The New York Herald Newspaper, November 19, 1868, Page 4

4 EUROPE. More Troubles Brewing in Spain. . John Bright on Taxation, Education and the Land Question. Reverdy Johnson and Negro Emancipation. The British Press on the Ameri- can Elections. ‘The Cunard steamship Scotia, Captain Judkins, from Liverpoo! éth via Qneenstown 7th inst., arrived at this port early yesterday morning. She brings with her three days’ later mails, A despatch from Madrid, dated November 6, states that numerous Jewish familles residing in London and Lisbon, having asked if the provisional govern- ment had abrogated the old laws which expelled them from Spain, have received an afiirmative answer, The Corresponden that negotiations ha solution of the Rom qu “tion has un tance. The Highway Board on Thursday, the 6th inst., destroyed the tent of the lady at Dilston Castle, claiming to be the Countess of Derwentwater. Sword in hand she refused to leave, saying she was on her own estates. Ler friends erected another tent for her amid excitement. A strong force of policemen was present. The Droit of the morning of the 6th states that a Judicial inquiry has been ordered into the populer demousiration on the graves of the revolutionists of 1843 and 1851, Which took place on the 2d inst. at the cemetery of Montmartre, and likewise into the subscription opened by the Arenir National and the Reveil in connection with the said demonstration, ‘talienne of the 6th inst. denies ¢ been renewed for the definite nu guestion, and states that this fone no modification of impor SPAIN. Ofice-Seekers and the New Government Public DissatisfactionNew System of Taxa. tiou—Prospects of a Republic=Supcriority of the Democrats—Demoralization of the Army—Timidity of the Government—At- tempted Assassination of General Prim. MADRID, Nov. 4, 1868, ‘The provisional government, whose chambers are the Mecca for so many hungry office-seekers, has not yet had time, amid the rush and tufmoil of deal- ing out fat berths to its followers, to give a great deal of thought to that portion of the Spanish People who do not seek piace or pelf. Conse- quently we have not yet scen the manifesto that ‘will order an election and convoke the Con- stituent Cortes. There is a degree of weakness and want of wisdom on the part of the body that now conirois the destizy of Spain ‘that augers il for the country. Questions of the most vital importance, not only to tue welfare of the nation, but to the stability of the new régimé, seem to be passed over by tho Ministers with a moment's thought, while they exhibit an intense energy Bnd vigor in responding to the claims of Don Pedro or Don Juan for this or that office, The selection of 8 tide walter or an ensigu in a regunent 1s a matter of colossal interest to a goveroment which is so blind as not to see that the ground on which they stand is shding from under their feet as rapidly as any cnemy of tue new movement could wish. Perhaps the Ministry desires to show the people that & government may exist in Spain without a king, or without any of those attributes of royalty to which they have been so long accustomed, But at the same timo while they are adding by this policy to the stock of argument used by the repubitcans they are injuring themselves by giving the people an idea that the Ministry may think tat the country may do without a Cortes as well as @ king. Almost six ‘weeks in power they have made no appeal to the people to elect a government for themselves, but they have removed every trace of popular govern- ment by dissolving the Juntas. Can it be supposed that the people will be sa with the programme of the goverument a in which, waile the ery of uulversal sud used, not a step is taken to giv Indeed, one might natural nbiy instal ing their plac of decrees on eve belongs to the C Cortes to accomplis yer in that body to disc pretty soon it is doubtful ia poy re ihe srewdest law: nd if tt is not called wher anything will reu to be done. And in this feverish to overturn the culire body of law ge theadininistration of affairs the seeds of futuro troubie are to ‘be found. Each Minister has undertaken his work wit the zeal of 2 new Hela. Decrees of immense jengih, affecting i$ and interests, private aad pubic, have issued prolifle editors and poets taat sorm the nt with @ regularity and volun ed in the bistory of any other Questions of finance have been treated by the Min- isters as easily, as re y a8 Uf they were but lead- ing articies for a Uiird class journal. Octrol duties were abolisied at one sweep, and a system Of personal taxation devised in less time than It Would require a lawyer to draw up @ petty complaint for debt, aud the income of a nation, the means for the support of its arty, navy, civil oficers and the gencral administration of public affairs, are to de- pend upon the success of this experiment. Nations that are considered quite as apt in financial atairs and in the exercise of a broad political economy have found it necessary to calmly and thorouginy discuss great measures for the collection of the reve- enue, and Ihave never yet ‘dof any that abol- ished the old sysiem before it was sure of the successful working of the new. Itis, perhaps, one ofthe astonishing rights thet the Spaniaras have gained by their revolution that they sults by hew and yet undiscovered means, and that they may safely violate every well founded rule of litical economy without the elightest punishment, es on person’ have never been very popular, and you tay imagine that the working of the very crade bystein of the Minister of Fmance will prove no cx- ception to the general rule, Already loud complaints of the unfairness of the impost come in frome very quarter, and especially = the South, wir the revolution first gan. The people complain that i is not uable and fair in its operaiions. Soine peopie with @ handsome income pry nc ie Others, with notenough money to live are called w to contribute heavily to the public treasury. system is so full of loops and anomalica and 0! r provisions that it will certain)y fail in ite aim if the government attempt to enforce it. If the effort is made it will unquestionably meet with very general opposition—an opposition #9 strong that the gov. ernment will not Teel justified in carrying it out. However, they will probably not care to push the roliection if the loan turns out successfnily, because that will give the government enougt money to carry on affairs without testiag the en- durance of the people. The tinancial question must be resoived by the Cortes, and until that body is as- sembied and gives its legitimate approval to any system of taxation the people cannot be induced to calmly acquiesce, Everybody but the few persons ‘Who constitute the provisional government sees this very clearly, bon Ene the latter may be brought toa fuller knowledge of the subject when it finds time to view it in the light of the disquieting events transpiring in the south of Spain. The oniy safety for the new order of things seems to be in the convo. cation of a Cortes elected by all the people, and ex- ercising the fullest powers. Every day’s delay in calling this body tor: ‘er is fraugut with peril, and ft is to be ho,cd that the government Will speedily iseue the manifesto said to be already prepared to effect this important ob- ject. Meanwhile democrats are gaining strength ‘with a rapidity that has occasioned a good deal of well founded alarm gs the advocaies of a con- Ptitutional monarchy both in the government and without. A large majority of all the members of the different juntas lately dissolved throuwhout Spalo and the adjacent tsiands are democrats, and they have preserved the organizations to advance the principles they have adopted. In organization, en- terprise and vigor, if not in brains, they are superior to the other less progressive parties, and in the strength and popu- ‘arity of thelr doctrines among the middie and Jower classes théy have an advantage that th ng, W entl; friends of a monarchy do not enjoy. They are or- gonizing allover the peninsula and working like beavers to carry the Coming election. Every day's celay makes them stronger and unless the army is brought in to play its customary part, ft pretty certain that the republicans or demoer for the terms ate synonymous here, will sweep the flel but they need fear iitule danger from the use of tie ariny by their opponents, if reports are trac. itis said, with a good deal of reason, that the NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 19, 1868.—TRIPLE SHEET. ideas have leavened the mass, and the aspirations like the people, with whom it now 60 generally ternizes. ‘The soldiers to tall Politics and think for themselves, a stat A 4 not favorable for measures Bi the powers that be. It would bo to compel th should be taken by = dificult, if not imposmpble, has tts * will The government is trying to co! many changes made by the juntas whlie they were ierns the exercises of imperial power, and to-day it ordered the civil government to replace all the tribunals deposed by the juntas and to turn out the latter's appointees. All the archives in the hands of these pointed oMicials are aiso to be given up to the proper authorities, and the 2 of the courts is to be exactly as it was before the revolution. This is a very sensible and necessary proceeding, a3 it 1s quite important to keep the guardians of civil rights as free from the influences of popular movements as is possible, - @ governmen’ bas found that it was notsufmi- ciently strong to take certain steps that were forced upon it in the first lush of its successes. It has been compelled by popular feeling to back down on sev- eral occasions, und to-day it gives us another exam- ple of its timidity or lack of wisdom, You will re- collect that it dissolved all societies of a religious and charitable nature some days ago, and among them that of St. Vincent de Paul. “The act was un- popular, The church denounced it, and all the pious people and the poor loudly de- claimed against it, thunder reached the Ministerial ears, and it was clearly seen that the pollay adopted could not be carried out without a ively tempest, especially among the tair sex, who were exceeaiey, indignant at the government. The result of all this pressure appears to-day ina decree re-establishing the charitable societies, but broviding that their constitations and rules must be first approved by the civil government‘ befora they coud act; and “also that they should not recoguize any foreign allegignce, and should not mdulge in political movements. Tho funas of the St. Vincent de Paul Society, confiscated by government, are to P&, given to these new organizations; so charitable JaBors will not cease at a time wheu they are most demanded, The almost complete destruction of crops in Leon and the northern provinces has occ: d the greatest suifering among the poorer classes, goverment has given orders that they-be s from the public stores, The winter will be a ti one in those departments, and we shall pr have bloodshed before spring comes, uniess the gov- ernment finds itaeif able, which ts doub , to Teed so many mouths. Whatever it can do to relieve want will be done, Iam sure: but, notwithstanding; frightful suffering must ensue. By a decree of this morning the duties on material, &c., for railroads, tramways, public roads aud pubd- te works of general utility, in the islands of Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philippines are abolished and the bly civil governors are urged 10 push forward all im- provements of this kind in every possibie way. ‘The most liberal credits will be allowed by the govern- ment for this purpose, and no ecouomies will be practiced in this special braneh of expenditure. General Dulce takes ous a full staif of ofiicers for Cuba, and he is authorized to push forward public figriss of ou kinds in order to give work to the labor- classes. ‘rhe rumor cirenlating for some days, which I did not think it proper to mention in my last, relating to an attempt to assassinatesGencra! Prim, is thought now to have had foundation. It resulted in nothing. ‘Three outicers are in prison for complicity in the attuir. GREAT BRITAIN. Jokn Bright at Edinburg—His Address Before the Reform League and the United Trades?’ Council on the Land Question, Taxation and Education. On the evening of the Sth inst. Mr. John Bright at- tended a meeting of the working classes in the Corn Exchange of Edinburg. There was a large assom- blage present and a number of distinguished indi- viduals occupied prominent positions. After the presentation of addresses to the distinguished orator by the Reform League and the United Trades’ Council, Mr, Briant rose, and, after expressing his in- debtedness to both bodies, he said:—The fact is— and I will not say it with any expression of scorn or with any feeling of triumph—the aristocracy of the country wio so lately governed the country have abdicated, and their most boastful leader, Lord Derby, as the chief, in their name and for them, has capitulated to the people. One hundred and eighty years ago there was a revolution in England. ‘The revolution of 1638 had this eifect—that it stripped the monarch of absolute power, and, pretending to con- fer it upon the nation, conferred it mainly upon the nobiity. ‘The bill of 1852, combined with the bill of last year, has given us another revolu- ion. Power has not been taken from the Crown and given to the nobility, but it has been taken from the nobility and hag been given henceforth and’ forever to the people. (Cheers.) ‘the form remains yet of aristocratic power, and so long as it lasts in the country with the possessors of cet wealth it will have power. Iam not now complaining of it, Iam merely stating, in fact, what must be known to ali— although there 1s. the iduence of great wealth, still the spirit of the country has changed and the centre of power has been moved. (Cheers.) We are, in iacl—we will not attempt to con 1t from our; selves—we stand at this moment on the threshold of @ hew career. Standing there, we need no longer have recourse to language such as we have often heard from platforms and such as I sometimes have been the first to use. We have no longer a contest with the House of Lords; we have no longer charges vo bring against a selfish oligarchy; we no longer Gread tie power of the territorial magnates; we no longer feel ourselves domineered over by ® class—we feel that denunciation and in- vective now would be out of place; we ap- peal to you—not that you should rise and overthrow tie power which hitherto has ruled you, but we ap- peal to you now with arguments, with facte—if it be possible, if we are capabie of doing it with words of wisdom, that we May give you counsel that all of you now in the government of the country of which you are part may be known hereafter solely by your acts of wisdom. (Cheers.) We feel, | feel, that the fute of this great nation is in the nauion’s hands, and that come weal come woe, the responsibility of the future m rest with the great majority of the people, admitted as they now are, at ieast within the burgha, ON large share of representation and poli- Ucal power, But we have some iittle matters still to adjust, and ali is not done, because the conferring of the franchise ls but giving to every man a key by which, if he is wise, he may unlock the treasures which are open to a wisely governed people. This very Reform bill, so extensive and so remarkable as it is, has still many deficiencies. 1 will not go into detaiis with regard to what ig to be done in bringing the county franchise at least into greater harmony with the borough franchise. These are detuils that will, no doubt, come wy before the people and 3 there is one point to which I will refer and which | hayt already mentioned, and that is the question of tug shelter of the ballot. peaking of the land question in Jreland, I must say one word avout the land question in the United Kingdom. Perhaps many of you are not aware that from year to year, from ‘ten “years to ten years, the owners of land in the United Kingdom are becoming agsmalier aud smaller number of persons; that the jaws which we have in this country, having been based and supported by the territorial powers, arc laws whose express object it is to maintain great estates in the hands of great familie, and to make the land not of Ireland only, but of Great Britain, a monopoly in the possession of afew. And the pur- pose of this is that these great families with vast estates may possess and wield great political power, and thus become, as they have been until now, the great governing party and power withia this realm. (Hear, hear,’ and cheers.) If you will fora mo- ment look at the question of land, you will sce that in such @ state of things there are constantly operatin, certain forcesfwhich tend to the accumulation of land; but there are certain other forces which tend as certainly tu its dispersion. ‘Those which tend to its accumulation will easily suggest themselves. They think i¢ @ wise investment io put it in property. Some men like Dr. Johnson's advice, who advises a friend of bis to take a walk of tyo miles before preak- fast, and he said, if possible, it’should be upon your own land, (Laughver.) Others like investinents in land because they like to dabble in agricuitare; others because the investment in land in Uus coun- try wives a certain social influence which tends to repay them for the moderate rate of interest which y receive. (A langh.) On the other hand you il see that there are also influences of dispersiu for Instance, @ man may wish to have his mvesiment ubeoa land, which pays him three per ceat, put into American lands, which will pay him seven per by or he requires to get rid of @ portion of his estate to give him capital for hig son, or he may have beea unfortun im some monetary epeculstion » be may find it necessary to sell or which — tw all men ha pens to him—his life comes to an end and then the property may possibly require to be sold. ‘Thus you willse@ that nature has provided certain forces which tend to accumulation of estates anc Jands, and certain other forces, which ‘end to thelr dispersion; and I maintain that the true policy of oment and of the law—the just policy of —is to leave to ail the forces of nate Inducing accumulation or inducing disp rion, to their fair operation, (Cheers.) And wien ‘hey will make laws by which men who wish to buy property will be able to buy it, some in large ond Some in staail quantities, te monopoly which exista in Uils country will _be broaght toan end. 1 ai at and, tt, thei gov the whet) Proposing that there should be any law by which es. tates showld be forcibly families, in dec up and divided among I want to leave the owner—the imeo possession of the estate—perfect freedom to ie whether ho will leave the property to vv divide 1¢ among the many of his children. The law of division obtained in Frence and in mavy countries of Europe, it is there believed by most people to be & good law; but it appears to nie to be contrary to principles of political economy, and I prefer the operation of the law as it exists in the United States of America, which rejects the law of Fouwnce and rejects aiso our law. (Applanse.) 1 con- ceive, therefore, that before jong it will be the dnt: of the people of England, of the electors of England and of Parliament, to remove from the statute book What is called the laws of primogeniture, to allow ariny is wry generally demoralized by late events and thet Yt will not so readily follow its leaders in a coup Wat as it bas always done. Deuocratic land where it i left by @ person who makes no will to be justly and bonestly divided by the law as other property other than land ts now divided, and that of entails and settlements who are living when the the present ice id be li to deed3 are made-~(c! country the Russian war, generally for no ares whatever in which the whole people of this country had any real interest, (Cheeis.) Your fathers having waged the wars, spilled the blood and ne the treasure it comes on us, their children, and on our children and their children to the interest for that enormous debt; bu we are not content with that burden, We have learned so little by the past, and we are ing this year, I think, rather more than an equ sum, rather more than 226,000,000, under fear that there may be another war; that we may be induced again to meddle in some great Hu- ropean contest we are maintaining an army and navy at a cost far greater than at any previous pe- riod in time past, although we have confessedly—I quote the words of Lord Stanley, the Foreiga Minis- ter—a sutiicient guarantee that we have altogether abandoned the present theory of the value of power, and that we do not intend henceforth to use the sword in any question in which the honor and inter- est of Englaud are not distinctly involved. ‘The army, I think, cost this year about £15,000,000 and the navy over £11,000,000, Just for one moment let me teil you how many were are of every kind of soldier and haif soldier in the country. (Laughter and cheers.) if Lam not mistaken, for the army there were voted 140,000 men; for the navy, 60,000; making 200,000 regular and permanent troops, which we have been told are absolutely necessary, so that the government that preceded this present gov- ernment were most negiigent of the defences of the country. Of the militia there are 128,000 men, of the volunteers 162,000, In Ireland there is a police foree, equal in training and armament to any troopa, of, | believe, rather more than 12,000 men. Then there is, as you kuow, a considerable force of police in all our great towns, and in nearly ail the counties; take it altogether, it is a very formidable aum, of the withdrawal of persons from tadustry to purposes of supposed defence, and you need not wonder if the sul which we pay 1s a8 large as that wich I have described. But besides the question of war, look at this Irish question, In ireland there have been at times, and not loug ago, 30,000 men. Idon’t know how many there are at this moment, but if they are not there they are somewhere cise, and I dare say somewhere where they are not in the least wanted, (Laughter.) But you have in Ireland, besides, the 12,000 armed police that I have mentioned, who are paid for out of the taxes of the United Kingdom, The system of the government of Ireland, wich the tory party is enamored of, is a system which requires great military force, not to Ksep itin contepeays for it fails in that, but to keep it from a constant exhibition of rebeilious tendencies. If I were one of the conservative party— (laughtér)—I use the term ag tps used in the tory newepepers if I b wreee cae Bas Dates mage should be ashamed to of nd ; cd fee that if there be @ spot On. tho Marth'd wattage hee y principles had had full play it was in that un- ai Edney; the tapes magnates had been its power, an Established Church supported by this powerful Great Britain; magistrates all! over the country in great majority of the Protestant per- suasion; everything there existing which the most gluttonous tory could desire to see, and accompa- nied inseparably, as that policy nfust be every- where, by widespread discontent and a resolution on the part of the people to shake them. selves free from that kind of govern- ment if it were not for the power of Great Britain to control them. (Cheers.) But pow, gen- tlemen, let us look at it in @ feasonable view— mean this question of the £26,000,000 a8 a debt ant the £26,000,000 forthe army and navy, which means— what? It means something equal to a debt of ano- ther £300,000,000 sterling to that which our fore- fathers spent in folly and crime, and your taxes pay the interest upon it.. There is another sum of £500,- 000,000, the interest of which yon are payiog in taxes to keep up @ great army and o great navy. And when? not only in a time of profound peace, but when no country In the world menaced or distrusts us; when there ig not acloud fo the horizon or in the sky, and when if ever there was a tine when the United Kingdom may be said to be im tranquillity and peace, now is that time at which I am speaking. If you were to look back over the history of Hugianud from the time of the Revolution—from the time of William LI.—to the end of the Russian war, you will find that almost every war in which we Were en- gaged was a war based on that utter folly and lunacy that this nation is called upon to Maintain the balance of power in burope. We have now abolished that policy and given up that delusion. We have got free from that aber- ration aud we are for a moment in asound mind. es and laughter.) May we not, then, calculate ‘hat if we keep out of the former hallucination, if we retain that sound mind, if we for the next fifty years or oné hundred fea will maintain our present pol- tey of not meddiiug with the affairs of Europe, then we shall be at least as free from wars in a hundred Years tocome as we might have been in the nun- dred years that are passed. (Cheers.) If that be if there be any hope of it—and I believe there is—! ask why we should go on paying twenty-six million pounds steriing a year tor the enormous cost of the army and navy? I quoted a passage yesterday from Ply 3 the foremost name in English history—from joln Milton, J may now quote another. He de- scribes this as the draining the veins of the body to supply ulcers; and so from your veins, from the sweat of your brows, from the skill of your brains and the industry of your hands, from that which you have worked for to furnish Neos houses, to clothe your families, to supply their wants—from all these this £26,000,000 is gathered up, not once in 100 years, but every year, to support the armyand nayy, to main- tain and Ciga up a policy which we have utterly abandoned. If you read the papers, which tell us nearly everything—I find they sometimes tell us things thet don’t happen—you will find they tell us something about the West indian and Norti Amoer- .ican fleet; someting about tue Pacific squadron and something about the naval force of her Majesty in the China seas; something about what has hap- pened to a great ship df war on the coast of India or the Cape. ‘Tuen you hear of Lord Ciarence Paget as here or there in some part of the Mediterranean with a tremendous feet. (Laughter.) You hear fur- ther that there is always @ great Channel feet, which is necessary for our home protection. There is no necessity Whatever for these fleets on your coast or traversing every ocean as they do now. There is no other country that tinds it necessary to have these reat fleets and squadrons everywhere, 1 don’t now whether it is adream or a vision, ora foresight or @ reality that sometimes passes across my jon | mind—but I ifxe to dwell upon it—that the time may come when the maritime nations of Europe—this re- nowned country of which we are citizens, France, Prussia, Russta, resuscitated Spain—(cheers)—italy and the Unit States of America—may see that those vast Meets are of no use; that they are merely menaces offered from one country to another; ihat they are grand inventions by which the blood is with- drawn from the veins of the peo) to feed their ulcers, and that they may come to this grand and wise conclusion—they will combine at their joint expense and under some joint management to supply the sea with a vast sailing and armed police, wiich may be necessary to keep the. peace on ail parts of the watery surface of the globe, and those great instru- ments of war and oppression shall no longer be up- held. (Cheers.) This, of course, by many will be thought to beadream anda vision, not the fore- sight of what they call a statesman. (Cheers.) Still I have faith that it will not be forever that we shall read of what Wilberforce called the noxious Trace of heroes and conquerors; that what Christianity points to will one day be achieved, and that the naflons throughout the world will live in peace with each other. How much can we have now of that twenty-six million pounds? I think one-half of it was considered ven thirty years ago when the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peei were ta power. This heavy taxation always makes taxation ‘unequal, for when tHe taxation fs heavy the power- ful classes are always endeavoring to shift it from their own shoulders on to those of somebody that is weaker. It is impossible to say how great would be the gain to the commerce and manufactures, to the shopkeeping and distributing interests, to artisans and laborers throughout the country if one-half of these twenty-six milion’ could be saved. There ts nota man ora woman in England that would not Teap some advantage from such achange. If this wide extension of the suffrage shouid nos bring the people to cousider these questions, and cause them vo urge in Ps mens greater wisdom and greater economy, I shail be greatly dissatisded with its re- sults. (Cheers, In the address which haa been given to me there was areference to another question, not less impor- tant than any of those I have mentioned—tiat is, the jon of education, (Cheers.) I presume that in Scotland, where you have had more educa- tion than we have had in’ England, you are more in favor of having more still—(cheers)—for education is just one of those things which the more extensively It is spread among the peopie, the more & people de- mand that it shall be more extensively spread. In this country we are euperior to others in some Cre we have had great personal freedom; we have had & press that could write simost anything it liked; we heave had @ platform on which men might speak ; We have had great success in manufactures; ave immense superiority over almost all coun. tries; but itis simgular that in the matter of the edu- cation of the masses of the people, of the working classes, those who live by wages, we are much be- hind very many of the civilized and Obristtan na- tions of the world. We have had any number of churches aud a, but we had os scarcity of schools, [sometimes compare the state of things in New England with the state of things in Old Eng- jJand. New Eugland began to be colonized about 250 years ago; the very first colonists who landed on its shores establisiied at once @ sytem of educa- tion, and from that‘day to this it has not only ever flourished, but has ever extended, and has constantly thered strength, and now tho population of New bm ‘land comes own from no legs t t rations of skilled and intelligent men In this country, a8 wo all know, unhappily, are at least some millions whose forefathers for generations have been almost entirely deprived of ail school education whatever. You may imagine— you can’t imagine—the ditference betwoen two veh etucated 250 years x ‘almost entirely enut out Sc ‘aay of ‘what she gard to education afd with people, the one havi and the other having fr mn, 0) 4 58 Py E E i think of whole class, a8 we speak, aa a2 large porti f them #o ent uned There its Doss mility—and we shall ind it children shai! see !t, I hope—that the millions country who are to be noticed a é : F 5 Fi é 3 Ee e ek cee. eaEsies ieee Be i i ment of the country bya that if you would fer the power from the section and extend it over the nation the instincts reg the nation wanes 5 oe demand that a wide an er system of at les tary education should extended to every part of the country.. (Cheers.) Now, I have mentioned three at questions. I had no notion that the passing of a Suffrage bill was to content everybody, and, after all, there is not much difference in holding up your hands at the hust and golig in to have your name put down on the oll book unless sowet! is to follow, That some- thing, I hope, we will afl consider caretully and ae and that tn all our future proceedings we shall bear in mind that upon every one of us, a3 elec- tors, there 18 a great and solemn respoustbility. Those three great questions are these:—Tne monopoly of the land, which I believe to be the cause of great evil. It drives vast numbers of the rural population into the towns, where sometimes they are not wanted, It subjects the rural population over vast districts of territory to the rale of one man, as you know-—(hear, hear)—and it koeps the rural population in the con- dition—! speak of ute laborers—which they have been in for a Lundred years back or more, Rents have risen, the incomes of the landed proprietors doubled, trebied and quadrupled—ay, tenfold. What the laborers were at one dme they remain, not altogether, but very much the same as they were, (Cheers.) { protest against this monopoly of the land—(“SIear, lear,” and cheers)—and I hope we shall have the united voice of all the free constitu- encies of the country belore long demanding of Par- liament that there shall be such a change 1aade ag brings the princtple of political economy and justice toall. Thea there is tue enormous expenditure aad, in some things, the onerous inequality of the tax: tion, i had tis moraing the opportunity of mx ing, gentlemen, the members of the Edinburg Chas ber of Commerce, and I took the opportunity of tell- ing them what great credit it waa io them that so far back as the year 1320 they had presented an adintra- ble petitiou to Parliament La favor of the principle of free trade, and I suggested to them that they inight find it to be their duty to endeavor to get what I call afree breakfast table—(hear, hear)—to get rid of the very heavy duties upon tea, coffee and sugar, (Cheers.) The expendivure of the country might easily be reduced to allow a reduction of these du- ties. (Hear, hear.) ‘he equalization of certala other @uiles—I refer to the legacy and sucession duties— might go a considerable way towards lessening these duties. You may rely. upon it that if the people say that these taxes are unnecessary and unjust, and if the people protest against them, and resolve to get rid of them, you will tind not the slightest diMcuit; in finding a Chancellor of the Mxchequer who will do the work. (Uheers.) The other of the three ques- tions is the existence of ignorance, and the hopeless ignorance among the poorest classes; and it is not a extraordinary thing that wit our great industry, our wonderful machinery, our world-wide commerce and the great wealth of the country there should pe found so large a mass of pauperism in the kingdofh, Tread the other day a speech made by a member of the House of Commons, and a member of the pres. ent government, & who was until the last session. ‘The Beeretary of the Poor Law’ Board expressed his apprehension that the pauperism of the conntry was increasing so fast that it would be nearly as bad as it was some thirty years ago, and I think there must be something very rotten if such a result occurs, and since I have takea @ part in public affairs the question of the vast weightof the poverty and igno- sance that exists at the very bottom of the social scale has been @ burden on my mind, and it is so now, and I have always hoped that the peliey which Ihave advocated, and what has gradiially been ac- cepted—(loud cheers)—would tend Ereatly and gradu- aliy to reileve the pauperism and the suffering which we see among the working classes of society. I have no notion of we country being called in a satisfac- tory state and happy and prosperous when sucha state*or fel exists, Yon may have an ancient monarchy with the dazzling glitters of the sovereign, and you may Bave an ancient nobility in grand man- sions, and parties, and great estates, and you ma: have an ecclesiastical hierarchy covering with word. yee that religion whose virtue is humility—(loud cheers)—but notwithstanding ail this, the whole fabric 13 rotten and doomed ultimately to fall, for the great mass of the people on whom it is supported is. poor, and suffering and degraded. Now, is there no remedy for this state of things? If the government were just, if the taxes were moderate and equally imposed, if the tand were free, if the schools were a3 prominent institutions in our landscapes and in our great towns as prisons and workhouses are—(laughter and cheers)—I suspect that we should find the people gradually having much more self-respect; they would have much more hope of improvement for themselves and their families; they would rise above, in hundreds and thousands of cases, all the ‘emptations vo intemper- ance, and they would become generally—1 say almost universally—more virtuous and @nore as the good subject of a free State ought to be. (Cheers.) Now, this great and solemn question of the condition of considerable portion of the laboring classes of thls country cannot be covered up. It must be met. It is a great Work upon which the new electoral body and the new Parliament will have to enter. tis a long way from Belgrave square to Bethnal green. We cannot measure the distance from the palatial mansions of the rich to the dismal. hoveis of the poor, from the profuse and costly luxuries of the wealthy to the squalid and hopeless misery of some millions who are below them; but T ask you, as [ ask myself a thousand times, 1s it not possible that this mass of poverty and suifering should be touched and should be reached? What Is there that man cannot do if he tries? (Cheers.) ‘The other day he descended to the mysterious depths of the ocean, and with an iron hand he sought, and he found and he grasped and he brought up to the surface the iost cabie, and with tt he made two worlds into one. (Loud cheers.) I ask, are his conquests continued to the realms of science? Is it not possible that another hand, not of tron, but of Curistian justice and kind- ness, may be let down to moral depts, even deeper than the cable fathoms, to bring up from thence misery’s sons and daughters and the multitude who are ready to perish? (Loud cheers.) This ts the great problem which is now before us. It is not one for statesmen only; 1t is not for preachers of the Gospel only—it is one for every manin the nation to at- tempt to solve. (Cheers.) The nation 1s now in power, and if wisdom abide with power, the gener- ation fo follow may behold the giorious day of what we, in our time, with our best endeavors, can only hope to see the earliest dawa, (The honorable gen- tleman resumed his seat amid entiusiastic cheer- ing). The Loudon Times on tho Election of General Grant. ¢ {From the London Times, November 5.) As was expected with all confidence beforehand, Generai Grant has been elected President of the United States. The Northern States generally have supported him. In New York, which contributes thirty-three votes to the Electoral College, it is prob- able that the democratic candidate has the advan- tage by a small majority ; but in the other important and populous States of Pennsyivania, Ohio, Illinois, Indiana and Massachusetts tho votes for Grant and Colfax largely preponderate. [t is a wonderful re- sult of science and social organization that the opin- tona of an immense population should be taken in a bm day over @ territory as large as ail Kurope, and that in less than twenty-four hours after the close of the polls the issue of the contest, with the approximate number of votes given in each State, should be known in the capitais of the Old World. Such a triumph of civilization is more im- ae than the event which is thus recorded, and it causes us to remember how ra a of politl- cal action are the forces which most impel the human race in the = of pro; 3s The telegraph informs ‘us thatin Pennsylvania the republican majority is 13,000—not a li one if the population of the State be considered, In the more earnest and simple West the people support the military candidate with more unanimity, the majority in Ohlo being 36,000, in Illt- nois no less than 60,000, New Engiand, as might be expected, stands up boldly for Grant. Massacnu- sotts is sct down as giving a majority of 70,000, Maine cof te | Vermont of 30,000. On the other hand, the State 01 racy, goes for Seymour and Blair by & majority of 90,000 and Maryland by 45,009 The result fs that the republican candidates have & decisive majority, though, when it is considered that there are 5,000,000 of voters in the United States, the preponderance ofrepublican over democratic votes given through. out the country. will seem by no means large. ‘The Americans so inuch enjoy the excitement of election« cering that there 18 never likely to be 80 overpower- ing & preponderance on either side as to make avon- test impossi! As boys in the play ground will join the weaker side at any game in order to keep it going, so an irrepressible Combativencss is sure to revent any district in America from becoming meiy unanimous, The democrats have been beaten, and by the political maciiinery of the country the representation in Congress is cast largely in favor oftheir opponenta, But it ts impossibip to look at these returns without seeing that they stil remain a very powerful party and must infueuce, in a high a ¢, the policy of the Union. he able and gallant soldier who 1s now raised to the sirst place in the Union is one whose success no one will be disposed to regret. General Grant has fairly won lis high rank by hard work, real devotion to his country and cos Which will live long in its remembrance. It is in his favor that hts reputa- tion is almost exclusively professional, and that he is not and hag never been @ party politician, He ‘Will take office with ter freodoin of action than if he were the hero of @ hundred piatforms, and had in long canvassing tours taken all the pledges and uttered al the suibboleths of his party. He is, in fact,a man whom his countrymen of all opinions may bring themselves to accept, simply because he has hot identified himself go strictly with one faction as 18 common with the multitude of candidates, A President who ia elected by the republicans and yet was Qot long ago looked upon as : i : t possible leater by thd@democrata, cannot but have tome ying in ent(ging upon his administration. fe comes in the of life, with @ great reputation aad an niucky, the great strongiold of democ-' g' i assault was repelled in May; but on thé 4th of July the aed after a \ and the power of the confederacy West. in raisins cours worst or other Northern yy the incredible valor and energy of the the boun North possessed, and in Scanty and ill-supplied forces of ‘Lee. Since the war he has by general consent behaved with judgment and moderation. At first it was be- lieved that he inclined to the views of the President; but as Mr, Johnson went more and more hopelessly into opposition to Congress and to the‘ dominant -pubiic sentiment, General Grant ed himself on the side of the majority, which him with the moat extensive powers, Yet there is nothing in his past career which prevents him from exercising a large discretion, and appearing in the character of a mediator rather than that of @ conqueror. To the main policy of the republican party he ia bound in honor to be faithful, and, indeed, any other course of action would soon strip him of nearly all his power. ‘The national decision on this point is unmis- takable and irreversible, and will probably be ac- cepted without further opposition both by the demo- crats and the South, But there are wide limits in which a man of judgment and good feeling can show his charfcter in dealing with the two ill-joined sec- tions of the Union, and in this respect we hearuly wish the now Pregdent a wise discretion and better success than lus predecessor has attained. ‘The American Minister aud Negyo Emancipa- i tion. On the afternoon of the 6th inst. a deputation from the National Freedmen’s Aid Union of Great Britain and Ireland waited upon his Excellency the Hon. Reverdy Johnson, American Minister to the Court of St. James, at his residence in Portland place, in re- lation to the closing efforts of the association on be- half of the liberated slavea in America. The delega- tion was assisted bya number of gentlemen well known in political, diplomatic and philanthropic circles. After the members of the delegation were introduced an address was presented to the Minister. Mr. Reverdy Johnson in reply spoke as follows:— GENTLEMEN—I heartily thank you for the kind words you have spoken to myself, and more especi- ally as in doing so you have done honor to the country I represent. In the address which you have 60 orthily delivered you have re- ferred oO many topics incident to the great subject in which we are so deeply interested, that it would require from me aspeech of one or two hours to speak upon them, and that would be taxing your patience too much. You will, therefore, 1am sure, be satisied if lreferto them in eral terms. Slavery is wholly inconsistent with the hap- ness of its victims and with the happiness of those whom slaves belong. (Hear, hear.) It has no foundation in morals; it has no foundation in Chris- tianity. Itrobs men of that for which alone it ig excelient and worthy to live. The slave can hardly be said to be half aman. If his body does not dwinale his mind dwindles, and his heart sooner or later becomes ossified, and the same influence is brought more or less injuriously to bear upon his moral state. Such is the case 1n all countries where there are two classes—one of servitude, and one of Taasters over bondmen, There are men who tower above the obstacles of their situation, and improve their miuds to the utmost, but for the most part slavery brit them almost to a level in point of morality and intelligence. (Hear, hear.) I think I am not mistaken in saying that, but for the inven- tion of the cotton gin, slavery would have been abolished without the occurrence of that dire calamity aieougts which we have just passed. But the increase of the wealth of the South, induced by the cotton manufacturer, gave to the labor of the slave a value which it did not before os and the master at last came to think that his real wealth lay, not m the acres, which belonged to him, but in the muscie of the men employed on them. When it became evi- dent after the election of onrlate martyred Presl- dent Lincoln—(hear, hear)—that the institution would be brought into serious poril, that it ught in the end be entirely destroyed, the masters of the South did what, perhaps, they may have thought they had @ constitutional right to do—seceded from the Union—but for what purpose? (Hear, hear.) For the purpose of perpetuati slavery and establish- ing @ government, calli itself “free,” having slavery as its foundation—a rotten, worthless founda- tion, that sooner or laier in the providence of God tain to eat away the structure. (Hear, hear.) They raised their arms, therefore, against the authority of the government for the pur- pose of perpetuating the institution of slavery. But God in his providence so directed the blow that that which was designed to continue it ended in its destruction. (Hear, hear.) And, gentie- men, dy no other means which man now can imag- ine could that have been accomplished in any other way. That in process of time, and as Christian civi- lization advanced, its destruction was inevitable, I never doubted; but its instant destruction, that de- struction which made my country free, and removed from it ita only blot—that destruction was, I say, ac- complished by the instrument designed to perpetu- aie it. Gentlemen, gg can hardly realize the sad- hess of the struggle. (Hear, hear.) To read of it ives you but little knowledge of its actual resuits, Trave through the South (and some present, I am giad to know, have done 60), and you will see the desolation of the homes of the Southern people; you will see the badges of mourning which are to be found in every household, and see mild and refined women obiiged to resort to the most menial labor for the purpose of supporting themselves end their children, And then, aiter hav- ing done that, look at the graves. (liear, hear.) Look at the thousands of graves which are to be found in every Southern State—thank God none are to be found in any Northern State, for there the war hardly reached. It 1s due to my country to ask you to remember and in your mind’s eye to look at the honor which it has done to its patriotic dead. Ceme- tery after cemetery has been established at great cost and labor, on ‘the tombstones of which are re. corded, wherever they could be traced, the names of the patriotic dead, and there is in those cemeteries also recorded the truth, thata republic founded upon freedom never falls to remember the services of its defenders. (Hear, hear.) You will, I am also sure, permit me to say, that I hope you have not forgotten that we were the first among nations to make the rosecution of the African slave trade a crime pun- able by death. I hope also that you have not forgotten that in the Deciaration of Independence, which prociaimed it as the purpose of our fathers to separate themselves forever from the mother country—of whose acts they thought they had a constitational nght to complain— be declared that man possessed certain inalienable rights, and among them were the rights of life, lib- erty and to pursue, wherever he might think d¢, an honest avocation. It could not, therefore, have been doubted that a government so commencing its history could not exist long without, casting out every institution which interfered ith the life, the liberty and has —. of man. What been done, what is now our condition, 1 repeat, has been done and ts now because of a design that it never should be done, and because of a design to pei ate slavery as long as possible, a sir (to Mr. Briscoe) as wellas others, have mentioned the name of Wilberforce. I can remember, when @ boy, the great delight that I took in reading the speeches of that distimguished man, and in hearing of the persevering, noble and praiseworthy spirit with which he prosecuted his purpose of bringing about the aboiition of slavery within British domains. At first, you will remember, he apparently fatied, and that sigually. He hardly mustered @ squadron in the House of Commons, but that,was @ squadron which, im the eyes of far seeing men, must have satisfied them tnat sooner or later it would command that assembly, and such was the result. You abolished slavery by paying the masters— & laugh)—we abolished it also; but how much more id we pay than aed We have abolished it, and the price paid is to be reckoned in the millions of dead who sleep beneath our soil, Some white men—and they are all white men here, or nearly so—(a laugh)— suppose that the black man does not belong to the race of humanity; that God mtended him for servi- tude; and that, while the black man was the slave, the white should be the master; and upon the ground ‘that they were not of the same race, although they are creatures of the same God, fashioned in the same way, having impulses and emotions of the same kind, yet. for no other reason than that their com- plexion is black, these persons thought that they shouid be in everlasting servitude. As well might we say that a black horse and a black sheep do pot belong to the same class of horses or of sheep ag Tarra ip any such idea. (Hear, aud laugh As I have had some personal experience with re- ference to the aptitude of the black man, it may per- haps interest you to know what the result has been. As some of you know, | am a Southern man, and when in America lived in a Southern State, where, at one time, the slaves outnumbered the whites, and Where at the beginning of our late war they num- bored some seventy-five thousand souls, with a free population of blacks of sume eighty thousand. Our servants, both domestic and agricultural, were all slaves, My duties brought me into connection with handreds—I may almost say thousands— of them. I have repeatediy defended the claims of those slaves Who supposed themselves en- titled to freedom, in the courts of Jaw. This brought me into close contact with them, and speaking from expertence there derived, if L had no other knowlodge upon the subject, | should say tuat they are as capable of receiving education ag the whites. There ray be differences among them as regards talen!, even as there are diferences of and “hs the ¥ind among ourselves, but, speaking generality,’ @Mans- that syY Opinion, Every lawyer cannot be eld, ery member of the House of Commons iberforce—I wont speak of the liv- member either of Oe Home of Come F te terested and Ii am man the wide domain of the United States. (Hear, hear.| that the I have to say, and you nave referred to it, system of free labor which we are now to enjoy will immeasurably increase the products of our country. (Hear, hear.) Who can doubt 1t1 What could you or Ido if we were slaves? (Alaugh.) What could We do if we were forced to do work which would not) be of any beneiit to us when done? It would, to say the least, be exceedingly unpieasant. Such was the Position of the slave; but freedman as he 13, he knows that what he labors for now is his own prosperity and the future honor of his children. He knows also what the public has a right to expect, and that it is his duty not to disappoint thatexpectation. He Knows that he ig expected to attend to all the do- meatic duties which society demands, Thinking, kno and feeling this, what he performed as @ slave will be but as a molenill compared to the moun- tain of labor he will heap up asa freedman. Your secretary has told us that the Swiss were among the first to offer their contributions to the accompilshe ment of the great end which you have have had in view. How could it be otherwise? They live on the mountains, There is nothing but the puro air of heaven about them; contamination is not to be found, and their hearts can never be subject to the deep, dee grading infiuence of tne institution of slavery. (Hear, wear.) Therefore, knowing the value of freed: and knowlng how mucii it contributes to the rosperity of the worid, he naturally desires that that doin Should be universal, and so the peasant will cheerfully contribute his mite in order that oth may be as free ag himself, [ thank you again mi cordiaily, not only for the address which the society has done me the honor to present, but also for the kind and flattering terms with which it has been ac- companied. Icanassure you that during my resl- dence among you I have been happy from the first, I am getting yet happler every day—(hear, hear)—and was never more happy than now. wish so to conduct the duties of my mission as to satisfy you all, in‘heart as well as in mind, audom the subject before us now permit me in conclusion ln ¢ tnat I feel as deeply interested as you do, ‘he deputation then withdrew, evideutiy very much pleased with their reception. Fatal Railway Accident in South Wales. The Pall Mall Gazette, of the 7th inst., gives the following as the way in which che accident happened. on the South Wales Railway:—Carmarthen fair had been heid, and as 9 great number of cattle had to be transmitted by rail a special cattle train was made Bp and started In front of the mail from New Milford. The cattle train was formed of twenty trucks, con- veying 279 beasts, belonging respectively to John Grifiths, John George and David ‘Ihomas, all Weish farmers. The cattle train left Newport at five P. M.,) and was due at Gloucester at ten P. M.—tive hours being allowed to run a distance of jess than flity miles. The train was peery the rails wel greasy, and the driver had hard work to get along. He had made up his mind that he would! shunt at Bullo Pill, bus just before he got there—the line neing 8. steep. ascent, and a curve as well— was run into by the mail. ‘The chief guard of th mail, which was going from thirty to forty miles an hour at the time, that on rounding the curve he saw the tall lights of the cattle train only seventy 35 eighty yards in front. Nothing could be done. He threw himself on tire floor of his van, and the sm: immediately took place. There were not more tl three first class and six second class passengers im the mail train, and it is a remarkable fact that two out of the number were fast aslee They had not even been roused by ( collision. The following is a return of killed and injured. The latter are alt ing it Gloueester Intirmary:—Dead—Wuliam Pri Carmarthen, gaard of the cattle train; he has left widow and three chlidren. David Thomas, of Lit dilo, Carmarthenshire, cattle drover. Evan Morgan, of Carmarthen, also a cattle drover; injured, ward James, 2; thirteen, of Cardigan; compoun fracture of right leg. David Thomas, Soom, Car4 marthen, drover; dislocated left shoulder, yeni min Roberts, thirty-eight, of Cilgerran, Pem! shire, drover; fractured left clavicie, John Ge forty, drover; wounded scalp and lacerated face; William Edwards, forty-five; contusions and rated face. Pailip Jones, thirty-five, Carmacteenl injury to right shoulder. The Coroner for the dis: trict, Mr, Carter, has mas arrangements for hola? ing the inquest next week. HORSE NOTES. We notice that Mr. Bonner drives Lantern and the Auburn horse together, and a slashing team they make. General Grant rode behind them on'Tuesday, morning to the Fashion grounds to see Dexter trot’ around the course, under the disadvantages of disa- gtecable weather and a bad track. Unfavorable things were this extraordinary horse trotted a m im 2:213%4 by the General’s own timing. The team! was left at the course, and the General and Mr. Bon- ner came home together in a top wagon behind Dexter, the General driving the horse after reaching the city on his way to the Metropolitan Hotel, Mr. Smith has a now team, Norwood and Gray. They are both very fast. Josiah Burgess has a nice colt of the Star breed, which he drives every fair day on the road. This colt is very promising. Brother Jonathan and Pet are about a3 good as any team that shows upon the jane at tle present day. ‘They are hard to beat. Needle Gun and Fidget had a turn-up on the lane a few days since. They showed a good deal of speed. Brooks has a white stocking bay horse that goes fast when called on. Isaac Phillips’ Admtral Farragnt is improving rap- idly. It takes a very good one to beat him the length of Central avenue. William Vanderbilt's team of mares are very hand- some and fast. They can go in abous 2:40 with Wil- liam behind them, Dr. Gedney as got Star back from the Fashion Course and ts now driving him on the lane. Star is fast for & short brush, Bill Lovell drives Lady Wells on the road. She is @ capital roadster. ‘ Lew Martin is driving his sorrel mare on the lane again. The let up has done her goed. She is an ex- erat ee can trot fast. 1 r. Gourdier has a young gray mare, wol peed that is very promising. She has un easy and styiisl ve of getting along. ir. Huggins had a fine bay team out on Tuesday, afternoon and was sending them along at a warm. ing pace. ‘ te Barry's little bay mare with white hind feet ta, quite attractive. Few can beat her on the road, She has trotted in 2:41. The trot between American Girl and G Wilkes did not come oi yesterday, on account ore Sam Weeks is driving his Allen horse regularly. ‘The horse is & guod sicpper and lias a styled, me of going. anh joved his horses from Fashion Course. to town on Tuesday. No more training this season for Dan. Tom Kerr's gray horse Hero was stepping a 2:36 Git ou the lane on Monday afternoon. ; THE WHISKEY WAR. To THe Epiton or Tum HenaLp:— it is rather amusing to me to see the strait that the true whiskey ring and its organ, the Times, are in with rovard to the investigation now going on in this city. Iam called by these worthies the king of the whiskey ring, whiskey thief, the infamous and notorious. They say—seo the Datty Times—I have control of President Johuson, Attorney General Evarts, and, in fact, Congress itself, What power! No wonder the government oftlciais in this city begin to flutter. These same parties tell the people (with all this power they say I lave) that 1 am a worthless rascal, not to be believed, thief, blackmailer, bogus affidavit purchaser, &c. In t two statements who do they convict ?—tho Pro: nt, Attorney Gen- eral, Congross, t! ederal courts and also themselves. By their own Wing lamthe only man who has clean hands and an empty pocket, for every man im this city who knows me knows Tama bankrupt— mado 80 by revonue oflcials, The last and wol crime of which Tam charged by these worthies is that Lam engaged with others ‘4 invesuigating the frauds on the revenue and the conduct of the rascals who commit them, I plead guilty to this charge, bub leny every other charge in the category. Let the people suspend their judgment in this Loa ter a short time longer and they will have no trouble iu distinguishing who are the thieves and rascals. i shall, at the proper time, attend to my own case “sh ask my traducers to make good their gmail b thorough ventilation of this whole ee El Le 8 made public in due time. BLAISDEL —_——— " ACCIDENTALLY Snot.—Olifford S. Phillips, United States Assessor for the Second district in Philadel phia, was accidentally shot in the side by a boy, on Saturday last, while gunning near St, Martin's, Wor. cester county, Md. Information of the accident waa immediately conveyed to bia wife, Who with a sure gona, on Saturday night, loft for the scene of tue ute UEFOR As optunaje ved