The New York Herald Newspaper, October 20, 1868, Page 3

a cchcel aN POLITICAL INTELL.GENCE, ory Peummics, Tammany Hall General CommitteeAddress to the People upon the Present Results of the Canvass and the Duty of the Hour, ” Amecting of the Tammany Hall General Commit- Yee was held last evening at the Wigwam on Four- Seenth street, William M, Tweed in the chair. A call ‘Was adopted and inspectors appointed for primary @lections to be held on Wednesday evening next to Nominate delegates to & County Convention to be held on Thursday evening, Assembly Conventions to meet on Friday evening and Congressional Con- ventions to meet on Saturday evening. On motion @ committee of one from each ward ‘was appointed to prepare an address to the people ‘wpon the present results of the canvass and the duty ef the hour, to report immediately, On motion of A. Oakey Hall, a committee of three was appointed to call a meeting of the demo- cratic inspectors and canvassers for consultation and instruction touching the authority vested in and the lege} duties imposed upon them by thelr appoint ments. The committee on the address having returned Feported the Slowing: which was heartily 8p) lauded uring its reading aud unanimously adopted:— ‘The democracy of the city of New York, represented in the Tammany Hall General Committee, congratulate the de- mocracy of Pennsylvania and the Western States upon the spirit and indomitable energy evinced by them in their recent contests, which are but the preliminary skirmishes to the Fee! national battle to be fought next month. We cougratn. ite them upon the great advantages won, Those advantages would have been full triumphs if ft had mot been for tho expenditures of a vast-corruption fund, ‘ealculated by millions, ‘cgliccted not only from the placemen ani officeholders of the radical Congress, but also froin the | combination who have been depreciating the revenues of the gorgrament by iicit maoutactures, Even this corruption nd would not have resulted in preventing the preliminar triumphs of the democracy in the State of Pennsyivania if {t duad not been for the arbitrary acts of radical inspectors, in direct disobedience of tie courts and in violation of the con: stitution and laws of the United States, in refusing to receive the votes of our naturalized fellow titlzena., ‘The vows of ‘fhe naturalized citizens who wero denied the right of suifraze in Pecparivanle, because they intended to vo.o with us," would havo been more than enough to have given ua victory at the late election, We are glad to hear that our friends there have determined that the votes of our adopted citizens shall be received at the eom- fog election. But the corruption treasury of the enemy can- Bot be again successfully used uncer the vigilance of the democracy. The colonizers went by the radical commit this State must rematn here to coniest, though h fort, the Empire State. | The gallant democracy of Phil phia have redeomed thelr city from radical despotism, an wi the deapatehes that with a falr tee of with confid: a and p) Jot, which they are now likely to have, they will be by a largely increased majority inthe decisive batlo of next inonth. Our brethren Ohio have contended against the heavy majo ef fanaticism and radicalism. | They have stu ly. Thy aght ab honest Qght. The vote wei were thelr own. ‘The unscrupulous fil uhern countics of Ohio with carpet-bag- the strongholds of radicalisin of ad- encmy v8 and negroes voted in violation of ecision of the people in the elec- moeracy have made wonderful iclory in Indfana was almost within our grasp. By frau- a@wient canvassing our foes gain the State. but by leas than 1,00) majority, thren there send us word that the democracy 0 Lil give an Inereased vote next month, Andyona bag virtually repudiated the radical candidate on the national Ucket, Demacrats of New York! In our State the contest of the democracy Is for the majorities we will give our great chlel- tei: nad statesmen, Horatio Seymour, and the gailaut soldier Of the Weat, General Frank P: Biair. ‘Tho radicals, already alarmed at’ the determination and vigor of the dembcracy of Fenusylvanix und the great West, appreciate that the reat decisive battle is not yet won. The democracy of the Empire State, prov of her great stateeman, Horatio Seymour, are no Jess proud of the gallant sol tier of the West, who by his en- ery and bravery saved his State from rebellion, and who fouight at the head of his corps tn the baitles of the Southwest and in all those upon the preat march ‘from the mountains to the sea.” The radicals, conscious of the unrelaxed vigor of the democracy in Pennsylvania and the West, and thelr own rapldiy decreasing vote, endeavor to inspire. their wavering ranks and to demoralize the advancing democratic columns by silly storles of divide | counsels. It is the causo We are united. We belfeve in our cause. ef constitu: iberty, of pereonal rights, of @ fraternity of Staies, of an economical government,’ of the financial credit of the nation, of one currency for all men, rich and poor—of the political supremacy of the white race and the rotection of white labor. ‘The radicals of Pennsylvania and 1¢ Western States have placed another ik in their plat- form, ‘It fa to proseribe the vote of natur: eltizens. In their despotic policy to control our country they gave frage to the negro ‘race of the Southern States and hi Sled white iabor. They boldly proclaim that their la policy shall protect the negro and oppress the naturalized citizen, Their next step will be to bring the Southern negro nto vote down and compete against the white laborer. y, then, for our national chieftains and our national policy! also’for John T. Hoffman, the friend of the poor, smpathizer with the naturalized citizen and the for to municipal oppreasion in the form of odious Excise and all other laquisitorial lawa. John A. Griswold, the inillionnaire, fe the radical candidate for Governor. Edwin D. Morgan, and another radical miliionaaire, is the radical candidate for Sen: r. The names of several other millionaires arc on thelr Theis money ie poured out with the profusion of ‘water in order to subsidize this election, Is not the pending contest pre-eminently one of capital fazninst labor, of money against popular rights and of pollti- e nih the nat eal power against the struggling Interests o} aly ti te atriotic states eaded by w citizen cket Dearing the naine of our favorite, John T. Hofman. The General Committee then adjourned, The Issue of the Canvass Upon the Business and Prosperity of the Country. The fourth of a series of speeches on the Presiden- tial issue was delivered last night before the Union National Republican Club of this city by Elliott 0. Cowdin, a merchant of this city. After reviewing the war and its results he alluded to the national debt as follows:— Our public debt presses heavily upon the industry of the country. The taxes which necessarily tow therefrom lay their grasp, directly or indirectly, upon everything we eat, drink, wear or use. These are grievous burdens, ‘But they were incurred in a noble struggle to agers the republic. He who gazes, not without solicitude, upon the colossal Proportions of our great debt; he who submits, not Wholly without repining, to the searching exactions of the tax-gatherer;; the millionnaire who liquidates his heav annual assessments; the laborer who Daya enhanced prices for everything he consumes, should all remember that these bur- dens were hea) ben them by @ band of demo- cratic rebels who, after shedding an ocean of blood ‘and rutning one-half of the Union, and plunging the other haif into unprecedented financial diasters, fare now clamoring for the election of Seymour and Blair and threatening in the event of their triamph to involve the ae, in another war. The neces- sity of creating this debt and levying these taxes is, therefore, to be charged exclusively to the treason of the Southern democracy. The loyal masses firmly met the issue, The resources of the country proved adequate to the great emergency. The citizens con- tributed of their substance to its treasury and freely gave their blood (o vindicate ite flag. We triumphed; and as ihe b.ood shail be held in everlasting remem- braace by our chidren and our childven’s children, #80 posterity Will discharge the debt to the utmost f.rtuag, decording to the letter and spirit of the contract, in the money of the civilized world. Aye, the bouds will be paid, as will the greenbacks also, and both in the currency of Christendom. As the gratitude ef the nation will prove ample to canonize tho sacred dust of its heroic dead, so will its re- Fou es and its integrity be found suficient to keep faita w.th those who (rusted it in a dark and perilous era. ‘ihe demoac press, im commenting upon the result of the late elections, tauntingly retiarked that the bioated foreign bondholders were rejoicing be: | cause it wight enable them to realize 100 for what t.ey paid only forty cents. If aroaga the crimes of Our enemies the national credit was thus debae shot throneh the virtues at o- WS Pepe suns magne sy 44 is areduatly iatproving, ah4 BS tone itioh desire—specie payment What we ol # Why should the efedit of Massachusetts, whose five per cent bonds are now selling in London at ninety-five cents, be so much better tian the credit of the United States, whose six per cent bonds bring in the same market only seventy-four cents? It is because the eople of Massachusetts have been a uuit in uphoid- Teg ihe on iit of the Commonwealth beyond perad- venture or the possthility of a doubt; while the valid- ity of the national debt has been questioned and our credit materially damaged by the authoritative declarations of the democratic party. Nations, like Judividuals, must ever be mindial that credit ts not only the basia of all great enterprises, but ts the life n industrial people. ‘The financial disasters that 1 fodow the success of the democracy would aifect our credit In all the markets of the world. Large amounts of our bonds are held in Europe. The holders already show signs of uneasiness Decause of the democratic threats of practi- cal repudiation, The character of our prone ig on (rial on every Exchange beyond the Atlantic. Not the bondholders and moneyed men only in for- eign lands, but those who stood up firmly for the Vuion during the war, earnestiy deprecate the suc- cess of Seymour aud anxiously desire the triumph of Grant, so that the honor and integrity of tue nation, both one aud politicaliy, may be vindl- . John bright, the champion of freedom and equal rights in his native land, whose thrilling o:o- quence resounded in our defence during the darkest period of the confict, now ardently hopes for our success in the present issue, Count de Gasparin, the author of that invaluable tribute to our country, issued during the gioomiest hours of our siraggle, “The Uprising of a Great People,” earnestly desires the election of Grant and Colfax. 80 also do those other champlons of liverty, Edward Laboulaye and Henri Martin, the French historia “You are right,” says the latier, “in believing that we are warmly inter ested in your Presidenvial contest. The election of @ aol divant democrat would be a great calamity, but ‘We have full conddence in the success of General Grant.” The Democratic Torchlight Procession, The Committee of Arrangements, of which Captain Ryndors is chairman, met last evening at Masonic Hail, Thinveenth etreet, to decide upon the order of the proposed procession and to give final instruc. tions as to the order in which the same was to be carried out. The irrepressible Rynders was punctu- ally at lis post, bite it must be gaid—and ‘ ‘tis true, Jtis pity, and pity ‘te ‘Hs true*—the Captain looked # little chap-falion wheit Re gazed around upon the tl and thas | Gred millions of peovie that few adherents that answered So, Bis call, Nothing daunted, however, the Capt: reased the “faithful few” and expressed hist determination to stand by the to the last. by ral whom no reverses can daunt, the forlorn hope around him that overtures been made to him irom Tammany Hail, on the opposite street, through its chief counsellor, Bismarck Swi , to the effect that “they of: Tammany” re- quested of the Captain” to postpone his intended torchlight procession fora few ereaineend that the sons of Tammany would join in the 0) the globe, “You have a risht, if oppressed by the gov ernment under whica you live, to seek freedom here. We oiler you freedom and pi tion under government of ours.” We had competied Uiree Like a true gene- | this he expiainea to | natious of the World o recoznise tne principle and before another year nad passed every country will, by treaty with ‘this nation, have agreed lo secure his protection to the people of the whoie world, (Cheers,) It was aid such as no other nation had ever extended to mankind. iiome and Greece could onty prorect their citizens where their armtes trod, stration, | but America protected her cilizens wherever her There was some reluctance on the part of the Cap- | flag was uniuvied, (Cheers.) Republican principles tain to succumb. He hesitated a little, and then ) had been triumphant not only in the majority of the exclaimed, in aeoerions of spirnt, “Oh, if 1 was only | Sta‘es, but everywhere, and on the 3d of Novem- United States on my own hook I pont id let Ti id again an ‘ammany go to the —¥ ‘A Voice—Where to, Captain? The Captain—They know wiiere they're going to well enough, and fast enough they are going there; but I tell you, boys, they don’t gct this en.ld in that boat—not if he knows if, The Captain talked on a little bit with the boys, who were in the spirit to chai thelr old leader, but hedidn’t seem to care. Being asked what he should do in the event of Seymour and Blair retiring, he exclaimed, “Let them siide—tet the rats abandon the ship; but I nail the democratic flag to the mast and sink or swim with it.” Ths sentiment drew forth all thelapplanse that could be expected under the cir- cl ances. This gratified the Captain immensely, and requesting the MeraLp reporter to give lini a good show in the morning, he folded his overcoat more tightly around him and resigned himeeif pa- tiently to await a report from Tammany He'l. Eventually the meeting was adjourned titi Weducs- day evening. Tammany Hall Primasies. The Tammany Hail primary elections were held last night. The voting for delegates was a mere matter of form, the candidates for tho verions oMices having been slated by the junta of Tammany mana. gers and owners several days ago. The lst of delegates clected last night comprises Ue usual number of O’Shanghnesseys, Pinuigaus, Murphye, O’Briens, Dufys, Fitzgibbons, &e. Republican Congressional Nominations. * The Radical Congressional Convention of the Sixth Congressional district met last night and nominated as their candidate Abram Lent. Thomas FE. Stewart was unanimously nominated last evening by the Union republicans ef the Sixth Congressional District Convention as their candidate for Congress, Assembly Conventions, The radical republican Assembly Conventions, met at their several headqua’ ‘3 last evening and made the following nominations t bist, ‘ominee, Victor Himberger. ander McLeod, N. Simonsen. e@ Republican Convention of the Thirteenth district nominated Jast night aa their candidate for Assembiy Colonel John W. Marshall. The Ninth District Constitutional Union Assembly Convention last night nominated J. R. Voorlis as their candidate. At a meeting of the Nineteenth Assembly District Constitutional Union Nominating Convention, held last night at Dow's, corner of Nixéty-ninth strect and Eighth evenue. William L. Wiley (Tammany nominee) was endorsed for re-election as imeiaber of the Assembly, KINGS COUNTY POEITiCs. Kings County Democratic Assecintion. This association met last evening at No. 144 Pacific street, pursuant to public announcement cailing for delegates to the association, also delegates from the Sailors and Soldiers’ Association, to attend and assist with them in nominating a democratic county, city, Assembly and Congressional ticket. The meeting was called to order by his Honor Mayor Kalbfleisch. The list of delegates was calied, and the hall was ordered to be cleared of all outsiders, which was done. Several delegates who were pres- ent on invitation were exciuded and subsequently met elsewhere, and adopted the wing protest “fo the Brooklyn Democratic Asso- ciation :—The undersigned, delegates from the democratic associations of this city, deeming the action of your body a violation of their rights under the invitation publicly ex- tended to them to participate in making the nomina- tion of candidates, respectfully present this, taeir protest against their exclusion from your body, and request the return of the credentials presented by them. (Sigue), Douglas A. Levine,Jr.,Chairman ofthe NcClellan Legion delegates; A. H. Osborn, President of the Tenti Ward Club; John Gallagher, President of the Tenth Ward Independent Club, and E. D. Car- penter, Chairman of the Sixth Ward Democratic As- sociation.’ The members of the press being excluded from the meeting, the names of the nominees could not be ascertained. Assembly Democratic Nominations. The following Assembly democratic nominations were made last evening:—First district, Hugh Clark; Fourth district, Major W. W. Moscly. The Second, Bes. and Fiith Assembly district Conventions aiso teal adjourned without agreeing upon a candi- GENERAL BANKS IN JERSEY CITY. Republican Mass Meeting at the Jersey City Wigwam—speeches by General N. P. Banka, General Sigel and Mr. Bedford, of Indiana. The republican wigwam in Jersey City was last evening the scene of another grand political demon- stration, over 6,000 persons being present. The band of the Seventy-first, New York, regiment occupied the gallery over the platform and opened with the grand march from the ‘‘Midsummer Night’s Dream.” A large number of prominent republicans occapied seats on the platform. At eight o'clock General Banks, accompanied by Dudley L. Gregory, entered the wigwam and was received with deafening cheers. About ten minutes afterwards the meeting was called to order by General John Ramsay and John Rogers was appointed chairman. Major General NATHANIEL P. BANKS, Member of Congress from Massachusetts and the first repubii- can Speaker of the House of Representatives, was then introduced and warmly welcomed by his andi- ence. After afew words of courteous congratula- tion, he proceeded to the delivery of an able and argumentative address on the issues of the national canvass, in the course of which he said that New Jersey was in many respects a representative State, midway between the extremes of the East and of the West, formerly between the North and the South, 80 that her public opinion was in some degree a type | of the sentiment of the country, and whenever her ceived with more satisfaction than it would other- wise claim from the numerical majority which it | might represent—{applause)—and in debating the great questions of the day before her | been rendered verdict was given for justice and trath it was re- | that they hal bee | made an eloquent appeal in behalf of al now, as I was in 1860, when | ber next, from the same causes, Seymour and Blair t up a democratic procession | wonid be found without an electoral vote in any loyal cost me $17,777 77, wouldn’t Ido the same | State, (Cheers,) The day was not far distant when the whole sentiment of the country would be united under the priucipies which now bind together the republican party, and he welcomed all the people to the next great struggle, which was the contest for peace in the land. The guest nd were not now whether bonds shall be paid in coin, or whether the negroes should Rave certain privileges and pos tions; these were exhausse?, But the sole question was whether the count shalt have peace, and the people said, with Grant, “Let us have peace,” and they would bave peace, Jn 1860 the people wanted peace, They were then divided into three great parties. ‘Yhe parties under Lincoln, Belt and Douglas wanted peace, and they gave in the canvass of 1860 3,700,000 votes, Breckinridge was in a lean, beggarly, treasonable minority even in the late rebel States, and all he could gain to the stan- dard of his faction was 800,000 votes, The 3,700,000 men under Lincoln, Bel! and Douglas, to preserve the peace they desired. agrecd to a propoainan ne question being on the issue of siavery—te amend the constitution sotiat the States sho: 7 to disturb the institution of slave and in Coneress passed the provision by a two- vote, and they also avreed that if any of the had passed any laws infringing upon tho rights of the slave States in regard to the return of fugitives that those laws should be modifie Herve, then, were 4,009,000 of people aenfatives in Congress, by constitutio removing every objectioi had to ihe policy of tae But the South was not satisf only to the exten here it did not then exist. The + i ne tend it, and npon this question these el; thousant voters plunged ihe country alter five years of struggle te No: tovious. (Applat ) He did not sit every concession was mace after the election of Jin- coln to avert the war, nor did he hesitave to say Uiat the Southern vere why! nern peopte minent up to that une, he North objected the country And so from the into war ¢ ginning the d) anit had sine and conservatives, until at last t party alone hag that tl in both hou! sane two-thirds wt Ww r for him to say now what party had since done for peace, After the war ended, to give peace to the country, the r ction of the rebel States Was necessary. \s is iow the only question that remained to secure peace, We were told that there was danger in the centralization of govern- ment and that it ought to be conferred upon the people of the several States, Lincoln did not do this, He gave the power to govern to the friends of the government in those States that were to be re- consiructed and provided for the enfranchisement of those mea who liad been emancipated. It was to be done gradualiy; there was never s0 many of the States coming in at one time as to disturb the har- mony of the Union and never so many of tltem left outside as to threaten its peace. Had his policy heen adopted the unity of the States would have been established by the peopie them- selves; all classes, whiie and biack, would have been brought into harmony, and we should have had the peace which Grant claims and which the people must have now. ‘The rebels rejected these terms and the democrats at the Norti sided with them, and the question was therefore left without action until 1807, The South wanted the power of overnment left to themselves absolutely, and their interpretation of the constitution was to cover the country with blood. Mr. Johnson succeeded Mr. Lincoln through a national calamity, and proved not to be as wise a man as Mr. Lincoln either in military or civil affaira, and yet he saw that ft was absolutely necessary to the peace of the country that there should be a reconstruction, and proposed his plan, He made two mistakes—he treated the people of the rebel States as a unit, and when they rejected his offer, instead of leaving them aloae, abandoned bis own policy and followed theirs. Hg specified sixteen classes of rebels that were “to be excluded from power altogether, recommended the ex- tension of suttrage to negroes and demanded tae repudiation of the rebel debt. How did the South receive his proposition? They ac- cepted iis power and rejected his counse), They organized governments immediately upon the power be had wrongfully conferred upon them, and in such a manner that Join Quincy Adams fi his letter said that their forms of government seemed to recognize the right of secession and to establish slavery in some form or other, Of course the loyal people would not accept that condition. The de- mocracy North and Sonth wanted the power to govern the country restored to them without any reservation whatever. When all had failed Congress took up the Peer of reconstruction for itseif. ‘The work had to be done and there was no one to do it but Congress, ail else having failed, aud they un- Gertook it as a matter of necessity. Congress claimed the recognition of the emancipation and of the iy of rt men_ before the law, the repudiation he rebel debt and the payment of the loyai debt, that the Southern States should be reorganized by the people of those States, and upon the negro question Cor ald, “If the South gives to the ni powers shall be extended to their Tepresentatives.” It was the establishment of the representative power systein on the basis on which U existed in the Northern States. The history of the world did not offer such an example of magnaut- mous clemency on the part of conquerors to the con- quered as was embraced in these Reconstruction laws of Congress, It was unanimously rejected by the Legislatures of the Sonthern States, and two States in the North chtidishly undertook to repeal the consent their Legislatures had given to these acta, ‘The democracy and the people at the South claimed that it would be unwise to confer the right of sufrage equally with intelligent men at the polis; but it was the democratic members in Con- gress who made this univerzal soffrage pill a law by their votes upon the passage of the vill. In the re- ablican ped, there was a large majority who be- lieved that intelligence was aud must be the basis of free government and recogaized the fact that capacity and intelligence was necessary. Tiat was his (the persed opinion now, also, as it Was then. In caucus they were a majority upon the question, but in the House they were defeated by the democrats. If they wanted intelligence to be the basis it would have been alaw, but every man of them, without exception, voted for universal safirage. The demo- crate were tesponsible for it; they wanted, as t! believed, to make the laws as bad as they cor thus hoping to defeat them. The republicans, secing the democrats support the measure, voted for it, aud now the republican pariy would sustain it, Jn conclusion Gencral Banks addressed himself to what he deemed the unimportant issues of the can- vass—taxation, the national expenditures and y. These he claimed were false Neh t mocracy souglt to create asa srealissue, Ile advanced nothing new, on these propositions, merety clatmin and adducing figures to show that t cossary by the demo: ar’ largely reduced since the close of the war, together with the expenditures, 4c. He clo his address by a criticism of the respective candidates’ public services aud characters, and mt and cd Colfax. people he spoke to them as if they were the peo le of the country, not connected with either ex- reme, but representing the sound sense and true patriotism of the nation. He was not aware that the country was much divided in seutiment, yet he was rejoleed to say that never at any time in oar | history Wag tli real opinion of the country so anited | as at present, ng country now wanted “peace,” | nothing but, peac ad Wanted nea ne cane puny ® woul e the aupport of tie masses, wiih. out distinction as to political creed, General Grant spoke the sentiment of the country and of every heart when he said “Let us have peace; it was ag much the sentiment of the people as it was the will | of the Author of the world w: he said “Let there be light,” and there was light. ‘There was but one | party that could give the country peace and another party that would entail upon it rebellion, disorder and violence. He did not say it was the intent of the latter party to produce discord in the tand, but the sentiment and principles em- | bodied in the republican party made it the only party | that could give peace, while the principles which the democratic party maintained were almost certain to lead to the opposite result. True democracy had rightly won the affections of the people of this coun- try, and its traditions were dear aud ever had been aiid would be. Its Jefferson, ita Monroe, lta Jackson, its Madison, were identified with the interests of (he country on the land and on the sea, with the liber- ties of the people and the principles of equal a exact justice to all men, aud by its devotion this tums COW GIVE It | party, i ius and its principles and its measures, won the tions and esteem of the peopie. But in 1852 the democratic party chan its men, ita inciples, its policy, its purposes, its charac: ter and ite Risto, It was no longer the justice and freedom or the ne integrity of the ‘Sates, it'was ue louger. lol by the int iy e St no longer led by such men as Monroe, Jackson or Van Buren, or held any claim upon the affections or the honor of the country. Its leaders then became Jef Davis and his com its put was to weaken the government of Union of States, and substitute in place of universal liberty universal ae to weaken and ese grew country has lately passed. And at this and hour the issue ited by the democracy of 1868 was identical with that which it pressed in 1860 and 1961 when the war began. If the people wanted oy must look to the republican party for it; did not claim that in its ranks were found only men belonging to that party, because in the elec. tions, past and to come, there was more combined siren, than any one party could give to elections in this country, It had preserved the integrity of the country, and the flag and the freedom of the people. It haa out the stain of slavery. It had enfranchised the freedmen. It had encouraged the industry of the land, It had given protection altxe to the white | and to the black man, It had stimulated labor and had extended throughout the world over naturaiizet | citizens from every land the panoply of the Ameri- | To Tite Dewocracy or PEN Tt had said can flag. (Cheers.) jo the thirteen hun- | by hia presence his abiding fatth in the gran | ples which were yindic | of the Union seni. Nt “ye | equaii " | German or for any other nationality in particuiar, | bat it embraced every one who came within {ts bor- | Address of w pied the surface of General Star was next introduced and said that he came forward not tomake a speech, but to fed by the gloriow 8 a glorious e ‘ation of fidependence was at last 9 ery had heed tescved and that ran within the broad Jimtts of this culty ed comnlete civil, political, and religions (F. HALT ria tlow Wad Mot Lor the Iris. for the pat th ders, no matter from what quarter, Speaking of the republican party, he said they were not for nulli- | fication, not for usurpation nor for the letter of Frank P. Blair—(laughter)—but they would maintain at all hazards the reconstruction policy wluch alone could restore peace to the country. Mr. Beprorn, of Indiana, spoke next, remarking at the outset that the meeting before him was the largest he had witnessed during his political career. He adverted to the demoralized condition of the democracy, and gave some humorous sketches of Seymour and Blair which were highly relished by the audience. Mr. Bedford apoke in a low tone of voice and was heard only by those near the platform, but his address aroused great enthusiasm. Cheers were given for Grant, Colfax and George A. Halsey, after which the assemblage dispersed. German Republicans Hudson City, N. J. A large meeting of the German republicans of Tindson City took place last evening, which was ad- dressed by Mr. George A. Halsey and several German speakers, A few minutes before the meeting dis- persed several German democrats entered the hall and promised Mr. Halsey their support in conee- quence of the active part taken V4 the demoertic candidate for Congress against the Iager beer ven ders in the matter of the Boulevard bill, which, If sue- cessfal, would have swept away nine-tenths of the liquor deaiors on the hill, Mr. Halsey, / four of the committee, then fall, Jersey City, where pees comets Set and spoke brieny to the republicans assembled on the issues of the . The General spoke in Ger- man, and was loudly apenees, It ie remarkable that the Germans of Hudson county who were strongly democratic are gradually wheeling into the republican ranks like the Germans of Newark. The meeting last night showed # larger number of Ger- mans in the republican interest than have congra- gated in any one place in Hudson county for the game object wince 1863, ym tively few, how- ever, have been naturalized within the past monta, PENNSYLVANIA, Democratic State Committee, DRMOCRATIO STATE COMMITTER Kooms, 901 AND 003 ARCH STRERT, PHILADELPILLA, You have fought a good ff larger vote than ever before, olled a ¥@ seduced the radi- EW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1868—TRIPLE SHEET. eal majority of 1896 by searly one-half, and have proven tio immortaitty of = principles aud te Vitality of your organization. Radicalism has carried the State by means of the grossest outrages; by 0) corruptly ly an bnying thousands of voters ; by aivlog from the pols foreign-born citizens regularly naturalized many yoars since; by rejecting the votes thousands who were legally made citizens in the Court of Nist Prius; by violating and wampling upon the seal of that coart—a recognized symbol of the law; by deterring legal yoiers m approaching the polis through threateued penalties for imaginary offences, and by the despotic and unscruptious use of power by election oficers in radical districts, Under the specious charge of fraud upon your rradiewism hes perpetrated the vilest frauds, usinds of voters have been colonized, paupers assessed and voted, repeaters hired and voted five limes in radical precinets, returns of election al- tered and manipulated to suit thelr own purposes, Sid Depaulens naturalization papers issued by the yeam, In the contest juat closed you have learned their capacity for violence and wrong, you have tested the sirength of their organization and discovered the weak points im your own. With the experience thus gained in the school of adversity, we will go forward to victory, The enemy are yet to be tanght that outrage and frand, Vivicnee and wrong cannot be perpetraied wicit in punity; they have yet to learn that you are neither dismayed nor demoralized, and that in the pursuit of the right you know no such word as fail. Arouse the people nore for the conflict. Bring to the polls every democratic vote, For right and justice give back right and justice, For out rage aad wrong return the fuil measure of swift retribution, The work to be done is no holiday sport. It 1s the last battle for the salvation of ihe '; ay of the constitution and Work and dght as men should work and tgiat, BY order of the Democratic State Commitiee, WILLIAM 4. WALLACE, Chairman, Addvess ef the Repabiican Central Commiitec. The chairovan of the State Central Commitice has issued the following address to the republicans of Pennsyivania:— Yesterday you achieved a triumph at the polls scarcely less important in ils results tan the victory arms on the fleld iettysbiirg. ‘The integrity of the Union and the perpetuity of the republic were secured by t ne, its permanent peace and future glory are insured by the other. Your verdict thus prouionnced will be recorded by the American peopie in November ne: eTaphatte condemuatic of the party fs © the country in the hour of its peril, faise to liberty and the rights of man. Every lover of peace and good order co tulates you on your ach of 2 Hence! K resis upon the tories of t is Of the war of 181, me Se tha ne Revolution and the fede- rali Intrusted with power, wielded it forthe dismemberment of the repab! Confided in by its devotees as the guardian of Hb- erty, it exerted all its ener he perpetuity of human bondage, Professing reverence for free specch and freedom of the press it silenced both ‘with the bowie knife and revolver wherever tt had supreme control, Assuming to be the guardian of the rights of man it became the champion of human bondage and stood sentinel with baying blood- hounds to selze and return the fleeing fngitive, and at last, dissatisfied with the result of a fair election, it raised its hand against the life of the re- public, and, Samson-tike, would have buried ttself in the ruins of the grandest temple of liberty ever reared by human hands, It is befitting that a party scarred by such a record should die at the hands of the people whose sense of justice it has outraged and whose dearest rights it has trampled in the dust, . Republicans of the Keystone? Your brethren throughout the Union nave watched the struggie through which you have jnst passed with intense in- terest, and its result gladdens every patrict heart. Let not your victory dampen your ardor or relax your energy, but march on with closed ranks and solid column to complete your victory in November, GALUSHA A. GROW, Chairman State Republican Committee, SCUTH CAROLINA, Johu Quincy Adams and the Upshot of His Southern Mission. CoLuMBIA, S. C., Oct. 14, 1868. John Quincy Adams has come and gone. He came, saw, but did not conquer. A widely heralded invita- tion, a carefully prepared speech, an enthusiastic re- ception, were the elements given. The solution re- quired was a inixture to satisfy the cravings of the popular instinct. The dose was received mechani- cally, listlessly, sufferingly—as Oliver Twist took bis treacle. The multitude dispersed fled with husks, each asking the other “What went ye out to see?” Nothing is left in the Southern political crucible of John Q, Adams experiment, With gentle egotism he alluded to his ancestry. Everybody thought “what an elegant tapering in only three generations !? His coming was an event; his going a mere nothing. The great Cementer from Massachusetts coming to cement it to South Carolina! Massachuseits could not have spared lexs of her nn- derstanding. South Carolina assuredly expected more. A plainly written, plainly worded, plainly read effusion of compacted generalities, defined particu- lars and historical facta was wasted with the breat of utterance and forgotten, as is common day talk. He might as well have delivered his speech on an Iceberg in Kamschatka. The editor printed tt, Lo sal ane he respected the dead and nothing. Why was this? Because he did not discuss the problem—the South have forever abolished slavery; they have abandoned the dogma of State sovere! ity as a sinking ship, d they concede the poli equality and immunity of the black citizen as they concede that one must eat. ‘These are now old questions here, whatever they once were, admitted by the masses, by everybody, except the usual proportion of fools. They are re- conctled necessities no more to be contested than the conditions of nature, Yet Mr. Johu Quincy Adams thought life not too short to discuss them “without eloquence or humor.” Had he asked “the wayfar- ing man, though a fool,’ he would have told him better. ‘The whole burden of Southern irritation, thought, action and reflection is negro eligibility to office. His civil and political rights, for a time contested, are so no longer. In all the political efforta of the South, however, they combine or separate, however depressed or hopeful they look and ask for only that deliverance. All reconciliation without this will be wy futile, repressive. This ts the fect resent and future, and permanent tranquillity can be restored upon thia basis only; and whoever re- lieves them from this can lead the Southern people. ‘The legislative means for this end ave easily de- vised, and had this alone been the issue with the party to which John Quincy Adams belongs they would under suitable leaders have swept tie country. ‘gro iawwivers and governors, negro Presidents and Congicssmen, negro captains and generals, may be the Gesideratum of the few, but they are odious to the many of the white’ race everywhere. This repugnance is instinctive and irradicabie, It belongs to nature, and whatever be the con- ceded capacity of the negro, whether mean or moderate, whatever their uitimate inteliectual ele. vation, whatever be the abstract mght or wrong of it, wherever in this country this question is now presented, singiy and squarely, there wou'd be heard wut one voice of the peopie. ' Nor is tt, negatively decided, tuconsisient with loyal reconstruction. But Mr. Joun Q. Adams, like many political excur- sionists before him, becanse he went away no wiser, left ihe people no better oi, aud the Richmond of the subject is untouched, | John Quincy Adams Among the Fire-Caters— His Speech in Charleston, & CG. Quincy Adama delivered iros Toho & aorme Sah =~ * adress in Charleston, 8. C., Of the Sth inslant, In ré%ponse to ‘an Invitation from @ number of infinential citizens, Mr. James B. Campbell presiding. After a few pre- luminary remarks Mr. Adams sald:— WHAT MR. ADAMS IAS BREN. A man who is invited, who comes to a place by re- queet, {8 not ta the same position as one who comes by his own volition, and especially if he has advtee to give, but particularly good advice, for that is al- ways disagreeable—the most disagreeable advice possible. As Lexpect to learn from you, I will teil you In my turn what fs the feeling of the country, the Norin—the northern half of the country—on the great matters which now occupy the public mind, But in order that you may understand exactly what I mean—in order that there ma: be no misunderstanding between us—I will teil you exactly my political history. In the old days ‘anterior to the war I was a freesoiler. Afterwards I was a member of the republican party and a sup- rter of Mr. Lincoln. 1 was a supporter of the war ‘om first to last, and during the war I was in favor f the abolition of slavery. J always believed that he institution of slavery would sooner or later be the destruction of the Union. Therefore I come he- fore you to-night, frankly and fairly, ion ek that there may be no misunderstanding WHAT RV T have told you m war. But the day that the war closed—the day the South | er arins—the day that the South- ern people said, in good faith, that they gave up wwiak they fought for—I belie the time bad come to say to the South, you shall at once be readmitted; that the time had come, when, if the South asked for ‘the government should And that was the not moat of the beat rep thought felt ao; they knew in their hearts that the Union could havo been restored at that time upon that basis. But it waa not. You know what foliowed, TBE GOOD AND THR BAD OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS, First came the thirteenth amendment to the con- atitation, ¢ meniinent which abolishes siavery. As you ail know, that amendment was submitted all the formerly rebellious States, then certainly peacefnl and perfectly unrebeilious States, and was saienen | ratified by each of them. If there was an, necessity fof Raying 80 upon this oceasion, T cowl’ say with my hand upon my heart that there has heen no act of the States since the adoption of tho | constitution upon which I could more sincerely cail ‘town the blessing of God, J believe that it was tho best, the wholesomest and the most thorough medt- cine that the country could have taken at that te, . But after came another amendment—the four- | teenth it to the consti uiion—an amend ment that might be divided into two parts, The Sst postion, Sach said that there should be no rep- reseitation for any portion: of the popaiation ‘de. barred from the privilege of voting, was all fair and proper enough, But what was the second wrtton? It was that the whole people of the uth, the people that fought in the war, the people who believed in the war, should disfranchise the mon who had led tuem through the struggle, siiould dis- franchise their leaders in the camp ihat in the Senate, the men whom they had trusted and betleved in from first to iast. That provision may have been wise, but can put my hand upon my heart, as a man of Massschusetts, standing here to-night, aud say that Tcould not condemn a single man who re- fused to vote tor so atrocious @ proposition as that. | Were the men who fought in the army of tho Po- | tomac—the Army of Northern Virginia you call it— to be made to disfranchise Robert E.'Lec? Were | the men who served in the cavalry of that army to | be made to disfranchise Wade Hampton? Why was such @ thing to be thought of for an instant? I con- fess 1 felt’ ashamed of my own opie when they offered so dishonorable a proposition to a civi- lized people like themselves, 0 @ people who were at least a part of the peopie of the United States. You refused to adopt that amendment, and you could have done no less. Thus far, up to your re- fusal to adopt the fourteenth amendment, Congress thoughi that they could manage the matter by con- stitational means; that you conid be restored to the Union under the jorms of the constiiution, not as States, but your practical relations, your repre- sentation in Congress, &¢., might be restored, THE WAR A REBELLION—RECONSTRUCTION, This was the old theory of the North. They al- Ways held that the war was arebellion. ‘That tt was in bo degree a civil war. Tie position of the South, on the contrary, was that they had a right to secede, and not only that they 1 a right to secede, but that after they had seceeded they had a rigiit to band together and form a new government—an en- tircly indenendent natton—simp): a nation, stich as Great Britain or France. hern {dea of the war was that it y insurrection and that you were ail traitors and rebels, liable to be hung Whenever and wherever yo ght be cangl ini was always the theory of the North. ‘The the South was that the war was like a war France and England and thet if you y you were prisoners of war and cow Mark now how distinct (hese theories are widely they diverge. Now, up to the time fused to adopt the fourteenth amendment the N: held on to their old theory, w Southerners were subdued insurgents, not a conquered people, But the moment you re- fused to = atopt =the — fourteenth amend- ment they changed their whole theory, and then came what are called the reconstruction acts. You were now to be reconstructed, not to red. iow did they proceed with this re- They swept away y swept away your laws, they sv thing appertaining to ihe old system. longer States of the Union, but merely conquered ories; the people were alien cnemles—uot tral tors, but prisoners of war. HE DON'T THINK THAT WADE HAMPTON SHOULD MBD- ‘ DLE WITH POLITICS, This is not my theory, but it is the theory of Con- gress. This is precisely and logicaliy the’ position which you occupy before the people of the North— before the poopie of the United states, You are prisoners of war. You have no rights, What busi- ness have you to talk about the constitution? You fought against the constitution—you attempted to gel up a separate government, You are mere priso- ners of war. That is the principle of the reconstruc. tion acts. ‘They reduced the States of the South to. the condition of alien territories, and the people of the Soutn to the condition of prisoners of war. There- fore when | came here, in answer to General Hamp- ton’s invitation, Ldid not come to make political speeches. I don’t think that you, that is, men who, like General il peal are cut o@ from the privileges of citizenship, have any right to meddle in politics. You are pot reconstructed rebels, you are alien enemies, just.as if we had conquered England or France. How dare you, then, meddie in politics. ‘This theory of Congress remmds me of an anecdote which General Hampton related to me a few daya ago. The Goneral was imvited to attend a political meeting not many miles from Columbia, and, in his here of acceptance, he spoke of his being a demo- crat, constitutions, t away every: You were no 7 HAMPTON A “DEAR OLD REBEL’? A littie girl, a daugiter of @ friend of his in the neighborliood where the meeting was to take place, in writing to him for her father to mvite him to stay at their house, said:—“Dear General, I am very glad to hear that you are coming down here to speak, be- cause we ail want to see you again and to hi you speak; but I am sorry you say you are a democrat, ou can’t be a democrat; you are not a democrat; you are a rebel; you have ‘always been a dear old rebel, and you must be a rebel still’? (Langnien) It is very well to laugh, my friends, but that little irl saw just what Congress don’t see. Now if neral Hampton is @ rebel, and I have been with hin a great dcal in the last few days, and I have had many long conversations with him, and I know just what he thinks and feels and what are bis intentions about the futnre of the country, and I ray if he is a rebel he is just such a rebel as 1am, and no more. THE ISSUE BEFORE THE PEOPLE—GRANT AND SEY- MOUR. Now, my friends, Lcame down here more particular- ly to talk to the paople of the South about the present issue be‘ore the people of the United States. There are two great parties, and we have General Grant the leader on one side, and Mr. Seymour the leader on the other. Now, let us look at it squarely and fairly, and sce what is the best and what fa the worst of it as far as the South 13 concerned; as far as re- gards the unreconstructed, unrestored, unvoting, Febeiilous States, What is under the emenn- stances for you to do? Now, here is Mr. Seymour, If Mr. Seymour is elected. don’t think that ail our troubles will end right here! I am a democrat, an Iwili vote the democratic ticket, because I think that is the best way to stop these inroads upon our constitutional form of govern- ment, But you allow yourselves to be carried away with the idea that the election of Seymour alone will bring prosperity to the conutry, you will make a great mistake; and I teli you so in all the honesty and frankness of my heart, Even if Seymour is elected the repnbiicans of the country North and South will be in so slight a minority, if in | 3 violated among you. But I hear that there isa cer- tain class of geuitemen, eailed ecarpet-baggers. 1 speak of them with grea! kindness, for [am liable to be classed with them myself, and because they have @ better position bere than I have; they can rome here and yote and | can’t, becaus I could yot ewear to support your constitution. I don't know that £ ever met any of these gentiomen; | on!y know them by this name of earpet-bagger; but I tear that they are gentiemen who came down here for the purpose of representing you and. your principal ofices, and from that I sup| they must be the best nen in the community, and that being 60, 1 am told that you do not allow them fo speak, or that you do not encourage them to speak, or that You cast some kind of slut upon them when they do speak—that you consider it rather a Wrong to those who should properiy speak among you to allow these tutertopers to speak at ail, Weil, I believe that a good deal myself, but nag entirely, 1 knew that there were so man’ Root APeakers ai the South that f did not think it surpriain, that you should not leave them all at once and take to ranning after tie carpet-bagger. But imagine my amazement when I was pe down on the Cars to-day to learn that there waa to be @ political debate near Charlestou, in which two or three gentlemen of native growth—it I may so speak—and a ilke nuinber of theze e: ipet-baggers were to take part, and I, another carpel-bagger, was expected to participate also, Now there was free speech with a vengeance, ADVICE TO THE COLORED PEOPLE. Tsee & great many colored people here this even- ing—the people whom the radicals teil us are the only Joyal people at the Souti—and 1 want io say a few words to them. colored fellow-citizens, You oc- cupy a@ very dificuit and painful position, and Lam as anxious as you can be that you should dint some way to extricate yourselves from it, But in eon- sidering your position you should remember that you are in a very small minority. In this par- ticular Siate you may be in the majority, but in the | nation you are in @ very amail, even an insignificant, minority. And, moreover, (hrough no fault of your own, you have no education and no property, and, besides, you have been subjected for a iong series of years to a condition of slavery in which you were debarred from some of the most precious privileges ‘This was no fault of yours, It was no fault of the late slaveholders or of the present race of white men, but of their ancestors, who lived long ago. But still it has its effect on you. Now I speak to you plainly. lam not going to stay h tam going away to-morrow. [do not want your votes. L aim not one of that class of carpet-haggers, 12 BEST THING POR THE NEGROBS—“VoTE FOR RANT. I want to tell you what is the best thing for you. WA voice—Vote for Grant”) Yes, vote for Grant if you want to. But that not the question. “I undersiand that a great many people come here to get your votes, and they strive to sow dissension between you and your former masters. (Many negroes— “That is not so,”’) Well, fam glad to hear itis not $0; but 1 will tell you why it should not be so, 1 have never seen your Governor nor your Legislature, and I can- not express any opinion about them. But, let me ask you, do you When you go up to the polls honest- ly inquire who is the best man for the piace? I warn ie against the formation of a black man’s party. f you allow the idea to take possession of you that the old siaveholdera were the enemies of the negroes, and hence that the negroes must now be the enemics of the slaveholders and that negroes must oniy vote for negroes, I warn you the idea will tnevilably de- scend with horrible weight upon the biack man, It is all very well now, when there is a great political excitement and you are settling a Presidential elec- tion; but that must come to an end sometime, and what then? Imagine how the blacks will be crushed down then, i may not be as bad as the old slavery, but 1 think it will be worse. At all events | am glad a hear that noue of the black people intend to use force, INFLUENCING VOTERS—SIX OF ONE, HALF A DOZEN OF THE OTHER. ‘ I want to say something now to my white friends. IL is charged that some of them try to intiuence thelr employés by threats of discharge, &c, 1s that true? (Cries of “Yes! yes!) Well, I am giad to have something that I can talk about at last. Well, if this 1s true it 1s as bad as the attempts of the Union Leagues to influence the colored vote the other way. On my farm in Massachusetts, where I have white la- berers, I never say a word to them about politics, I treat them Kindly, and oo always vote for me when I am a candidate, and I am always running for something in Massachusetts. I am running for Gov- ernor just now. When I was a republican they voted the republican ticket, and since I xin a demo- crat they vote the democratic ticket. Let the people here take the same course and they can defy any strany in the race, and if they cannot they deserve tobe beaten. Butto be even in the race no man should be disqualified. And what Is the object of disqualifying @ man froin holding ofice? Does it keep him out of power? Does it destroy his influence? Has General Lee no influence? Has Genera! Hampton no influence? Lee wicids a greater power than any other man in the South, and Ham, ton has more intluence than any other man in this State. Then, I say, let them go, Let all men have equal privileges. Let us all discuss the same ques tions on the same platform. ‘Then let the black peopie vote if they want to—just as many as want SUVFRAGE IN MASSACHUSETTS AND THE SOUTH. But I do not believe in universal suifrage cither for white or black. The Massachusetts qualification, six month’s residence, @ tax, reading a sentence in the United States constitution in the English language, and writing one’s name, is little enough indeed, I believe that the white people of the South will soon be betes to stand on this platform, Many of them agree to it even now. Massachusetts has been called @ negro-loving State, but she is not. She only asks equal rights for ail. When freedom of speech is secured in South a, When slavery is dead in every shape an Bi When tic peopic of Massachusetts are convinced that such is the case, then, and only then, can the oid friendly relations of the Revolution be restored between Massachu- setts and South Carolina. 1 don’t belleve that there is any great divergence between the sentiments of the people of Massachusetts and the people of South Caroina. but they t under- Stand each other. Tiey have no more idea of you, or you of them, than | have of the man tn the moun or the man in the moon of me, Wat we want is to understand cach other. But until tois rule of the bayonet is over that can never be. Lf the fathers of the minority at all, that the safety of the country will hang x on athread. Itwili depend upon the way each of us will behave. On tie contrary, Bup- Grant Is elected. Now I have recently been | @ part of the country where it is the general belief that the election of Grant will be the utter destrue- tion of all success and prosperity atthe Sonth. sald I did nét intend to make a political speech and Tam not going to do so; but I must teil you some things which some of you at lcast ay tee don't know. I want to tell the white people hore what [ believe some of them don’t kuow. I want to tell them the feeling and spirit which animates a jarze portion of the republican party o: is Ls of kindness and good feeling to t! cople of | the South, and that devotion to the constt- tution is as decp in their hearts es in those of any of the people of the land. I believe aud I know that this 1s #0, and the election of Grant chou!d | not and Is not going to deprive the South of hope, You will still have the same opportunities and rights | that you have now. I aman opponent of General Grant, and I have no wish to him, but J hetieve that he fe an upri able man, and that, 1f elected, he 1 not for any party, but Jor the wh country. (Apple PLAIN TALK—NO MOU® FIGHT—NO Mo Fetlow-citizens, as I told you, Tam ntical speech, and Ido not desire wish to talk to you plainly, ae one another in time of danrer. ithink your chances are. you wili be unwise and wicked if you pledze you selves to follow tie fortunes of any political part You are prisoners of war and have no right to say we must do this or we must do that, and that If sucli a thing is not done you will do so and Because, my friends, whatever is done, you can do noth Just look at it, Suppose Grant ts elected and you don't like it? When f was invited here, the gentie- men who invited me said that the policy of the Sout Was peace, and General Hampton said that the pol- icy of the South is peace, and the policy of the Suntan ia peace. But what is peace? Now I ask again, wiial are you Boing i? dQ if Grant is elected? Wil you risédgain? Wilf you begin the old war again? ‘At the beginning of the jgst war you stood some chance. ou bed obtamed & large portion of tho innnitions of war of the Federal Government. Nov where won!d you get a battery?) What do you sup- pose would happen to-morrow if this city was to re- volt agit did five years ago? A fow United States ships of war would steam u would be the end of it. ever entering the heads of any one. once. There is the whole of it. . What, then, {9 the best and the worst of it? This will depend very much on the disposition of the | moderate eo of tho republican party. For, mark you, there is ia a wide difference hetween the wings of the republican party—as wide a difference as there was between my present friend General Hampton and myself during the war. I come, as you know, from Massachusetts, the most radical State In the North, and I say and believe that there are many republicans there who feel kindly towarda | the South, but they are deceived, They honestly be- uid to I wish to tell you what I tell you candidly that ut aside the notion of it Put it aside at Heve many things which you may think ridiculous, | @ For inatance, they believe that you wish to re-estab- lish slavery. 1 have lately been travelling in the ul upper part of this State, and I could fad there no one who wished to re-establish slavery, aud they told me there was t one man in the tate who wished to re-establish Cae 4 Perhaj in this crowd. Does this crow re-establish slavery? Loud cries no.) Now, that firms mein my o} and the ition which I took in Massachusetts that siavery isdead. But you can’t hi an, le are honestly deluded into the conviction that yon wish to re-establish that tn. stitution, I came here to learn, not to teach, a now, after you have told me what you think, I wil tell you candidly that you could not restore it if you would. (Cries, “We don’t want to,”) Weill, I know you don't; but atill you could not if you would. INTOLBRANCE IN THE SOUTH—HOW ABOUT THE CAR- PET-BAGOBRS?. ‘Weil, there 18 another thing which the Northern people believe. They believe that a Northern cannot come down here and speak freely estly his opinions unless it suits you. gay that you will not endorse free h; that are intolerant and that you at il be ugly and wicked if you got a chance. Now, I want to know if @ man caunot come here and his opinions, Whatever they may be, provided, of course, that he does not incite anybody’ to acts of violence against his fellow citizens? Do 72 or do you not intend that the right of free io shail be preserved now aud forever? (Laughter aud cries of “Yes !"’) You laugh, gentle. nen, 08 if the right of free speech had never been ¢ harbor, and there | © yee ape Hatton of ic | talked of, but it ts hardy [y | Saailey, who the republic, Washington, Jefferson, Adama and | Frankia, could siand here and see what a monstro- sity has succeeded to the government which they established over the Union and usurped its uame, they would be horrifed. MASSACHUSETTS GREETS SOUTH CAROLINA. But I wish, after discussing the topics which I have touched on, to extend a greeting irom Massa- chusetts to South Carolina, do not represent a very large section of the people of Massachusett but i believe that in the words | am going to 8a represent nearly the whole people:—Hold fast to the new opinions which are galuing ground in your midst, With slavery all the grounds for animosity between the States passed away. Let us be friends Once more, as our fathers were—each one trying to come nearer and nearer to the conceptions of the other. Then the time will not be far distant when Massachusetts and South Carolina can stand by thetr representatives side by side in very streets and we will have anew Union under the constitu. tion. (immense applause.) POLITICAL MOVED! HV VERMONT, A Coriens CombiantionThe ing Election of Ualted Sintes SenatorOld Sorce-New Aspirants for Mouors. Beauineroy, Oc 1868. Vermont is ngnally @ very quiet State, bet when we co have @ “muss,” we have a genuine one. ‘There has t been formed a curious com!ination of seedy politicians and ambitious asp! » office with a view to affect the political calm » ottied over the State and to influence the electtou of United States Senator. Rolla Gleason, Colonel W. Clapp, Huet Henrys, Bradley Bariow and many others of }\o veteran wire workers of Vermont, have combined to defeat the re-election of Hon. George F. Edmouits to the Senate. They sounded Hon. J. G. Sinii ernor of the State, but he declined to be Hon. John W. Stewart, of Middlebury candidate, was then | called on, but though he is very anxious sor Sen- torial honors, yet he will not venture to "ecome & candidate, Hon, B. E. Woodbridge, M. ©. line bee able that ony one wil | appear in the fleld to contest the re-clet of Sen- ator Edmonds. This is a curious state of affairs, mach more so than it seems on the surface, for in this combination is arrayed against My. Edmonds the “wormwood and the gall’ of al! the disap- jointed pelticians in Vermont. It is said also Prat Governor Page would prefer that Holbrook, Stewart or Woodbridge should be elected, as tt would leave the fleld open for him at the expiration of their term, since neither of them would expect to | hold the position for any length of time. Senator Edmonds is not a popniar man, and owes position more to his sterling integrity and his knowledged ability. The only man in Vermont who could cope with him before the Legislature {a ex-Governor John Gregory Smith, who is « very pular man and, as president of the Vermont ‘tral Railroad and other corporations in the State, he controls many localities almost pointes Mr, Levi Underwood, of Burlington, was formerly talked of; but he ts not a politician aud has so often expreased his contempt for the petty managers wio control political nominations that he will never be SS for Tet = Nag. ag the present way m: nominations is in force. Edmonds will doubtiess be re-elected, thongh he will never please a large ciass of the coinmunity, He too independent, oneat and liberal, Our Senators £3 in for the general rather for the especial advancement of Meir personal friends. The old sore about who shall control State Conven+ tions Is likely to break outagain, as several localitica think the present “ring” are “cutting it a little too fat’ and taking the lion’s share. There are mai new aspirants to office here, among then Russel ° Taft, who already looks to the siate chances Fa h an “M. 0." after two years, a} Bal few veoky left Siymour aad in for Gran’ hi Biair and now ———— r— ANOTHER ACCIDENT AT THE HACKENSACK BRIDG! A young man was walking near the I — bridge yesterday morning, when he was run over by @ grocery wagon, the driver of Mig pee oe leaving the injured a eee on A herge ad to. ti genuisman from Newark apd wag furnisued wit Medical assistance.