The New York Herald Newspaper, January 10, 1871, Page 6

ied 6 . NEW YURK HERALD, TUESDAY, JANUARY 10, 1871.-—TRIPLE SHEET. NEW ¥ ORK HERALD BROADW Av "AND AN) STREET, JAMES GORDON BENNETT, TETOR, PROPR Volume NANVI..... AMUSEMENTS LINA EDWIN'S TUBAL 4 FAULT ALAappin GRAND OPERA HOUSE, corner of 8th ay, and 23d sL— Banwr binvur. EVERING, 70 Broadway.—K1xp TO HE. ‘ATRE. Broadway.—TH® PANTOMIME OF OLY Were Wi Was BOWR HEATER. Rowery,—-Doo oF TUR OLD TOLL Hor DEN LETIER, wor SEUM Broady ner 80th st,—Perform- ances every s/leraoon ant © GLONE THRATRE, 728 Broadway.—Varinty ENTRn- TAINNENT, 2. FIFTH AYENUS THEATRE, Twenty-fourth sireot.— SARATOGA. een th ang 6th ave,— RE, 45 Bowery.—Mantr YORK STADT TUE GrrLAcu as Jane Eve, ARDEN, ‘Broadway.—Tuw SPECTACLE cF FOURTEENTH STRE! Trauias Orerma—Un AY 178. . B. CONWAUS Pts PUBATRE, Brooklyn. — CLORINDA—RON¥O JAFFER JENKINS, BROOKLYN Riv Vax W TON’ RIELY TADEMY OF MUSIC.—JrrvErson as kA HOUSE, 201 Bowery.—Va- COMIQUE, 514 Broadway.—Comto VocaL- » ACB, &6.—JK Santa Craus. CRNTRICITIES, &0. APOLLO HALL. corner street and Broadway.— Du. Co“RY'S DIORAMA OF IRELAND, NEW YORK CIRCUS, THE RING, ACROMAT OPERA LEON's MINSTER BROOKLYN OPERA 5 Wreon, Hours & War's MineTReis, -Ca pws TO Many. DR. KALUN'S BOLENCE AND A NE USEUM, 745 Broadway.— UM OF ANATOMY, 618 Broadway.— CONTENE or TO-DAY SS HERALD. Pacr. - ay ivertisements. ents sa = nee | in the Hou Ts aud Cabinet caus Uiumatel) is it ‘iis story of oirs Of an emptory Recall by the “the Orde even 8. coioued from Sixth ve—News froma Spain, aval Intellige mce—Journaie the Farmers and Mechanics’ Life 2 Reported Propric e Mecting a Shipping Inteilt- atk <ivertiseme: in the York and Brooklyn ws Couuty Municipal Affairs—Ad- Tae War SrrvaTion IN despatches—the few which we favored with—afford us little information as France.—Cable have been to the military situation in France and the movements of the opposing armies. Mention is made of Prince Frederick Charles moving on Le Mans te operate against General Chanzy, but we hear nothing of Bourbaki and his army or the forces op: gz against him, Trochu in Paris bas enrolled all the able- bodied male population under his standard—a pretty fair indication that he is determined to fight to the last. The bombardment continues, but with little effect so far. ,IN!—Words of sad and alarming emen at any moment, but partic- Our eable telegram as being applicable to the It is to be hoped, how- that the agitation is merely spasmodic and entirely local. We trust that it may be, for the s ke of the young King, for the sake of the Spaniards ahemaciyes: INSURRECTION IN ever, Tor Ku Ku G ORGIA, sor of Savannab, Colonel Kry stated, has to go about his supervisorial dis- trict under the protection of a squad of police- men and with a body guard of negroes to pro- tect his life from the Ku Kiux who own illicit disiilleries in that neighborhood. It is highly probable that the Ku Klux is composed of illicit distiders altogether, rather than of young democratic chivs alry. Exa@isn Conscience aNp Tory Honnstry.— One of the most venerable of the tory and | High Chureh or-ans of Eagland has become terribly conscience cken conceraing the Alabama cliims bill, Ignoring Exeter Hall and the noisy fury of politics the London | journalist has taken to ihe sanctuary, self- | examination and repentance», Next comes an effort at restitution. to pay the Al that th hands and abama claims account “right ay appear in church with ht hearts on Easter Sunday ar mont is not paid “the failure will be @ government and peojle of the tes and not to Bowlems " After tiis it is only fair to give our friend Joho an inmediate chance for honest action. up” the bill, The English tories wish | Their newspaper representative | will be seea by our cable report, that | “Hurry | rl ]'Tho O!d World and the New—Wars, Rov- olxtions and Reconstruction the Order of the Day. Let us begin with Paris, In addition to the pressure of famine the terrors ef a bombard- ment have at length fallen upon the devoted city, Its capitulation, and within a very short time, appears now to be inevitable. What then? Peace or continued war? The republic, the empire, or a Bourvon king “‘by the grace of God” and the Emperor of Germaay? Who can tell? King Amadeus of Spain is established at Madrid, byt what are his securities for a single year of internal peace? Who can an- swer? Italy has taken possession of Rome as her capital; but what is to be the settlement of this “irrepressible conflici” between the King and the Pepe? God only knows, Russia has declared that she will no longer be shut out from the Black Sea; England has called a European conference to arrange a compre- but as the time for the propesed meeting of this conference approaches we see that both Englaad and Rassia are as actively preparing for war as if the conference had met and had transferred the issue to the fleld of battle. The Viceroy of E-ypt, “‘snuffing the battle afar shows symptoms of a ravolt against an; and while thosa semi-barbarian palities of the Danube are kindling for a Austria remains quiet only because she knows not which way to move. In this brief summing up of the existing dif- ficulties and complications ia European affairs we have various questions presented, the set- tlement of which defies conj cture and can only bs determined by the ¢ourse of events, It is apparent that France, republic, empire or kin dom, must hereafter sit behind Ger- many in the councils of Europe; that Rome is to be the capital of Italy; that Austria must turn her face frem the Elbe to the Danube ; that the Pope must be taken under the protec- tion of the great Powers; that the navies of Russia can no longer be excluded from the Black Sea, and that only a European confer- enee can save the Sultan from expulsion into Asia and prevent the proclamation of Ezypt as an independent State. Beyond these facts, established or foreshadowed, we do not know and cannot calcn’ate or conjecture what may be the reconstruction of European affairs, East, West, North or South. We only know that the whole Continent is in the active efferves- cence of a mixture of warring elements, dynastic, popular, political, religious and I, and that there are as yet from this fer- ing process no signs of a general crystal- lization. History, they say, repeats itself; but in this new age of modern military inventions, steam, telegraphs and an independent public press the drift of events in the political world so far outruns all precedents in history that they fail to serve us as landmarks even from one day to another. The nation which for hundreds of years has been the master and the terror of Europe now lies prostrate, and the Power which was but the growth of yesterday now awaits at Versailles the capitulation of the capital of the civilized werld. The grand idea of the Third Napoleon, ‘‘the unity of nationalities,” which made him a Cesar at Solferino, made him a prisoner at Sedan. Italian unity was his crowning glery, but German unity has proved his crowning dis- ’. National unity, however, is not a Napoleonic but an American idea. And when we come to look at it, the moral influ- ence of this young republic since its birth over European affairs is really amazing. Our Revo- lution of 1776 for independence and the sovereignty of the people brought about the great French Revolution of 1789 and all the resulting Eurepean wars and revolutions dowa te the general peace and general reconstruc- tion by the Holy Alliance of 1815. So, too, the European revolutions and convulsions ef 1848-9 were but the outcroppings of American ideas; aud they were only temporarily settled in the imperial usurpatien of Napoleon of 1851. The attractive example of American unity, as developed in these United States, began again to bring forth its good fruits in Italy in 1859; but the growth was arrested in 1861 by the startling rebellion of our Southern States for their institution of slavery under a sepa- rate confederacy. Kingcraft then was triumphant in Europe, and in the midst of our great struggle for national unity Napoleon was so far emboldened im kingcraft as to establish a monarchy over Mexico. With our national success, however, the whole face of things is Europe was changed, and German unity and the completion of Italian unity and the revolution in Spain are among the results of the reaction upom Europe of our great success in not only re-establishing the union of these States, but their union upon the broad basis of universal liberty and political equality, Of course if Napoleon in July last had clearly understood how thoroughly, from our exam- ple, this idea of national unity had taken hold of the German mind in Europe, he would have done everything possible to avoid that desperate alternative of a march to Berlin for the rectification of his Rhine frontier. But if the great events and examples of unity and progress in our history have reacted upon Europe from the beginning, the great events, vicissitudes and political, religious and social movements in Europe have as con- stantly reacted upon us. In this day, too, the reaction is instantaneous and universal, through the agency of the telegraph and the | newspaper press. So we are strongly inclined to believe that, trifling as upon the surface may appear these personal squabbles and fac- tious wranglings and discords among our lead- ing politicians, they are still the signs of a fermenting political revolution. The Ameri- can public mind has become unsettled and uneasy. It is all adrift and casting about for new ideas, new leaders and new measures of relief to the people. Women’s rights, labor reform, trades uaiona, temperance leagues, free trade leagues and all the other devices, vagaries and side issues of the day, looking to the bonefit of the masses or cf classes, all indicate that, in the absence of any great and all-absorbing political question, the American public mind is im that sort of chaos which always precedes a political revolution. We have universal liberty and political equality; but natioaal debts, national banks, heavy taxations, the lobby land jobbiag cor- raptions of Congress, and the rapidly increas- } ing local despotisms of railway and otber powerful moneyed corporations and leagues are raising the question—how are we to reach theso things? How are we to get at this general political demoralization of the country, under which all parties, in everything, look only tothe spoils? Old parties or new parties, old issues have had their day, and new issues will settle the question of the Prealdential Buc- cession. Goyeral Grant in the correction of abuses, in the reduction of expenses, in swell- ing the receipts and in redneing the expenditures of the Treasury, in cutting off superfluities, and in the redemp- tion of the public debt, has been and is doing wonderfully well, But the public mind is fixed not upon these things, but upon those evils which he cannot reach, and which ap- parently can only be reached through a sweep- ing political revolution. No party yet appears to meet these questions; no definite shape have they as yet assumed; but the shori cut of 1840, ‘anything for a change,” may per- hops serve the great body of the people in 1872, The public mind in these days moves so swiftly that by the old standard of four horse post coaches we have advanced fifty years since Lee’s surrender. That war and the issues of the war are settled and dismissed. The party in power cannot go back. It must goon, or go out. But it stands still, and the administration stands still, while all the world outside is in active motion. Wars and revolutions are the order ef the day in Europe, and from the Gulf ef Mexice southward wars and revolutions prevail in America, Throughout the United States, too, the very air is charged with the elements of agitation. We have only fiaished ene great revolution to enter upon another, and the political events and movements of 1871 in both hemispheres may be even more astound- ing in their radical changes than the stupen- dous events of 1870. The reaction from Europe is upon us, A storm is gathering which the administration of General Grant may survive, but in which, with the republican party, it may be overwhelmed among the breakers, Luxembourg and Her Neutrality Guaran- tees. The King of Holland, so says a telegram, has issued a proclamation to the inhabitants of Luxembourg, declaring his unvaried and “unvarying attachment, and reassuring them of the maintenance of the independence of the duchy, which is guaranteed by the chief sig- natories of Europe.” Who are the chief signa- tories, and where are they? All those who remember the year 1867 and the London Con- ference remember this, that the obligations then incurred by the signatory Powers, accord- ing to the interpretation of the tory party, then in power in Great Britain, amounted to nothing. The treaty was as follows :—“The Grand Duchy of Luxembourg shall henceforth form a perpetually neutral State. It shall be bound to observe the same neutrality toward all other States. The high centracting par- ties engage to respect the principle of neu- trality. That principle is and remains placed under the sanction of the collective guarantee of the Powers signing-parties to the present treaty.” The words are certaizly vague—so vague that Lord Derby said the werds meant nothing, that it was ealya “collective” gearantee which he had signed. On the 18th of May the Lon- don Spectator wrete as fellows :—‘‘Sincerely as we regret that England should have pledged herself to engagements which seem to us dan- gerous and incalculable in their nature, we would rather hear that this has beem done with the sincere intention of applying force, whenever it may be necessary, to compel their observance, than with the idea of adding to the number of waste paper treaties which delude the weaker States of Europe into false secu- rity, and are constantly bringing on the stronger Powers the well-deserved charge of dishonor- able recklessness, shown both in giving and repudiating national engagements.” In the same connection the then Lord Derby and Prime Minister said:—‘‘The guarantee is only collective—that is to say, it is binding only upon all the Powers in their collective capacity; they all agree to maintain the neu- trality of Luxembourg, but not one of those Powers is bound to fulfil the ebligation alone. That is a most important difference, because the only two Powers by whom the neutrality of Luxembourg is likely to be violated are two of the parties to the collective guarantees, and therefore if either of them violate the neutrality the obligation on all the others would not accrue.” The present Lord Derby, then Lord Stan- ley, apeaking of the treaty in the House of Commons, as Minister of Foreign Affairs, sald :— “It is a case of limited liability, Such @ guarantee has obviously more the character ofa moral sanction than of a contingent lia- bility to make war.” On the same subject the late Lord Gran- ville said :—‘‘We may hereafter either be ex- posed to practical inconvenience or to the risk of being considered unfaithful to our agreements,” For such a treaty we may well ask who is to fight? We may safely, we think, add the other question, What signatory is bound? Treaties, after all, do not mean much. The conferences which make them, perhaps, mean less. Ex-Corzzotor Batey Turney Ur.—The State Department has information that our late famous Internal Revenue Collector Bailey has turn d up at Montevideo, South America, where he is said to be living in elegant style, and that as we have no extradition treaty with Uruguay he can snap his fingers at “Uncle Sam.” Moreover, as it is midsummer now at Montevideo, the ‘unfortunate Mr. Bailey” is, perhaps, a! this moment sitting in the shade of his piazza in a gown of calico, and with the remains of a sherry cobbler at his elbow, smoking his cijar and searching the New York Herarp for information concerning himself, with his feet elevated at an angle of forty-five degrees above the horizon. How different this from the case of Callicot! Tur Goop OLp-Fasmionep Demoor acy had a knack for filibustering against our West Indian “buttresses” for the purpose of taking them eventually into the pals of the Union, but the new-fangled democrats in the House of Representatives yesterday ‘filibustered” against St. Domingo for the purpose of keep~ ing her out. ; three columns. General Aspect of the War in France. Thus far the bombardment of the forts sur- rounding Paris has effected little toward re- ducing the belligerent French capital, Whether or not the guns of Forty wy and Vanvres were temporarily silenced on Saturday last, or voluntarily ceased firing for a couple of hours, matters little. Practically all the forts remain in as good condition as they were befere the io ten Until they are de- stroyed or captured the Germans can make no impression upon the city. But it will not be long before. these forts are battered down if General Trochu persists in doing nothing. He is pursuing a system of passive defence, than which there is none more fatal in warfare. The worst beating the French could possibly re- ceive ia a sortie would not be as disastrous asinaction. Dissensions in Paris have no doubt somewhat paralyzed the movements of the mil- itary commanders. General Trochu evidently refers to these when, in his recent proclama- tion, he says that efforts are making ‘to de- stroy union and confidence, to which Paris owes her prolonged defence.” It is, however, doubtful if agitators are making all their political capital out of “disappointments caused solely by the severity of the weather.” The Germans have had to experience the same weather, and yet we see them pushing the siege with exceptional vigor. Trochu, in fact, displays timidity and irresolution. In his proclamation of December 31 he declares that the army is “preparing to act.” Ten days have since passed and the army has not yet acted, nor can the besiegers observe any indications in the French lines of a disposition to act. Mean- time if any advantages have been gained at all the Germans have been the gainers. They have been permitted to occupy Mont Avron and the redoubt of Fort Issy, and to turn their guns upon the French forts. We can scarcely blame the Parisians for displaying anger with their rulers when they witness the besieging lines of their enemy drawing closer to the city and no supreme effort is made by the large garrison to cut the anaconda-like coils. Fortunately for France, outside of Paris the prospect of her salvation is not altogether dark, As we understand it, there dre five French armies in the provinces, operating in seven columns. General Chanzy, who com- mands the principal one, appears to be endeavoring to push his way toward Paris, moving mainly by the flank, with the evident object of first forming a junction with the Army of Bordeaux, which at last accounts was some- where on the Loire, in tho viciaity of Gien. Our intelligence from this force is very meagre. It is difficult to decide whethor it is advancing on Orleans er on Montargis, but the extension of Chanzy’s right wing in the direc- tion of Vendéme indicates that its probable design is to cross the Loire south of Or- Jeans, if not below Blois. The abandonment of his defensive attitude by Prince Frederick Charles and his advance on Le Mans strengthens this opinion. By forcing back the right wing of Chanzy the Germans can get between the two armies and prevent a junction ; but they will also run great risks from a rapid flank march on Orleans by the Army of Bordeaux, while Chanzy keeps them employed in front. The chances west and south of Paris are about even, and success depends upon the ability of the commanders to outgeneral each other. French superiority in numbers avails little at present, unless it is directed with skill and rapidity. If our view of the positions of the opposing forces be cor- rect, two forced marches would either cut Prince Frederick Charles’ line of communica- tion with Paris or compel him to withdraw to Chartres. The great obstacle to the French or Ger- mans doing anything of importance in the provinces north and west of Paris is the sadly scattered condition of their forces, Each army in t4is part of France is divided into On the French side the main body, under Faidherbo, is near Arras, opposed by the main body of the Germans, under Von Goeben. Near Havre is a column of French under Petingeas, and at Rouen, Bolbec and other points Mantenffel in person commands another column of Ger- mans. The third body of French is on the left bank of the Seine, covering Honfleur. This force is under General Roy and is opposed by a German force under General Bentheim. There seems to bea wonderful lack of skill in the man- agement of these forces. No effort is made on either side to rapidly concentrate and crush each opposing column in detail. During our rebellion Rosecrans’ army, after its defeat at Chickamauga, was shut up in Chattanooga, and would finally have been compelled to retreat had not Sherman come to its relief by a remarkable forced march along the banks of the Tennessee river. But for the rapidity of Sher- man’s movements it is doubtful if the victories of Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge would ever have been gained. What is needed in the north of France is a general who will risk something to gain a great deal. As the armies are now located they are frittering away their strength in fruitless attacks upon each other, One day Faid- herbe is driven from his positions, and the following day he returns and drives the Germans from theirs. In like manner Bentheim, on the Seine, beats Roy on the 4th and on the 7th is beaten by Roy. Nothing decisive is accomplished. Neither the German ner the French generals appear to understand their profession. One of the first principles of war is to direct masses against fragments; but Faidberbe and Manteuffel, who are the controlling leaders in this part of France, rest content with hurling fragments against frag- ments. So many men are killed, wounded and captured and both sides claim victories, but neither army advanees a score of miles or makes any material impression upon its oppo- nent. More depends, we think, upon the reported movements of General Bourbaki’s forces and of the Army of the East than on any other of the armies in the field. The statement that Bourbaki is marching into Germany is an absurdity, Where could he go to? With Strasbourg, Metz and all the other French fortre-ses in Alsace and Lorraine in posses- sion of the Germans he would have no base of operations, We cannot compare any such rumored mov. ment with Sherman's cutting loose from his base at Atlanta and marching to the sea, Sherman bad an he jective point. Had he failed to capture Savannah or Charleston he still had Boaufort, Port Royal and other points on the South Car- olina coast, then in possession of the Union forces, to go to and prevent his Isolation ina hostile country. Besides, he had to piss through territory contaising no fortresses what- ever. On the other band, Bourbaki would have no objective point, Not a single German sea- port isin the possession of the French, and all are heavily fortified. In addition he would have to traverse a country covered with a network of fortresses, in perfect condition for defence, which would completely destroy all his lines of communication with France if he passed between and loft them in his rear, We there- fore dismiss as untenable the statement that he meditates an invasion of Germany. Our special despatch announcing his advance on Nancy gives the correct report of bis move- ments. Further east a simultaneous advance upon Von Werder protects Bourbaki from any attempt te cut him off his baso at Lyons. Singularly enough, we have no reports from German sources of this movement, alihough it is certainly fraught with great peril to the in- vaders. Bourbaki once in possession of Nancy would completely isolate the German armies from communication with Germany. Were it not for the repeated statements of the French advance in this direction we should be inclined to doubt that any has been made, in the ab- sence of reports of German measures to foil it. We may, however, expect shortly fuller do- velopments of the plans of both armies, which will remove all doubts and reveal the situation clearly and intelligibly. On the whole we see no prospect of the im- mediate close of the war in France. Since the capture of the French army at Sedan General Von Moltke’s generalship has been less vigor- ous and successful than it was at the opening ofthe war. Three times since be has defeated the French—twice on the Loire and once near Amiens—and each time he has failed to follow up his victory. As for the French gonerals, they have exhibited an astonishing amount of imbecility thus far. Whether it be ihe result of Gambetta’s interference or their own in- capacity we know not, but it is certain that their plans have been wretchedly bad. The present movements of Bourbaki and the opera- tions of Chanzy and the Army of Bordeaux are the first evidences of good generalship since the revolution of September. But the final success of these depends so absolutely upon the ability of Paris to hold out, and upon Trochu’s promptness in taking advantage of the first weakening of the German investing line, that it is yet probable that they will end ina “crushing disaster. . “The Fenians Are Coming.” We have announced the departure of Dona- van Rossa and other Fenian prisoners from England, after a protracted incarceration in the dungeons of Great Britain for the crime of loving their native country. They will soon be here, having taken passage on board the Cunard steamer Cuba for this port. Now, what will be done by their fellow sympathiz- ers here to give them a cordial reception? The Tammany democracy seem to have taken the matter under their wing, and to have sub- scribed something like twenty thousand dol- lars for the reception of the patriots. But what have the republicans done? There are republican Fenians as well as democratic Fenians. If the republicans allow all the glory of giving these liberated prisoners in freedom’s cause a cordial welcome to the democraby alone, what claim can the republi- cans have upon the Fenian element for sup- port hereafter? Where is the republican Collector Murphy, where is the republican Postmaster Jones, where is the republican Marshal Sharpe, where are the members of the republican Union League and ail the rest of the republican leaders, that they do not come forward and liberally subscribe for an ovation in honor of these brave but unfortunate men ? Delays are dangerous, More War Signs. It has been known for some time to our readers that Great Britain has been fairly aroused from her slumbers. We know that she has been setting both her army and navy on a war footing, that important changes have taken place at the Horse Guards, and that altogether there is great activity in prospect of possible war. When Parliament meets in February the presump- tion is that the attention of members will be directed to the condition of the national de- fences quite as muchas to any of the great international questions now agitating Europe. The Gladstone government has yielded so far to public pressure. Itis doubtful, however, whether they have gone or are disposed to go far enough to prevent the tories from taking the wind out of their sails, Lord Derby ad- vises that the whole country be divided into districts and that each district be called upon to furnish its quota of militia. Ie also advises that the volunteers be provided with field artillery. Lord Derby is a man of peace, When heso speaks out we may rest assured the horizonis not clear. From Jamaica we have the news that, according to instructions received from the home government, the island is to be fortified and placed in a state of complete preparation for war. Certainly this uneasi- ness of Great Britain is no hopeful or en- couraging sign for the lovers of peace through- out the world. Toe Loss or me SaGivaw.—An official despatch from San Francisco to the Navy De- partment announcing the loss of the Saginaw speaks of two Hawaiian vessels having been despatched to rescue the unfortunates, but makes no mention of any vessel sent from San Francisco on the same errand of mercy. Can it be possible that we must depend upon two Sandwich Island vessels to succor our ship- wrecked and, maybe, starving seamen? Have we no naval vessel in San Francisco ready to | leave at a few hours’ notice on duty such as this, when an hour might be the means of res- cuing many lives? If we have not it is about time that provision be made for such emergen- cies; thata vessel be kept at all times ina condition to rescue life or save property, ready to leave as soon as steam can be got up and boats hoisted in, Tue Nasnvitie (Tenn.) Union says it can't see the point of our advice to make three in- stead of two States, as proposed, out of Ten- nessee. It is upon the princ'ple that you sel- dom can get too much of a good thing, v The Motley Correspondence. Woe publish in full this morning, in another part of our paper, the correspondence called for by Senators Morton and Sumner, a few days ago, relative to the causes of Minister Motley’s sudden and peremptory recall from his position as Minister to England. It will be romembered that Senator Sumner expressed some fear that the President would not fur- nish the special letter of Mr. Motley, written after he was removed, because it was a com. plete arraignment of the President’s motives for removing; and, except for a few lines of introductory thrown in purposely to give it an official character, it might be counted out as simply a private note. Mr. Sumner, however, was altogether mistaken, The lettir of Mr. Motley is by no means a complete arraignment of the President's motives, Itis official in one sense, although not conforming to the customary official eti- quette, and it has been very promptly ten- dered for the consideration of the Senate. The letter of Minister Motley sets forth in substance that he has faithfully carried out the instructions given him at the outset of the mission; that he has secured a Naturalization Treaty and effected the release of the Fenian prisoners and performed other important duties, As to the Alabama claims, he has never received a power to act in regard to them from the goverument, and he went no further in the matter than to intimate 9, much to Lord Clarendon. He has strictly fulfilled his instructions, and, knowing no other rea- son for his removal, sets it down to the fact that Senator Sumner had defeated the admin- istration St. Domingo measure. Secretary Fish, in reply, states that the ex-Minister did exceed his instructions regarding the Alabama claims and other matters; that he put forward his own views rather than those of the Presi- dent, and that the patience of the Executive was severely tested before he fully determined to remove him. The telegraphic despatch Mr. Motley sent to Secretary Fish immediately after his note of recall, and in which he peremptorily de- clines to resign, is calculated to make the ex- Minister look rather smaller tian his great reputation as a man of letters would other- wise permit. This refusal to resign when requested to do so by the President, at whose sole pleasure he holds his commission, recalls the days of McCracken, the consular spy, who told some tales of Motley to Secretary Seward, when he was Ambassador to Vienna. Motley resigned promptly enough then. His refusal new serves to recall also the case of Stanton, who refused to resign or be put out of the War Office when Andy Johnson re- signed, Sumner then said ‘‘stick,” and it is a possible inference in the present case that Motley was counting on the prospects of another Johnson-Congress feud, and, it may be, even counted on holding his position by the strong support of another tenure-of- office law. The New Section in the St. Domingo Treaty. This section provides that for the time being the United States shall pay to the republic of Dominica the sum of one hundred and fifty thousand dollars per annum as the rent for the Bay of Samana, Mr, Fabens, as the representative of President Baez, is, it appears, now in Washington for this money; but, as the treaty is not ratified, there is no law for the outlay, and so th» prospect of getting the money looks rather blue for Mr. Fabens. He will probably have to wait till the three commissioners proposed shall have gone down to the island, and shall have travelled all round it and all over it, and after examining into its history since the discovery of Christopher Columbus, and into its soil, climate, productions, and everything concerning it, in the heavens and the earth and the waters around and under that piece of earth, shall have reported to Congress all the facts in a dozen large volumes of manu- script and a thousand printed volumes col- lected on said island, and until Congress shall have examined this report and acted upon it in passing a joint resolution of annexation. In a word, Mr. Fabens will perhaps be acting most wisely to withhold his “‘little bill” for a year or two, unless he thinks that, in spite of Sumner, he ean get it out of the Senate. “Post-Mortem Hands,” The Mobile Register suggests that the Ala- bama democracy since their recent victory devote their energies to the development of the resources of the State, and cease brooding over the past. This advice it happily illus. trates by relating an anecdote, which will ba duly relished by those acquainted with certain Southern habits, as follows :— We remember once, travelling on a Mississippi foe to have been ‘deeply interested in overlook- ing game of blu, where “a bile better” was ed sist the thing, ‘Among the players was a cleri- cal looking gentieman of ripe middle age, florid, im- perturbable, and evidently me:ning business, Each time the cards were being shumMed the more excita- ble players would talk over what ‘‘migut have been’? if such acard had beon somewhere else, and each time our quiet iriend would call them back to the matter in hand with the sage coansei:— Look yere, gentl'm’n, thar ain’t no use a-playin’ post-mortem hands 1" It is about time the entire South ceaged play. ing ‘‘post-mortem hands.” They have under- taken to play them in the silly matter of impeaching Governor Holdea, of North Caro- lina; in sending persons to Congress who are ineligible to seats; in reviving cruel midnight outrages on the blacks; in an effort to disturb the sacred bones of Union soldiers, and in other ways stocking their cards with the “dead issues of the past” as the prize to ba won, Things were getting along finely tor a perfect-and thorough restoration of peace and harmony all over the country ; but this game of playing ‘‘post-mortem hands’ is likely to renew trouble, and bring about no good to those engaged init. Better stock tho cards at ‘once. Gerrina Sensiste.—A democratic paper out West has changed its name from Oopper- head to Democrat. This may be ‘a distinction without a difference,” but it shows that the term “Copperhead” is becoming distasteful to sensible democrats. A Gear Day Dead AND GooR. —The fact that there was no special recognition of the an- niversary of the battle of New Orleans yest day—ihe 8th occtirring on Sunday—by many Hall or any other democratic organi: tion, seems almost like ignoring a time- honored democratic principle. Is this ouce great day among democrats really dead and gone? In former times the Tammany sachems and braves were wout to don thelr finest