All It hingég u ure, tue point as to whether Geritany will allow Franco to resume her former place in the councils of Europe. If she makes that concesston it can only bo regarded as the symbol of her desire for peace, and tho London Conference may become the stepping- stoke across the present disturbed stream of European politics, But if Bismarck should otherwise ordain this Conference 1 must end ina fizale. Without the concurrence of Franco the negotiations on the modification of a treaty, made fifteen years ago in her own capital, and under the special inspiration of her raler, would be hardly valid, and to proceed without the co-operation of that nation would viriually expunge her from the roll of nations and realize the German idea of the utter annihilation of France. The Necessity of Special Lesistation Life Insurauce Companies. Reckleasness and extravagance, ‘‘the over- payment of the function of management and the turning loose upon society of that unscru- pulous parasitic industry which is content or even ambitious to live upon others without returning any equivalent benefit,” have ren- dered legislative supervision over life insurance companies a patent necessity. This supervision has been well defined as but the legilimato exercise of a State right of self-defence. The stringent laws of Massachusetts and the Insurance Depart- ment at Albany have already done much and will yet do more toward reforming great abuses in the insurance system, which has so rapidly attained in this country an enor- mous growth, Superintendent Miller is now examining the real condition of several coni- panies in this State, according to his inten- tion announced in his last report to the Legislature. Two companies haye lately been compelled by him to sur- render the management of their aff: It is foreseen that several of the younger companies will not pass the rigid examination to which they are being subjected by the Superintendent, who seems intent upon pro- tecting the interest of all who hold life policies as well as of those whose property is insured against fire, The inordinate expenses which some of these younger companies have been obliged to incur, in order to create business in the midst of the rushing tide of com- petition with rivals of their own date and with the older companies, will probably lead to the wiping out of existence of many companies organized within the past few years. Companies of ten or twelve years’ standing are for the most part in good condition, and policy holders in those which have watchfully looked after their reserve funds need have no fears. Officers who have successfully managed companies for ten, seven- teen or twenty-eight years, like the Mutual Life, the Equitable, the Knickerbocker and certain other old companies, have sufficient experience and well established repntations to insure their companies against being wound up by the Superintendent, A conspicuous communication in the Hven- tng Post of the 25th instant treats the subject of life insurance with great ability, and care- fully points ont in what consists the actual solvency of companies. But it is, perbaps, unfortunate that the figures adjoined to that communication are, as we are informed, by no means in all instances corracily taken from the Massachusetts Report, and they thus tend to mislead rather than guide the public mind, One error of a grave nature has been made in the figares given to the Equitable Life. On referring to the Massachusetts Re- port we seo that the “investments” of that company were $9,360,764 63, to which should have been added the deferred or half yearly and quarterly payments, amounting to $706,- 925, on policies which are running and which are, of course, equal toa cash asset, as the policy, when it becomes a claim, is not paid without first deducting these payments, It is a curious fact that the table accompanying the letter in the Post places the Farmers and Mechanics’ Insurance Company, recently bank- rupt and inthe hands of a receiver, in the very same category with the Mutual Life. Ou acloser inspection we also find that the Mutual Benefit, another leading company, is repre- sented as needing $1,777,347 46 farther cash assets to meet its required reserve. If this were true it would argue a great oversight in what has always been considered the careful investigation given by Superintendent Miller to the affairs of insurance companies. Ic is incompatible with a statement made in the same communication ‘that there are no finan- cial institutions in the world more safe agains failure than well-conducted life insurance com- panies; and such, beyond all dispute, are a majority of the companies which now do the largest business in the country.” Among the remedies for the abuses thet have grown out of our popular and, in the main, excellent insurance system, the pro- digious benefits of which have been fully recognized by the public, it might be well to consider the propriety of oxtending the voting privileges of policy holders, Both stockholders and icy holders in Several companies already are éntitled to 'ond vole per share for the former and a vote for those of the latter who are insured for five thousand dollars or who hold mutual policies. In some com- panies they may thus vote for directors, in others for trustees, in others for all the offi- cers. But an extension of their voting privi- leges might be an additional check upon the danger of entrusting tle disposition of vast sums to a very few hands, If the acknowledged evils to which unre- strained life insurance is liable should con- tinue to keep pace with the rapid increase of our population it may become necessary for the federal government to interpose. It has already been suggested that there seems to be no less reason for regulating life insurance by a national bureau than’ for taking the census or encouraging agriculture or invention by one, Moreover, ta view of the many at- tempted frauds on the part of applicants for life insurance, the benefits of special State and national legislation would be shared not only by the public bat by the underwriters themselves. for Suggested at Last. Amid all the excitemont which has grown out of the war, and amid the fever of our enter- prise to give the American public the fullest and the latest news regarding the war, we have not forgotten the Papal Question, which, altnoiigi | less bulky at Present, will remain to be setiled when France has found peace ai Germany has found unity and victory, Qne, of our three special telegrams yesterday relax tive to Rome and the Pope informs us that while Iialy seeks to maka with the Holy Father reasonable terns, and while the groat Powers strive to be helpful in bringing about a salisfaclory settlement, Cardinal Antonelli, with his wonted shrewdness, puts tho oase as between the government of Italy and the Head of the Church in such a shape that much of the mist which has hitherto surrounded the ques- tion is dispelled aud a final settlement is no longer doubtful, We have known that Bronites Gladstone, who of all living men perhaps most thoroughly understands and apprectates the Roman diffi- culty, istoa large extent in sympathy with the Pope and his Ministers, We have known that Count Bismarck and King William are also in sympathy with the Holy Father in his troubles; and we have more than once printed King William’s letter to the Holy Father. It now appears that some joint effort has boon made by the reprosentatives of the great Powers to help toward a solution of this difficulty between the people and government of Italy and the Holy See, Austria and Ger- many have been particularly active. The Count De St. Simon and the Baron De Rubeck, acting in compliance with instructions from thelr respective governments, have each had audiences with Cardinal Antonelli and have asked what guarantees would be sufficient to remove the difficulty which now exists between the Holy See and the government of the King of Italy. Antonelli’s reply is not unworthy of a true man and a great statesman. ‘The Court of Rome,” he says, “wishes no guarantees from the great Powers other than those which would restore to the Chair of St. Peter the territories of which that Chair had been despoiled on the Neapolitan frontier and along the line of the river Po.” This demand on the part of Anto- nelli means that the Pope and the men who advise him thoroughly understand the value of property. The territory on the Neapolitan frontier and the territory on the line of the Po represent the most recent and the most ancient possessions of the Bishop of Rome. not of opinion that the Pope is at all likely to regain possession of these territories; but we are not on that account the less satisfied that the demand mafe by Antonelli is just and right. The Papal temporalities date as far back—if we can believe tho Isidorlan Decretals—as the days of Constantine. It is true that the Decre- 8 were not made known to the world until after 3 of Charlemagne; but it is not less trae that belief in the bequest of Constantine existed long before the days of Pepin or Charlemagne or Otho. According to the Decretals of Isi- dore when Constantine left the old Rome of the West for the now Rome of the East he left the Pope master of Italy, of Spain, of Gaul, and even of Britain. Certain it is that Pepin and his son Charles gifted to the Pope the terrl- tories which hitherto had been known as the property of the exarch of Ravenna—the repre- sentative in Italy and the West generally of the Roman Emperor at Constantinople. These gifis were large. They comprised the exarch- ate, and they comprised also the property whioh in later years has come to be familiarly known as the “States of the Church.” One-hundred and thirty-six years lator, after much confu- sion and anarchy, consequent-upon the fall of the Carlovingian empire, the donations of Pepin and Charlemagne were repeated and confirmed by Otho the Great, when, at the hands of Pope John the Twelfth, he accepted the imperial crown, Since the year 936, when Otho was crowned and the Holy Roman empire was established, these territories were never seriously disturbed, until the time of the First Napoleon; for even during the Avignon period the Italian pro- perty of the Church was administered mora or less in the interest and for behoof of the Holy See. One of the best proofs of the sacred- ness of the right—a right sanctioned by so many centuries—and of the validity of the claim which is now presented is to be found in the fact that the Allies, in 1814 and 1815, restored to the Chair of St. Peter the greater portion of its ancient possessions, If possession means anything—if possession in any case consti- tutes a right, not to speak of the donations of Constantine, of Pepin, of Charlemagne, of Otho—surely that property which for so many centuries has been recognized by all the Powers of Enrope and by all the conquerors of Italy must have about it something of sacreduess, something of right. Antonelli, in our judgment, pats the case well when ho says :—“‘The Supreme Poatiff will accept ne plan of arrangement which does not clearly and unequivocally recognize his right to the territories of which he has been despoiled on the Neapolitan frontier and on the line of the Po.” It is not our belief that Antonelli is satisfied that the restoration of that property is possi- ble. But Antonelli ig fully satisfied that rights are rights in spite of conquest and of acts of Parliament, and that if tha Chair of St. Peter cannot obtain its anctent possessions it ought to be indemnified. In this country and in our own State we are not without instructive examples. Conquest did not rob the Dutch Church of its rights. Revolution did not alienate the property of Trinity. The Church property question in the Canadas, known for so many years as the “Clergy Reserves,” was not settled without a full and satisfactory recognition of the claims of the different religious bodies. A similar settlement, we believe, was accom- plished in Australia. The disesiablishment of the Episcopal Church in,Ireland by the Glad- stone government is a case in point. Proporty was reclatmed by the State; but the right of tenure was not ignored, aud vested rights were amply respected. We live in a civilized age. Might must not be allowed to trample mercilessly on right. If the property of the Chair of St. Peter be necessary to the unity and welfare of Italy, let tho pro- perty be valued and let tho Chair of St. Peter have some atisfactory equivalont, The We are.