The New York Herald Newspaper, November 1, 1868, Page 3

SEWARD. SECRETARY SEWARD AT HOME. died ‘Cordial Reception by His Old Constituents, His Speech Upon Affairs. National Johnson's Policy Vindicated and Seward’s Course Justified. The Policy of Congress Condemned and the Democratic Party Found Wanting. AUBURN, Oct. 31, 1868, retary Seward addressed one of the largest fences ever assembled in eify in Corning all tt afternoon. He was introduced to the audience the Rev. Dr. Hawley, and was received with the st unbounded applause, fet order had beén stored he proceeded to speak as follows:— 'y FRIENDS AND Nardmpons—My long absence on Political occasions and my present appearance bere proper subjects of ingiiry on your part. in ex- ining both f nay be able to sag all that is proper necessary te be said in this pleasant interview. Upon the first point { might well enough plead that oficial Occupations and oficial obligations Recessarily and justly take precedence over those ‘of private citizenship. The public may probably say to its accepted servants:— “This ought ye to ‘have @one and not to leave the others undone.” Govern- many occupation is increased by civil war aud neves- ‘DY incr by retarni peace, and increases ith the ever increasi population of territory and aT and potitical connections; but for all you ate not tb mppose, as many assume, that I purcha on the government account al} the is ry in the universe—(laughter and ap- )—or, indeed, proposing to uire dominion 1 magioal clrele of the Monroe ate strength. 1 od, indeed, that neither age, nor indulgence, nor casualty has brought me to great decrepitude, as persona have some- times imagined. fevertheless, I certainly have some years, perhaps enough for a place on the re- Mired list, and some wounds, perhaps enough for a osion ‘if I were in the military or naval service. POLITICAL OPINIONS MAVE UNDERGONE NO CHANGE. Moreoyer, every opinion or sentiment of mine that Rasa ing on the present hour was spoken long £0; sp&en, as I thought, in a: ime; spoken either Boron with Or in advan ft political eventa, true js this, that no one has mistaken my present titude or pretends now to doubt either my,pfficial 8 OF political relations. reover, a8 it t+ the ity of deacons to serve, not to lead in the sacrifice, it has always scemed to me that # is the duty of retaries to ‘ve in the administration, and not, anywhere beyond tl Jead in populal ‘smibiles, Possibly you may say, jowever, that a has no right to he a seqe- when a party orun interest requires bim for a Tanswer that deacons are deacens not by choice of their own, but bécause they are chosen tho Church; and certeinly 1 am 4 secretary no amibition of ny own, but becauke the tion sy constitntionaliy required me to be, It would ve a poot act of piety on the port Of the déacon to refuse to serve becausé he pre- . Ferred to sacrifice, and [ humbly think it would be a poor act of patriotism in a citizen to refuge to be a mecretary because Ne preferred to be a popular deader. ‘Our places, fellow-citizens, aré gssigned to ‘dis, not by ourselves, but, under the providence of God, ur associates and fellow men. Ogr friends here, Mr. James Seymour and Dr, James Steele, are demonstrations that it 1s better fo be a meek id humble but efficient deacon than tw be a higmatic, quarrelling with the priest and diylding oe Bat congregation. (Laughter and applause.) ¢* THR IMPORTANCE OF THE COMING ELECTION. “es The case, however, ifnow somewhat changed, 1 am at home for spensal poy ite business. 1 By you in an election to constitute & new admints- jon pf the government of the United theory onptained in the eariy re- of science that an clixir could be pounded by the use of which the humaw constity- could be periodically renews the end of ery hundred years, and #o 1 become im- mortal. ‘The quadrennial national election of Preg}- Gent and Congress in the United States ts just such a riodical renewal as this of the national life where- the nation, in fact, becomes immortal. The cast- 7 oi my vote in a great eleciton of thig sdrt is ‘equally the exercise of an inestimable privilege and the performance of a high and sacred duty. Mutust efplanation of votes is the only means ‘by wiuch mutual confidence can r rved among citizens, while it ‘suffrage from profanation and intrigue and corruption. In a period of eighty years under the jeoustftation which makes us a nation we have re- ‘pewed the republic in that same prescribed way by ‘twenty national elections, I have voted anit explained in the last cleven of these, being all of those national elections that have occurred since I ame to the franchise. The present ciection ts the twenty-first of the entire series and my tweifth one. In this election, just as I expresvod myself ai ‘the time of each preceding one, I fee) that this one iy be my last. Every Presidential election nev ily has areal, though an abstract. impor fe have here a republican systow instead @monarchical one, An ultimate adoption of th tem by all the American nations is gary for our security. Every new republic Bbiished anywhere constitutes a ew ark of the republic of the United Appianse.) Our republican gov ment Some peculiar devices of local adaptation and « Wailent, designed to operate by way of guce. Novertheless, our constitu ic tai elements—perhaps no more. are—firet, the actual choice of the Presiding Ma, trates by the direct vote of the whole peop) equal suffrage of all citizens in that elect ual representation of all constitutional ¢ ties in the repubitc, and, fourth, conaitions and p riods of power well defined and absolutely fixed ‘The casting or the withholding of a voie by wen inconsiderately actually impairs, although p haps iunperceptibly, the vigor a to the continuance of the republic, j ing or the withholding of ali the votes of the people inconsiderately would bring it abruptly to an end. Standing as we do now at the close of the twentieth administration, I can well congeive that the first election was the most important of ail, in- somuch as @ mistake then compnitted in the choice of the first President of the United States, or of the first Congress, might have invoived the fatlure of the system at the very beginning. It wae just ech a mistake that the French people committed in 1s4s, ‘when they lost their new republic by electing a Bonaparte instead of a Cavaignac. That nistake hav- ing been avoided here the government prompily went into successful operation. It soon acquired the vigor of custom, and continually gained strength fi tu creasing popular reverence and affection, The na- tion encoantered no crisis wntil 1660. The election of Abraham Lincoln in 1860 occurred at a time when ‘@ sectional faction with extensive ramifications had Pop ag eg? a formidable rebellion. The eiection 1964 was still more critical. Abrabam Lincoin, bale Stat b ho had been elected in 1860, had been effectusuly excluded by the rebeliion from sognition or acceptance in one-third of the St It only re- mained for the still adhering States to reject Abra- ham Lincoln as President in 1864 to effect a = ff not an immediate dissolution of the jnion, On the other hand, it was reasonably ¢. pected that the reaffirmation in 1864 of the ch made in 1860 would so consolidate the loyal and riotic masses of the country in support of the ad- ministration as to enable President coin to prowe- cute the war as no othet President could, and to im- prove, as no other President, returning peace, by combining conciliation with decision, until the con- stitution should be re-estabiished. Throughout the whole Union, within tour years after the election of 1860, the strength of the rebellion was effectually broken, and on the 4th of March, 1865, Avraham Lin- coln entered upon his second term of the Presidency, for the first time with fall possession of the rebel States, defacto as well as de jure the recog- nized and accepted Chief Magistrate of the whoie ablic. ell With him the Congress and ail the other de) ong of Fay = were ually recogni and accepted. e duty which fevolved upon the government in the second admin- {stration of Abraham Lincoin was to e the con- stitution and the Union from farther plutionary, violence, and by just, generous and judicior sures to bring the distracted and dem States back to their constitutional relations with the federal Union. We have feached at inst the end of that gecond administration, begun by Abraham Lincoln, and we unfortunately find that ite t work, ag Lhave described it, remains as yet only incompletely and unsatisfactorily accomplished, Parties now vehemently dispute whether this failure fs the fault of one department or another, the fauit of the Executive system of reconstruction or of the ssional system of reconstruction. I do not enter into that dispute—it belongs to the past, More. ever, I am now inclined to think that it was unrea- mable to expect the passions and ambition of hirty-three free States and 30,000,000 free people, so recently and terribly convulsed by civil war, to aub- Side in so short a period as four years. THB BLECTION IN 1864 A VICTORY OF TRE FHOTLE NOT OF A PARTY. It is the highest attribute of the Almighty, which the divine poet has conceived, that He stliieth the noise of the seas, the noise of the Waves and the fumuit of the people. ‘The storms must be withheld before the seas can como to rest, Probably such an Intense and pervading political agitation as ours Could not have been suddenly repressed without throwing public liberty iteelf, a8 the Napoleons $id at tho close of two popular French revolutions, Sholee of oF two Drincipa) mauinhratey 1h 1494 NEW YORK HERALD, SUNDAY, was certainly wise; Ay Made, We found ont at the be- gute 9b ‘the civil war that neither party, Bo ‘party alone, without co-operation fro! = other, could save the country. The people who made’the choice in 1664 were neliher a republi- cap Vee ng © democratic party, but srovely a union always means combination Of kindred forces. oT by 5 0. patriot of republican antecedents, to and Andrew Johnscn, yuthern om jot of democratic apteceded Aa Vico Prestdent. THE PRENCH on in 1760 AND THE SOUTH: LION IN 1861, ae Active hostilit [~ etive hostilities, however, had paltge there a} ran ppeared a portentous co! Qf popu- ideas and opiniors concerning the FC and Teooncttaticns aud fea peace and opinions had relation to ie seri recon- struction of the Site governments {in thé rel nal of entered Pe a me eT a the controv bitions are tions stimulace ther rapid developments. No one form of Political ide, no one form of personal am- tion that has presented iteeif in our recent distrac- tious is new. They all sprang up and in turn gt tained complete, thoigu many of them tem. porary, ascendancy during the French volu- Yon of 1789—a revolution which, as we all see, gave way after a short while to a-military des- poulsm that still survives. We now see that in the insurrection the rebel States became revolutionary ‘States within themselves, As such they have expe- rienced the fortune ¢f all revolutionary States. Each new aloes idea and every distinct personal ambi- tion in the revolutionary States demands either a severe constitationalform or a change of the exist- ing constitution altogether. ‘The right of the people aud their power in stch States to make such changes isnot only unchallenged but is also unchecked, It fol- lows as a consequence that the constitution forged in the white heat of revolution will forever endure: We have forgotten that this nation went througb the revolutionary contest practically without any consti- tution at all. There was, indeed, a declaration of independence from Great Britain and from all other nations, and a precioys asgoctation of humap rights; but no constitutional government was established or framed until seven years after the last belligerent disappeared from the deld. We have forgotten that brilliant conatitutions: re out like fire beacons in the murky gloom of the French Revolution. All these constitutions were based upon some sound political idea, and all ought to have been compatible with any patriotic ambition, Yet they suc- ceeded each other 80 replay that when @ politician entered the store of & 4 seller in Paris and asked for the constitution of France, he was answered:—“We do not deal in political publications.” (Laughter.) Mexico seems at last to have acquired a constitution, but only after forty years of clvil wars, culminating in the great calamity which we have so happll escaped—foreign intervention. Althor all the South American re- publics have been independent through a [ap 01 forty or fifty years, yet it cannot be certainly said of Gny of them that it has definitely accepted and adopted a final constitution. Revolutions have con- tinued to overthrow constitutions there as fast as they have been made, and it was unwise then to ex- pect that the insurgent States, coming out of their flagrant rebellion, an Pe: allowed by the federal con- stitution to reconstitute. these forms of government for themselves and by their own proper act, in con- formity with the federal constitution, could ail at once adopt constitutions which should be perma- hently satisfactory to themselves and to us in the presence of an entire new condition of society, pro- duced by the fe ey Fag of four millions of slaves. What they have wanted was time; what they have wanted was patience. THR IMPORTANCE OF THE ELECTION OF 1864. These two wants indicated the cause of popsiat wisdom in regard to restoration, reorganization, reconstruction—by whatever name it may be calle Reliance, however, was fustly paces upon the vantages which Abraham Lincoln had for overcom- ing these eémbarrassments. Leaving out of view his pecujlar moral and intellectual qual- ities, Mr. Lincoln possessed a decided advantage iu the fact. that be had conducted the government with Wpproved fidelity and wisdom through the entire course of the civil war. As the people gave their entire confidence to Washington in organizing the government upon the ground that he had safely led them through the Revolutionary war, as the people in 1948 gave their first confidence to General ‘Yaylor on Spe ground that he safely led them through the greatest peril of the Mexican war, so the peo, were expected to give their full contidence to Abra- ham Lincoin in restoring the Union, becanse be had Jed them ayecesafully ugh the latd terrific revo- lutionary revulsion of the country. No wise and candid man thought at that time that either the war could be ended or that peace and reconciliation could + be effected under any administration that did not fally cater the public confidence upon two cardinal obits, vi2: re the justice of the Union cause in ihe war record; necessity, wisdom and justice of the abolition of nine Slavery, which the war had effected. (Applause.) Abrabain Lincoin had a still fia been twice Aoseb ty the people chemacives to le themselves be thejr By id hh Ghee civil dite ey rere, z customed to his leadership, and they loved bim as an accepted impersonation of their own conviction. No matter how varied these convictions might be, they all knew or ots they knew him thoroughly; they had commiited thémselves to his support in ad- vance. Hig suctess would be their own success. His failure would be felt and deplored as their own fatl- ure, a yas enlisted in his own favor the yational pride, the national affection and_ the national grati- tude. What combinations could have resisted a magistrate thus armed, and afmi only to com- plete the great and glorious rk of ing the Union, which he himself began in an unhappy hour? Abraham Lincoln fetl by the hand of the as- sassin; that tearful calamity which was equally be- yond human foresight and human control suddenly and profoundly {uterfered with our high purposes and patriotic desires. Human nature arovnd the whole circle of the globe, ang especially in {ts cenige here, recotied or stood aghast before that great crime; the conatry sank for a moment into sadness and despair sof its future, from which it was aronsed to seek and search every- where, in the government and out of it, in the Nortp and in the South, at home and abroad, for secret authors, agents and motives for the horri- ble assassinations which turns to everybody. It ly fastened itself upon the rebellion and demanded new and severer punish- ment of the rebels tnsiead of the magnanimous re- conciiiation which the beloved President, of whom ir had been bereaved, had recommended. Who will say that this sentiment Was unnatural? Wo sliaill rion attached itself by say that itis even unjust? Revolution ha# always the same com machinery, besides the pudlic machinery, which ite managers di rectly employ. There is aiways @ secret assassin: tion wheel carefully contrived and ready to come into activity When a crisis is reached. Revolutionists cannot relieve themselves of ail the responsibility for it by pleading that it was unknown to themselves, Who can say how far this great crime of assassina- ton has beén effective in delaying and preventing the desired reconciliation? THE RECONSTRUCTION POLICY OF MR. JOHNSON. It was in the midst of this distraction that Andrew. Johnson came to the Presidency—not by virwe of two popular elections to that office like his predeces- sor, or even of one such election, but by virtue of his constitutional election to be only Vice President. The unfinished work of the lamented Lincoin de volved upon him. The Conditions and considerations whieb were the advantages in his election as Vice President suddenly became disadvantages to him as President. The Southern States and the democratic party were minorities remembered but too nnfavor- ably by the Northern anti-slavery victors in nection with the rebellion, the civil war and African slavery. In addressing himself to the holy work of national reconciliation the pew President proceeded with dne deliberation and with firmness, decision and vigor. He retained ail his lamented predeces- sor’s connsellors; he adopted his lamented prede- cessor’s plan of reconciliation which seemed to him, as it seemed then to the hole = country, to be racticable and ’ because it was simple and natural. It consisted simply in opening the easiest and shortest sateway for a returo tnto the national family of the people of the Southern States, who now re- peoet their attempted separation. wi Those States invited to resume the vacant places in the i ve councils by sending Senators and Repre- septatives, who should be chosen by the people of those States, and who should prove themselves by every practical test unquestionably loyal to the Union. Some constitution and frame of govern- meut in the rebel States, however, would be a necessary 1) umentality of making such choice of Senators Representatives, ‘There was at the same tine a manifest necesssity for such renewed inatitutions of municipal government for the restoration of peace and order in the disorgan- ived States, the inistration of justice and the exercise of other necessary functions of government there. The people of the rebel States were therefore invited to establish such necessary State govern- upon the basis of lovely and fidelity, of which tical tests wert ded. These tes' rat, the acceptance of the new amendment of the constitution which abolished African slavery; sec- ond, the repndiation of the rebel debt; third, the abrogation of ali rebel laws; fourth, the acceptance of the #0 called iton-clad oath. All other questions were passed over for further and futare action. Loyal State governments were promptly formed and loyal Senators and Representatives appeared with equal promptness at the doors of Congress nag | for admission to the seats vacated in 1861. Then, and not until then, was peace pro- claimed thronghout the land and authoratively an- nounced to all nations, It is not correct thai the President of the United States made those State governments or caused them to be made by force or intimidation, The Union armies, of which he was Commander-in-Chief, lingered indeed in the rebel States to keep the peace during the transition from civil war. The popular action there was spontane- ous, and the executives there confined themselves to the forme of suggestion and advice, of which Presi- dent Lincoin had already set @n example. The new State constitutions were the best attainable at the time without directed application of force. They were adequate to the eme y, and they were open, like ail similar constitutions, to further revis- ion and improvement with tire }i of time and the increase of popular knowledge and virtue in the several States, DISASTROUS RESULTS OF THR CONGRESSIONAL POLICY, Congress hesitated, debated and . rebel states Were no longer in rebeltton. recy gas not received into the Union. The peopte, North as well as South, were excited. New schemes were pro- posed, new party combinations formed. There was no jonaer phe Union party Which had condugted jhe country through the flereest civil war ever known, but that party was seen resolving iteclf in an un- |. timely hour into the divi republican and democratic parties, An iadvghced demanded new and furt section of one riained positions of ion, mane TO} 0 5 distranchizement and other penalties of . reactiol section of the oiher insted that ali the delays were not only hazardous, but t all ions whatever were unnecessary, D%- reasonable and unconstititutional, -~* insisted that Sere could be no Without imifediatély extending suffra~e to the P by means no matter how ‘ tutional gr violent, What did all this imatcate but @ tro- Yersy_ about new gonstitiitions to be formed in yuthern it imy ton in St. Dom! 4 other abrup violent, 60 ——- ae cbnstitution Ca a conserva ae ae would ind Tevive, Tetrage, thgr yong’ and kugry , ne ted. tives seqt or 1865 have rejected ernments ri out sierae ubaltern army Pisesd yy Congress in charge of the several boar | ‘ongres# has enfranchised and iT disfranchised 1 those States just as seemed best Calculated to secure apoepsance of the constitution presgribed b: if through military agent in communities wheré 0 rebel force has beep for nearly fouf years... The President, with a tenacity that has provoked the sc tiny ation and challenged the jud menvot mi ind, be edict ie two things. . via. the wise and humané plan of predecessor, and what is infinitely more mpprigat, the constitutio) of the United States, just as he found both: For adherence he has been brought for impeachment in constitutional form for pretended high crimes and misdemeanors and duly committed, The na tion has thus been called to sustain the new Shock of a political assassination of its chosen and beloved head, and t encounter afterward the wild and reckless rocpedih of inconsiderate leaders such as kept ire co in &@ condition gf anarchy through a period of forty years, and whic! has hardly left one stable or even peaceful repablic remaining in South America. Most of the States organized in this irregular manner sent their aad sentatives to Congress, and those representatives have been admitied; while all the State govern- ments, through whose machinery those representa- tives were sent, or nearly all, are invoking the Con- gress of the United States to suspend the habeas corpus, to establish martial law, to assume and to confide to military nts the entire business of government in those States, under alarms and fears of renewed ingurrection, rebellion and restoration of slavery. MR. SEWARD EXPLAINS HIS COURSE, It is not my purpose to vindicate or to explain the Fork I myself nave had tn these transactions and de- ates, instructive, as J am sure, as they w! to future ages. I simply that as [ stood py the wise and magnanimous pol icy of President Lincoln in his life, [have adhered to thé same policy sin his mortal remains were committed tO an untim grave; and I have adhered with equal fidelity to his constitutional successor. (Applause) When the civil War came to an end ng wise man fappged that the transition could be mites made fro a state of civil war to a condition of tranquillity and peace without.occasiona! disturbances to be produced by inconsiderate individuals, and even by unlawful combinations of disappointed and excited men. On the contrary, every wise man knew that recon- ciliation nowever hindered, couid not be long deferred, and that constituent States of this Union, no matter how far they had wandered from the ways of loyalty. must sooner or later be again received into the Union. 1 have thought that all needful political wisdom in regard to that crisis was contained in the a get nnction to agree with our adversary quickly, and this injunction, which js true of all adversaries, is especially true when your adversaries are estranged brothers. WHAT IS NEEDED TO ESTABLISH PEACE AND RESTORE TRE UNION. So mucb, my friends, for the past; what now in the Present situation? We have heard, for three years, alarms of premature reconciliation; the advantages of procrastination ; the dan of reaction and armed rebvilion, At last the ¢ 1, is frantically uttered by all parties, ‘Peace, peace; let us have peace”’—~(i0oud applause)—when there is no peace in thé sense im- plied, but only forebodings of reaewed war. What does the country need in view of the painful situa- tion? I answer my own question. It needs just what it needed in 1865—the adinission of loyal repre- sentatatives from the iate rebel States into the Con- gress of the United States, and it needs at this time and at our hands no more. When yon have given to the Southern States the places in Congresé where they will have a constitutional hearing, the people then will acquiesce in wha! Congrers may require, and their mouths will be closed on all constitutional topics that nave produced agitation and excitement, ‘The States which send those representatives i v4 have loyal representative governments to determine ‘Who, what party, what interest or what faction shall oy tI wer or discharge thé government there. We peace for tngm if they canned 'e must, therefore, support aud maintain -existil governments to that end, But it belongs to t people of these States just as Minch as it belongs to e people of this State to say whether they shall live under one form of loyal republican ene or another. ‘1 do not a8k or require that repre- General Hancock, Coneral gCielian, Senator Buck- Rants ate'he ponsage" fee tosis “Ora wisracy be abolishing African slavery ? HE NEW YORK CONVENTION. 1 have therefore regarded with stucere S04, ee, NOVEMBER 1, 1863—TRIPLE SHEET. SEYMOUR. Movements of Go ception in Seymour—His Re- ym, Pa. BSTHLEUEM, Oct. 31, 1868, b Governor Seymour arrived here at half-past ten Then they talk of foyalty. What loyalty? 3 to which Reverdy Johnson—(loud bisses)—who neved vaned @ finger in defence of the country, was nomi- nated. drew his comfortable the reconstruction acts, and Senators, out He sat in hig easy chair in the Senate, income, and voted with- moving from their seats, nominated him by acclamation as Minister to England. Game} yalty Patriotic if m the efforts of democratic lead- to a rump Co! to @ corrupt and ulcerated erg; a8 Well those made in 184 at ©) 3 the | O'Clock this morning, and was welcomed by a large | party? The term ha#no place in the Ainerican vo- Semocr = ean Rye toa 1868, to is 5 She crowd, He made a short speech and the train pro- Cabulary, we have ¥ ki ring, Bo Potion. beve:, WS ceratio ‘part: » Upon attaining | ceeded ave only to swear allegiance onstitution—« which gil the errors and shortcoming of ite mem- | He — fi tpaiploe ey d beh a ak toners, what the radicals have trampled in the dust and bers the civil war would at once | proceed towards home via Scranton, Great Bend and | Wbat we are seeking to restore to its pristine purity drop of democratic party’ back, a3 | Binghawton, i and greatness, The gnly man is tifis country who 19 eg ME} nd fell CA ae hack —o Uisloyal Ye bo who hi strock a blow. ot the constitu q cross, ie demo- esbarre, | tn, and the man who seeks to defen: ‘om al- cratic IY reached that plane I should | S°Ver@or Seymour’s Speech tn wns soa | tack is the only one who can claim to be loyal. ‘Talk have felt t further concern on part about the ° WILEESBARRE, Pa., Oct. 51, 1858. | as they will the democrats of these Northern States work $f eto ation and restoratfon might he dis- | Governor Seymour arrived here this evening from | saved the Union; they shed their blood freely in its rgparesf ue sountey eubaantayagret'n | "hUAdelDui, He was greeted by sveralimpronpte | Oi"whae du ihuy Agni ort Patents Spon count iM 0 jor ol “4 ‘as the two es parties of the coun- | “¢Monstrations on the line of the road, and was } You are mistaken” ey fought for ‘spoons too, and , i ud t, in 1 agreed in the wrong. | escorted from the depot to his hotel at thi¥ place br whatever they could scoop up with the spooup be- In 1 parties agreed in the compromise of | & mounted delegation of Union Democracy wit sides, (Laughter.) 1850, whichaccepted the Fugitive Slave law, allowed | 8 rds and @ large crowd of le. He spoke } The General concluded by refuting the allégation the extension of African parery ent prohibited dis- | at the Court House, using eu! ilar to those | Made by the republican party that he had ne cussion upon it in the national forever. If the democratic party in 1868 had lifted themselves the position J have supposed we should mn have bad both parties of the country eing in the justice, wisdom and pean vernment in the civil war, and in le al of slavery, and at the same time agree- upon mi e time and the necessity of onc Tr ets i ‘Affection. The democratic having failed 90, the preparation to as- lo thé responsibilities of a rescued and regener- nation inst, i) slaved four years. To con- dg those Tepe bilities to that party in its present condition would be to continue, perhaps increase, jamentabt Political excitement which alone as delayed whe coun lete restoration of the Union to the present time. I well Know that it will be said, on the other hand, with much show of rope any Le a dealin Acitasory may, be expec exert langerous uence kee Peat an miniaration, by reason of. their having alreaty gathered themecivea into the ranks Of the supporters of the republican candidate. This, however, 18 no new dilemma for me or for many of you, my olg friends, We were required, year alter Year, to support Henry Olay a the best of two choices, although he disavowed and denoupced all that time the noble principle which we held concern- ing the lrrepress}ble conflict between freedom and slavery. Wedid so wisely. We were required in 1852 t6 support General Scott as the best of the two candidates offered us, and we thought he was put Upon a platform which maintained the Fugitive Slave law and declared it perpetually in- violable. We wisely did that. No one citizen may Syer ho je to ipd a candidate perfectly acceptable to himself and yet find that the grounds of his own choice fof that candidate are accepted by all is fellow-citizens Who concur with him in that peetence. No one can foresee six months before- 4 what the political exigencies of the country be or how the administration of the govern- méj must act when they oceur, In 1660 we fered s Preai lent simply to maintain the cause of jom against legislative aggression, That ad- ministration encoquntered no such diiiculty. The inate ai rel led had away before that administratios te contro! PP) ower, and it found itself nted, instead of by that danger, by a rebellion which taxed all its energies, caused a conflict Which result in the immediate abolition of sla- very—an event which be- foré expected to occur in had not been less than fifty ears, So I think none can now foresee the especial Ine of official duty which a new administration may find it necessary to pursue. Wo are impatient of the slOw progress we make towards great national ends; we often magnify the obstacles we meet and deem them insurmountable; but time is always en- gaged in sbasing those diMoulties and smoothing our Way. The result of the election, if favorable to the candidate of our choice, will put an end to all the debates which it has excited and prepare the popular mind w accept now what it has heretofore rejected—namely, the most practicable and easy solution of the national embarrassments, In any case I console myself with the reflection that as wisdom was not born with the administration of Abraham Lincoln so 1t will mot die with the adminis- tration of Andrew Johnson. ‘ THE SERV{0Z3 OF GRANT AND COLFAX, I have not entertained you on this oceasion, My friends, with eulogiums upon your candidates or any of them, or with aspersions of the candidates or any of them, I need scarcely remind you that have no such habit; certainly there is no occasion now for that line of debate, All their candidates are well known; moro widely known, indeed, than any candidates that have ever before been named for the high offices for which they are designated since the first admmistration of the government. They are better known because they are his- toricaliy identified with national trials of surpassing Magnitude and interest to all ankind, It remains only now to thank oy for your indulgence, Jf I have come among you late. I havé, nevertheless, come in thane. J have neither questioned the opinions nor the motives which have governed your ctvil con- duct sineo we last met. I have troubled you with no explanations of my own. We have come together it vate when I am approaching the end of 9 Exécutive Department of our govern- as cver been vouchsafed by this nation to any citizen in the department which I have conducted. pike cme I am already returned among you a private citizen, as | was when I was called into that service. ‘The responsibiltties and that have transcended !n dignity and tpterest septatives here or Governors there shall bé white or black, or mixed; 1 tonly that they shal VE aise presentative men, fréely ee n ip these States e ople themselves and Hot By ontaide compulsion o} jictation. Ido indeed know that the best form republican government existing in any of the States capable of amendment. I ara sure that it will hereaf- terbe greatly amended. Being no conservative, in the narrow meauiug of that word, I not only do not op- ose, but I favor all each amendments, ang ScoeRt Nit One limitation for mY efforts In that cre That imitation ig the constitution of the Unf Stites, which enjoins non-intervention upop ne go lopg a3 those States are loyal to the Union and keep the public peace, their own peace and the péacé of | the Union. I shati not, therefore, take tie sword | into my hand, nor put it into the hand of any other person, to effect a reforma by force jp those States, | wich Lam sure will be effected fuch sooner and | more permanently through the exercise of persuasion and reas to use the sword to undo and ly been done in those Stat iu. As little dol think it my duty | move what las s—(applanse)— | Whether it was necessarily done or unnecessarily | an? unwisely done. As [ thought the situation | which existed in 1866 ought to be accepted by a rea- sonable, putriolic and humane adroinistration, nk now the situation which exists in 1868, after st efforts which have becn made to secure a er, ought to be accepted. { aim not without hope, my friends, that this pamfal national dilemma | solved before the end of thepresent admin- iL our national diMenities have been or . The ambitions of parties and chiefs must come to a rest with the close of this election, and calinness and tranquillity must mer or later resume their eWay over the pubiie mim In that case ft shail have | little desire to speak concerning the future adminis- | tration of the government, content to have per- | formed witi singleness of purpose and with all my | abilities my duties under the administration wit which I ain personally connected. WHE NEXT PRESIDENT MUST BE A RFPUBLICAN. It is on the other hand possible that the dilemma | of reconciliation may continue unsolved, and fos require the attention of the new admintefration. It | is in this respect that I deem the present choice of a future Ohief Magistrate not merely important, bat. | perhaps criticaliy #0, as the last two choices | were #0. One consideration alone is sufficient to de- | termine my judgment in rhis emergency. 1 cannot sree that the civil war has closed with two great poiitical achieyements—the one the gaving of the in- tegrity of the Cnion, the other the abolition of Afri- can slavery. Personally I see no cause to fear in any case a reaction in which both or either of these great attainments can be lost. They ads] harmony with the spirit of the age—the established progress of mankind. My confidence, however, in this re- spect is not indulged, nor do 1 expect it to be enter- tained by all, nor even the majority of my patriotic fellow citizens who were engaged with me in making and aiding those great achievements, Their wounds, unlike my owp, are yet unhealed; their sacritices, like some, are yet unrewarded; they have been, they are, and they will continue to be apprehensive in that regard, and these appre- hensions will increase with every indiscreet proceed- ing or even utterance of any person or es who were compromised, or who ever sympattrized with the rebellion or with African slavery. Confi- dence ia, in the case of most men, though it ia not in mine, @ plant of slow growth. Not only is it true that such apprehensions, however unreasonable they may be, cannot be safely disregarded, but it ie equally true that they are to be respected and tn- dal; because of the mora! infuence they will exert in favor of union, freedom and progress in ali futare time and throughout the world. The magistrates who are to preside then in the work of reconcilia- tion hereafter ought, like those who have preceded in former stages of that work, fo be men drawn from snd representin; that class of citizens who maintained the ernment in the prosecution of the civil war and in the abolition of slavery. (Grea! applause.) Inno other hands could the work of reconciliation be ex- to be successful, because @ different sort of Magistrate would be profoundly and generally sus- pected of a Willingness to betray the transcendent a invereste ‘which were guided and secured by THE LOVALTY OF THE POLITICAL PARTIER, ‘The attitude of each of the political parties in thia canvass is in some respects different from what I myself could have desired or would have advised. ain great crimes have been committed in the naine of liberty by the republicans of the United States, as great crimes were committed in the aame holy name yy the French republic in the revolution of 1789. evertheless the republican party neither rest under any suspicion of its loyalty or its devotion to human freedom, nor can it fail under any such sus- Picton, The democratic party—I do not propose now to say with how much justice—has not so con- ducted itself in its corporate and responsible action as to secure the entire confidence of a loyal le in its unconstitutional and uncompro- Tit adherence to the Union, or in ite accept ance and approval of ihe effective abolition of slavery. Tentertain no jealonay of the democratic af or its leaders, and unfriendly or unchart- bie feeling towards that gre: rtituency, On the other hand, I cherish a grateful appreciation of the patriotism, the magnantinity, ihe heroism of many of my fellow citizens with whom 1 have cheerfuily iabored and co-operated while they still retain their adhesion to the democratic party. How could t dis- trust the Joyaity or the virtue of audrew Jobpson, of | chisement or cot trials which have attended the teat an teres any through which our government bi previously passed, except, Fiver 3 in the Revolution. 1 trust that no Sina responsiblitties or trials are in reserve for the next administtation or are to be encountered by any future administratioy for many generations to comé. ‘J 18 OWN PUBLIC LIFE REVIEWED AND JUSTIVIED. am by no means confident that 1 have not often erred. I have nevertheless a humble trast, that at least this can be said by those of you whose friend- ship I’ am atill. permitted to enjoy—namely, that no act or word of mine brought on or liastened the lamentabig civil war wh wounds it ia our pl it’ object to heal, ybnt, on the contrary, no act that i could perform nor any word that I could utter to prevent or even dela: jamity was withheld. When that civi on the Faloparts of the constitntion, and 40 loug a it was Waged no act or word of mine encouraged an enemy of the United States at home or abroad; . While, on the contrary, every act that I could la fully perfortu, every word that I could lawfully utter | to save the national life, féarfully exposed at home and abroad, was performed and spoken. No act or Word of mine has consented to the prolongation of | slavery a single day; on the conirary, my band | dd seat are found upon the one {niernational | t which remained to abolish the African slave rade throughout the world, and on the military rociamation and the constitutional amendment that y tates, ¥ No one State of the ee any raction of a State, Wes by any action oPAword mine driven or allowed to separate itself from the Vuion. On the contrary, every act or word that I could lawfully perform or speak to prevent that wild treason or madness was spoken with ail the decisi and yet with ali the moderation that such counsels required. When that frightful rebellion ceased no one State of the Union of fraction of a State was hy apy action or word o° mine repelled from returning to its allegianc®. On the contrary, every act or word of mine that was Ket 3 or that | promised to be useful in bringing thosé revolution. | wry States back to reinforce ond reinvigorate the | Uhion which they had so rashiy attempted to destroy | ‘as seasonably performed and spoken: no seat in Cofigress constitutionally: assigned to any State or omuunity within the Upited States is now or ever fos been one moment kept vacant. or unoccupied through any bye age = yn or hindrance of mine by word or deed. On the contrary, the crime, and oniy crime, of Which I now know that I am im- peached is that of being too precipitate in the policy of national reconciliation or peace. No State, nor any citizen, by afy act of mine, hos suffered disfran- lecatiop, and except for the assas- has any one endured sination of Abraham Lincoln nalti*s or punishment, Tb fhout my life an advocate of aniversal suffrage for the exile and immigrant, and even the slave, I peave to those classes tho support and patronage ‘which the constitytt yf my Country ‘permits and allows. (Applagse.) injury, insult or other offence has been Commit ted or attempted to be com- mitted against our county of any one of its citizens by any foreign State or ngtion without having found we employing all the consiittitional power confided to me, with ail the anility I possessed, to redress the wrong. The prestige of Bol age Ibumbly el " not been lost or impaired. I almost dare to thin it has been elevated, and atid all the domestic t1 of civil war and faction the “Monroe doctrine,” which eigh! Woe ago was merely a theory, is now an irre 5 ban country is not now, but i la my an I found it when f enterea Inet public service. It has already begun to enjoy the wealth of the Polar Seas, and eure it is not my fault if ite flag is still jealously excluded that ca- | | »ple of New Jersey | ion by a inajority of | \3 {A Vo give more this time.) | That's right; I feet assured you will, Yet what sid your Senators do whom you had elected the pre- ar? They pro elves advocates of thoke very Meastires you #0 decidedly condemned. ‘They showe/l not the slightest dtsposition to recede from the ysition. They never for a mo- ment flected iley were the servants of the people of New Jersey. On the con- trary, they scorned — th r" of their | your Cattell and Frelinghuysen and as if this gov- Sdvanced in specclies in other places. He compared the Waste of money in carry! Re out the reconsiruc- Uon measures - of Con, Ww Wrought by capital spent in developing internal {m- provements and Spoouraging induaiey, charged the republicans with hanging their front because they Geclared in their resolutions that reconstruction had en successful, and now in their presses Seypre- Pe that so far trom being a success the South is ® state of rebellion, and said reconstructionand | Knew of. (Great laughter.) amid tumultuous applause, sixty thousand ofice holders made the ditference to the poor man betweep eight hours’ work end tep ith the great a Know Nothing; but his opponent on the other ticket be pronounced as one who had been vomited out of now Nothing lodge. Of Schuyler Colfax it had been said that he was very amiable, very kind, cour- teous, smiling, and all that sort of thing, towarda foreigners; butit reminded him of what he heard Western man say in reference to the same Schuyler, that he could make a spoonful of meal go turther in @ barnyard full of chickens than any other man ha Here the General rewres Mayor O'Neill came forward and stated that Gen- hours’ work per day, eral Blair was now about to withdraw; le was very Hon. George W. Woodward ptesided. Govetior Seymour remains af that gentieman’s residence tutil Monday, a ee ee MAS) MEETING OF THE DEMOCRACY IN JERSEY CITY, Reception of Frank Blair—Torchlight Pro- ceasion=Speech of the Democratic Cane didate for the Vice Presidepcy—A Final Raking he Radical Party, The democracy of Jersey came forth last evening like the hosts of the Assyriahs of old, with torch and banner and sound of cymbal, to welcome the true chieftain of the uncohquered and unterrified Frank Blair, Montgomery street was alive from an carly hour withthe tyamp of @ red-shirted host bearing through the murky air biazing torches and gay transparencies. Far away along the leading thor. oughfare of Jersey, a fluttering ribbon of light ex- tended and in the intervals, between the heavy boom of a minute gun, a crash of brazen music re- sounded and a hundred rockets flew at capricious angles into the dark vault above. Exchange place was throngea, over thirteen clubs being massed in ita vicin- ity, ail awaiting the advent, per ferryboat, of Blair. When his presence was announced three or four thun- dering cheers went up in the direction of Heaven, the bands played “See the Conquering Hero,” and the hero himself was driven of at once to the Catholic Institute, where a dense audience anxiously awaited his arrival. Entering the hall General Blair was the recipient of very demonstrative applause. Mayor O'Neill wa’ nominated fov chairman amid a great deal of confusion in the neighborhood of the plat- form, caused by one of the clubs making a frantic effort to balance itself on the edge of the platform. Mayor O’Nei1 said that he hoped the utmost quiet would be observed, as they had a gentieman in their midst who was one of the best and truest ex- ponents of democratic principles, He was a disciple of the great founder of democracy and algo a gallant soldier who had risked hig life tu the defence of the nation. General BLAIR was then introduced, and after quiet Was restored said he was particalarly pleased at this reception from citizens of New Jersey, be- cause that, he might say, he was of Jersey stock him- self. His great-grandfather was a professor of belies- lettres and theology in Princeton College and all the Blair have taken to theology ever since. (Laughter. He spoke of this incident because he wanted to let them know that he appreciated the cordiality and kindness of Jerscymen. He did not assume that this ovation tendered to him Was intended as a personal compliment to himself. He knew too well they came there to attest their de- votion to the great cause of democracy, the cause in which he and they were colabvorers, and as such he accepted the compliment with far greater gratifica- tion than if he supposed it was meant for an indi- vidual. ‘The cause might well excite all their great- est enthusiasm, because it is the cause of free gov- ernment and constitutional itberly, This was a popular government, made by the people for the people and belonging to the people. Ip such a gov- ernment he would make the proposition, against which none cau have a word to utier, that in a popular government no policy ought to be adopted before the people are consulted and hav ven their assent to it. He desired to ask if the radical policy received the assent of the peopie of this country. (No, no.) Then by what authority hasgit been fas- tened upon this country? No men orset of men have a right io declare that this policy shall be im- posed upon a free people without their recorded en- dorsemont. ‘The reconstruction scheme of Congress has uever received the assent of the nation, aud the gist of that scheme is that eight tojilions of white men shall be subordinated to the role of four millions of semi-barbarous bincks. And who is this that perpetrates the act? A ramp Congress, @ fragment of the popu- lar representation taking upon itself um perial power, disregarding the landmark constitution, overriding all that is held sa revered by the patriotic mind of the Ame: ple, and forcing upon the nation a repulsive and dex- otic pol + the poiut of the bayonet, which ere ng, It intends, shall prop them In. thelr unholy | palaces ane overtarn the dearest institutions we POXSCse, flere the General went into a recital, heretofore freqnentiy repeate d, of the policy which Abraham Lin- coln pursned aud meditated carrying out before untimely death f than im- 1 peo- regard to the Southern State jon in the national council constituency, went on with and said in acts as plain as w servants of the people of New J 'y, we are their masters.” (Cheers.) New Yor! 0 gave @ majority that told plainly wiat she thought of radical recon- struction; yet the Senators from that great state also scorned to hear the voice of those that sent them | as thelr representatives. They acted exactiy like ernment wastheirs and you were only their pliant, simple tools, It wasthe same way with Ohio and Indiana. Now what did these fellows do? (A voice, “Robbed the country.”) Yes, robbed the country; | and not only robbed the country of its treasure, | bar robbed it of what ts far dearer than either gold or stiver—its precious liber- ties, its inalienable rightto govern iteelf. They | now come out boldly before the country and say this state of things must be maintained. They say one of lis amiable temper and antecedentsa—because he declared these reconstruction laws null and void and that the will of the people ought to be the supreme law of the land—because he uttered this sentiment, was @ revolutionist and ready to renew the rebellion. A rolco—" Wait till you're put in.”) Hold on, there, it's not your “put in’ now. Are not they, exclaimed the Generai with much energy, the revolutionists? Are not they the pialefactors, the criminals that ought to be brought to punishment, and not " who deelai hat te will of the people shomid be ted and the constitution restored (Loud cheers.) These fellows have set all the old Wonten of the country ehaking, all the weak knecd men in & futrer on account of that terrible fellow, Frank Biair; and yet | am one of the mort amiabie of men, a® every one who knows me can attest. oe a Because J say this great State of New jersey, from the nobie stock of whose people! am by European nations from tue ever verdant islands of the Caribbean Sea, When left you to enter the public service insurrectionary armies were being gathered into the fleld of domestic war, and the hollowness of nationai friendship was expressed in the melancholy fact that the United States had not one assured and aym- athizing friepd in the world except the republic of Brritzeriand. It is@ souré® of satisfaction to us all that onr country has many new and established friends among the nations; while, for myself, | am sure, as I trust you will be soon for yourselves, t! they have no longer any dangerons domestic foe within thetr borders, If now I shall find the anclept cheer | which heretofore presided at yout fresides ih winter; if I shall find (he birds still lingering in your gar- dens and groves as in the olden time in the summer; if the trout are not exhausted in your brooks, or the perch In your lakes; if industry still dwetls in your shops and you attil want now houses to be built for your mechanics and laborers: if piety shall prevail ag heretofore in your churches and charit, toward each other and humanity toward all condi- tions of men stall distinguish your political assem- piles, then indeed we are about to renew with mu. tual satisfaction an acq ance Which, while it ex- isted, was lappy for ua all, and whichjfor me has a and painfully suspended. (Great ap plauee). GAME. The Wost favorable reports come from ail parts of the country, and the sharp crack of double bar- rela is heard if all directions. It appears that the supply this year is sometht oxtreordinary, go that sporiamen will dd UBs SO wuiy Ww bongwg rung, should not belong to Cattell and Freling- buyren I am, forsooth, a fevolntionist. No, my friends, these fellows are not go much seared at me as you imagine. They are crafty ecared, a Marry Percy said of Glendower. ‘y bave raised the ‘cry with the thin disguise of distracting public attention from their own acts of Infamy, The country Knows the artifice and will nol be delucder y it. They are the self ai crowd of hypocrites that sat on their soft-cusl J seats in Congress, when I wae giving iny best abilities in the fled for reservation of the seats if the country weni to the devil, No, my friends, you are not to be scared by suek @ miserable Ka Frank Biair js know it—know it 3 bat trath, justice nor pa no abiding § place in their It shows what a comtempt they entertain when seek ta arouse your The General said he wonld now mth t i subjoct—th a ent of the vetaranr bt ihelwar sy this radic Congress. Two thousand of these waimed mutilated heroes had been re- | ly offices by this ramp repre: | they Happened to hold | Yo thore of the dominant re of the wat had passed Mery ordeal andeseaped the fatal my to be vhot Gea on the threshold his audience in inflnite much fatigued from his great exertions and would be leaving for home the next evening to do whag every good citizen 1s expected to periorm—cast his vote in his own State for the cause of right aud con- stitutional government, Chauncey Shaffer was the next speaker. Ie kept ‘ood humor for over half an ointed sallies. Mayor hour by his lively an Cleveland and Mr. Leon Abbott made brief addresses likewise, after which the meeting separated. — THE RURAL DEMOCRACY, Mess Meeting of the Democratic Organiza- tlens of Westchester County. A grand mass meeting of the combined democratic organizations of Westchester county, embracing delegations from Rye, East Chester, Bronxville, Mamaroneck, Mount Vernon, Tuckahoe and other towns and villages was held last evening at New Rochelle, under the auspices of the New Rochelle Democratic Club, of which Clarkson N. Potter, can- didate for Congress from that (the Tenth) dis- trict, 13 president. All the visiting organiza- tions were formed into a grand torchlight pro- cession at the depot early in the evening, and after parading the principal streets, accompanied by numerous bands of music and amid the glare of rockets, Roman candles and transparencies, pra- ceeded to Cadet Hall, in Main street, where addresses were made and the greatest enthusiasm was mani- fested. About a dozen clubs were represented and about 1,500 persons were assembled in and aroupd the bullding. Ateight o'clock the meeting was called to order by Thomas R. Fisher, who nominated James Todd, president of the Workingmen’s Society, ay chair- brat Pd nea was unanimously ratified and ac- cepted. Tir, Fisher then read the following letter from General Nagle:— New York, Oct, 22, 1868. Tos. R. Fisuen, Chairman Committee of Ari DEAR Sin—Imperative duty to our cause ca diately to the western and northern parts of th t will not return before election day. Be kind enough to mak» from known to our{riends in New Rochelle my cuuse of abe fence your meeting on the Sixt. Tleave for Bulfalo to-day. Every shoulder now to the wheel. By united and earnest work we must be triumphant. WILLIAM J. NAGLE. Colonel A. C. Davis was then introduced as tha first speaker, and said that Indeed thia waa no ordir nary canvass—a contest that called for united effort not only up to but after election, and in fact so long asthe dearest rights of the people and the mog sacred institutions of the country were imperiller He then explained briedy the advantages which jt? country had derived from the administration £ seventy years of the Jeffersonian polic: leaving to the State and local governm so far as practicable, the privilege of ¢ pensing “their internal affairs, Atter tn years of prosperity under that good old doctriz war came, which was fought out to its legitig termination; the rebels laid down their arms, now, after four years of peace, the country we anything but a prosperous condition. In this‘ ing time of peace,” however, the people were v the radical peace government, and under the construction laws compelled to submit to tay to the amount of $125,000,000 for the maintena astanding army and $50,000,000 for the sup) the Freedmen’s Bureau. The Tribune of Frid filied with articles under heads suggestive of ¥ but robbery, riot, murder and rapine. Tb heading was “The New Rebellion,” the sect oie “New Orleans Riot,” and so forth, and th four years of experiment in reconstruction republican party, It was a most conclusi that a free and enlighiened people nev be governed by the bayonet, and their th application of government must be errone¢ failure. In its bearings, however, with reg present scale of taxation, expenditure an¢ ment of the national debt the ek of were most directly interest ye 1 standing that if Seymour b hig Wider- be disbanded and the mouey now applied my sho port used in cancellation of the debt. to its 6p also smash the Freedmen’s Bu He inde} plause)—and apply the mone, tenance towards tt Juction of the ne He was not in favor of repudiation by bat he believed the present debt should ble, and umn ther increase of tt, and the necessity of Tany est on such enormous sums. Anoth ying in| radical which was anything but t . was the creation of two kinds of cw the rich and the bondholder and gr irtted that there But there wi ling up out of that war of racy. The government deman money. The poor man had he interposed his life as a barrier ' of (io Union he loved, and under 9 hose prospered, and the government gaj e bimat do for his patriotisy h could not bear the thought of set The re to imperil his life for his country, ding his the government money, the so | war.” ‘fhe government took his his son to stay at home. The L 4 at the close of the war, car Sovernment agent, the poor, and, putting its 4 to the rich and breeches pocket, nt hand in his left dollars in greenba: fe m his bondred had lost, and to the widow an ¢€ r the limb he for the sacrifice of her sun who rave. ‘Turning to the rica mg nto the other pocket aud pa goid for every forty cents he tr in the time of its dire neces¢ the war. He concluded by ¢ his bearers to vote the “‘straly on Tuesday next. The meeting was subse Messrs. Win. F. McNamara, ¥ Beebe and other gentlemen. Germans was addreased in John G. Hoffman, and tht abvatelsven o'clock with Biatr. id to tim a ad loaned th ity at the ount arnest'y callin quent; ym P- Ang An outsi assemblage dispers AND FOR THE EARTH! JUAKE SUFFERERS, LEGATION OF Perv, w Yor, Oct. sir 1869, \ of the sufferers py, ecuador:— es Ne Amounts received in al¢ earthquakes in Peru and! Heretofore acknowledged rl through Brown +++ $20,008 39 #0 00 given. 26 08 Through Ribon $00 Firwenas ney Oat 100 00 christnas, r listees Drake Brothers... 9204 Hurlbut, 26 09 William J. Wilcox & Go, 25 0 Oelrichs & Co..... .. 100 00 Townsend, Clincd and Dike 60 00 Henry Lawrence & Sons.....;°°‘} 60 00 L. H. and We He... hi atts 100 00 Frederick Probst it Co... 10 40 Morgan & Keene, ‘250 00 Dzondil, 8 pringer 35 00 Budge, Sonia & C 2 00 A. Goettl & Co. P- s Stamford Manufacturing © al 68 ONE COvesaserices we Francis & Loutrel. ..| ry Brewster & Co., oe Total... 000 40 100. OCKET Deractive omicer Thompson, of the Twenty sere i't precinet, while In the neighborhood of the Cortianis street ferry last evening, arrested an old pickpocket, John Williams, as his movements was very susp) s It was fortunate that he was apprehended, as uy after his arrest a lady from Williamsbarg complained At ibe bead of the list was | thatehe had been robbed, and upon search Wile we 5. M (cheers)—whoao services saved | hams a pocketbook found in fis possession wae res government aad country in the glurious bat | cognized by lier. He will be atraiguyd Ue mivras No Of AMUeiam, and Who Was reievied Jor pp ove | ing at the Tombs PUGS QQNe F 1 by the © proof r could would ile ad- ¥ for both qual sum as her du rotted in a Southerm a he thrust bis hand na dollar ig utbreak of L cut democratie tiuker essed by James G. meetin, thelr native tongne b§ cheers for Seymour snd