The New York Herald Newspaper, June 30, 1868, Page 4

4 NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, JUNE 30, 1868.—TRIPLE THE PRESIDENCY. The Forthcoming National Dem- ceratic Convention. THE DELEGATES ALREADY IN TOWN, Onward Progress of the Chase Movement. The Political Opinions of the Chief Justice. Platform of the Southern Delegations in Re- gard to Chase's Nomination, A few delegates to the National Democratic Con- vention arrived in the city yesterday as the avant courriers of their brethren, who are expected in full force by Thursday next. Rooms for the delegations have been engaged from July 1 at nearly all the ho- tels on Broadway from the Astor House to Twenty- sixth street. The delegations from New Jersey, Pennsylvania and other adjacent States have en- gaged apartments from the 2d and 3d of July The following isa nearly complete list of all ar- rivals up to yesterday afternoon:— Montgomery Blair, Md. ‘Thos. Kays, N. J. Goy, Stevenson, Ky. Geo. Peters, N. J. ov. MeGoitin, K Joon G. Thompson, Ohio. Stoddard Johnson, J. B. Eaton, Ohio. ‘A. Jacoby, Cal, 1 Col. K Col: Gibson, Ky. Mr. Hors: A. Aiken, D.C. 'r. G. Rust, Ga, D. 0. Finch, lowa. ‘Thos. D. Moody, Ga, \vin. Byrnes, Md. b, Nevada. Major Ks. Miss. » Monroe, Nevada. Col J. G. Borret, D.C. K. Wortendyke, N. J. . nh Dy (ade 10s. MeKeen, ) W. H. Story. Chicago, Satunel Still, N. J. a. H. Murphy, low: Henry N.J. ¥ tris Mai th. Veghter, N. J. David Dodd, John R. Mullany, N. J. Geo. W. McCook, Ohio, H. MH. Dodge, Ohio, Geo, Reid, Wis. Joseph Roberts, Cal. a Joha R. Fellows, Ark, John A. King, Ark. ‘The headquarters of the National Executive Com- mittee will be at the Hoffman House. ‘'The'Duty of the Democratic National Conven- « tiou of L86S—The Situation trom the Present Standpoint—The Chase Movement a Demo- cratic Triumph—The Delegations Arriving The Rush for Tickets—The Business of the Convention, Another week and the glorious Fourth of July will be upon us with all its grand reminisences of the past and its no less glorious promises for the future. ‘The natal day of American independence has been wisely chosen by the great national party of the country for the meeting of the convention that is to stay the political strife that since the war of the re- bellion has retarded all national progress on the part of the people and the government. On Saturday next the American republic will enter upon the ninety-fourth year of its independence, and on the same day the Democratic National Con- vention, consisting of delegates from all the States of this vast republic, will meet in this city for the purpose of conferring together and nominating a man for the suffrages of the people as President of the United States for the term of four years from the 4th of March next. The duty and responsibility de- volving on the Convention are the most pressing and momentous that have ever attached in the history of the country to any convention that has heretofore sat at a Presidential nomination. The great heart of the American people beats responsive to the crisis that 18 upon the country, and they look forward with proportionate interest and anxicty to the work to be inaugurated on that day, most celebrated in the annals of their country and most hoaored and treasured in the hearts of young and old, the coming Fourth of July. Their voice has been heard by oh cles length and breadgh of the land, and thé prayer which has gone forth from their lips ought not to be disregard- ed. They have appealed through the press, the peo- Ple's oracle, to the delegates in the different States and prayed:—“When you assemble in convention nominate a man as our candidate for the Presidency who will insure success to the national ticket, for on that political success depends our national life. Fail in that and you fail in the great work that was committed to your hands, and for that failure you Will be heidto a strict accountability in the consciences ©, all true lovers of their country.’ The people almost wnantmoualy are in favor of the nomination of Chase; it from the temper and feelings of the democratic ders here, speaking for thems elves—and as they to speak from a knowledge of what the rs of the party in other States think and feel on natter—it isfyet doubtful whether Mr. Chase will be the choice of the Convention. There is yet time to bring these gentlemen to a better frame of mind, and if the democratic masses of this city act promptly and resolutely in this emergency—call a jmonster meeting and proclaim Chi jas the people’s independent candidate there is little doubt but the 4th of July, 1868, will become as historic for a great national and patiotic act done and performed on that day as that other Fourth of July whose recur- fine | yniversary has always been so gloriously and enthusiastically celebrated throughout the land, THE SITUATION FROM THE PRESENT STANDPOINT. ‘There is no doubt whatever, after all the noise and bluster and crowing of the Western men over their little eagle, that the said little eagle Pendleton has been discarded. It has been at last discovered that the Western bird “wasn’t fly,” and that there was no use in trying to get him on the wing, therefore he is withdrawn, and though his backers in the Con- vention will help him to a big “crow,” that is all that will come of him or the “‘crow,”’ as the Indiana bird liendricks will be likely to have the crow over him before the Convention disperses. It was not with- out, great ae that the Western men suc- cumbed to the force of circumstances and sub- mitted to the inevitable. Some of their most Influential representatives have been for days past sojourning in the city, the guests of the jan- hattan Club, and some have visited Con- necticut, New tampshire and other Eastern States, with a view of sounding the feeling of the leaders of the party with respect to Pendle- ton’s chances should he in fact receive the nomina- tion. The result ls that Pendieton has been dropped. ‘The man how Most prominent in the foreground is Mr, Hendricks, of Indiana, and among the outside delegates he is confidently spoken of a8 the coming candidate for the Presidency, with Governor English, of Connecticut, on the ticket as Vice President. No other Presidential candidate is spoken of with the exception of Mr. Chase, who commands a powerful induence in the councils of the Manhattans. Mr. Seyn ir, whore a policy first suggested the name of Mr, Chase to the democracy of the country, still stands by him, and boldly and wisely presses his great claims, not only on patriotic grounds, but on the grounds of policy and the great advantages that must accrne to the party through @ successful issue to the contest, such a result being only attain- able or possible through Mr. Chase. Mr, Seymour is sirongly supported in his views and policy in this matter, Me, Belmont, it is said, being one of his firmest backet HOW THE CHASE MOVEMENT MAY END IN A DBMO- CRATIC TRIUMPH, It was not simply a Nee idea that led to the selection of the Fourth of July as the day for holding the great emocratic National Convention of 1868 in tue city of New York—the first ever held here. There was a politic idea equally cogent, and promising greater vesuits than contd be derived from the in- spiration of the memories of the day itself, If the Fourth had not happened to fall on a Saturday some oiler Saturday would have had todo, but the Fourth reaily falling On the last day of the week was a for- tunate coincidence, and so the Convention was fixed for that day, ‘The leaders of Tammany made their calculations witt all the forethought and accuracy as tw results for which they are famous. hey have sneceeded so far; wi they Buc ceed in the great game they are now about to play? The Convention meets on Saturday, but on the glorious Fourth what patriotic heart coul tame ttaelf down to the duil routine of business? Plenty of time for business and pleasure both. On that day, then, the Convention will only sit while it ap- ey a committee for permanent orgauization. One hour or less will suffice for this. Then comes the adjournment, Sunday then intervenes, just as Tam- many intended. Thirty-six hours will be left to them to carry out whatever policy they have final): decided to press upon the Convention. Sunday wilt be the busiest day of the Convention. Such caucu ing, hole-und-cornering, pipe-laying, gerrymander. dng, sefi-sawecring and deiadt ing never before was, ani perhops never again will be, seen or heard of ¢ in this great city of Gotham. The « ce will be taken care of in tue = most pproved fashion, Pleasure will rule the bour for the majority of the )») While the Tammany waders, with the real ers of the Various delegativuy wii hold deep conference on the situation. This is Me épportuhity, Mr. Seymour, u true to himself, his country and his party, will prove true to the movement he tnitiated in favor of Mr, Chase by using al! his potent intiuence to press him as the nominee of the Convention. If ymmany, throwing aside its Bourbon policy of never forget- ting and never learning anything, will forget and learn in time and aid Mr. Seymour in his Zeivictio endeavor to secure the nomination of the only man who can rescue the country from its present lamentable state of misrule and distrac- tion, politically and socially, the democracy of New York will again raily around them and ren- der them invincible as the leaders of the party of the country of progress and fond government for may years to come, The mmany leaders, like rs generals, made the opportunity that is now theirs. There is not a delegation accredited by their fellow crises: Wigs great nga rap has not @ good leaven of Chase in it, eno roper! manipulated to leaven the whole ss wee fant many then profit by the opportunity it has itself made, Let the leaders, with Mr. Seymour, devote Sunday next to the great work of conferring with the more prominent and trusted members of the various dele- pettons, weigh all the circumstances, consider what due to the popular demand, reflect upon the sad condition of the country at present, and the increasing despondency of the public mind» at the prospect before them in another radical triumph; remember that the destinies of the republic, in fact, are in their hands, and then let them set themselves to the great work—the rescue of the country from its present ‘il. The work, like the day itself, will be hallowed and made pro- ductive of good to future generations. There is an influential coterie—men of the purest patriousm, of the most exalted motives, powerful, too, in the party, anxious to put their shoulders to the wheel, to take partin the councils of the day, and to press the name of Chase as the nominee of the Convention, If there was but concert of action even now there is little doubt that Mr. Chase would not only be the candidate of the democratic party, but the popu- lar Chief Magistrate of the American people for four years from the 4th of March next. THE ORGANIZATION OF THE CONVENTION. Governor Seymour will be the temporary chair- man of the Convention, and would be its permanent chairman did not courtesy as well as policy juire that the chairmanship be given toa citizen of an- other State. A distinguished Western man is spoken of PS this connection, but nothing definite can yet nown. THE DELEGATIONS ARRIVING. The California delegation is the only one that has yet arrived. The members are comfortably located at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, and are daily the objects of the attention, courtesy and hospitality of clubs and private individuals. Other delegations will pour into the city within the few days that now intervene vetween this and the Fourth of July. INCREASING POPULARITY OF MR. CHASE—THE CALI- FORNIA DELEGATION. There is @ most marked and indeed wonderful in- crease of popular feeling in favor of the Chase move- ment within the past few days. The democratic masses are beginning to feel jubilant at the fair pros- pect that thelr leaders have at last come to recognize the fac’ that Mr, Chase 1s the only man they can de- feat their political opponents with. The California delegation, that have been for some days in this city, express themselves in favor of Chase, and have as- sured the Tammany leaders here of the sound policy of passing complimentary votes upon as many of the embryo candidates as may be deemed worthy of the empty honor, and to go at once into a ballot for Mr, Chase. They argue that from the tone of public feel- ing in the Golden State, both among democratic and conservative republicans, Chase 1s the most accepta- bie candidate that can possibly be presented. Some of the more astute Tammanyites have taken courage from this accession of stréngth to the Chase cause, and they are beginning to think that after ail he must be the man of the Convention’s choice. It is @ delicate piece of strategy they have laid down for their action in the matter, They know that Grant and Colfax have been so long before the country; they have become “so common hackneyed in the eyes of men; they have so identi- fied themselves with the radical element in Congress; the people have been so long entertained with the Grant and Colfax ticket, so frequently assured that Grant and Colfax means another radical ce that the whole country demands but a new leader, one under whom they can rally at the polls and march to victory in November next. Tammany has taken in the whole situation. The leaders know the country is ripe for the great change they are about inaugurating, but like good generals they are mask- ing their principal battery until they open it with deadly effect upon the enemy on the day of conflict. Throughout the city the whole democratic element beats as if with one pulse for Chase, and the enthu- siasm in the prospect of his nomination can only be exceeded on that day when reality shall take the Place of anticipation. THE BUSINESS OF THE CONVENTION. The business of the Convention will commence in earnest Monday, the 6th, and will probably consume the week in council and deliberation. Some of the most eloquent speakers of the democratic party in the various States have been selected as delegates, and whatever difference of opinion may have to be expressed, whatever of State or individual claims may be urged, whatever party or patriotic motives may influence membera when addressing the Con- vention, there is no doubt that the speeches will stand recorded as the finest efforts of American oratory. The fleld is wide and the subjects that will arise most prolific for oratorical display, the occasion and the issue at stake having had to this extent, perhaps, no parallel in the previous history of Presidential Conventions. THE DEMAND FOR TICKETS. During the past week the demand for tickets to the Convention.has been so enormous and so far beyond anything like the supply that many prominent Tamma- nyites had to fleethe city. Offices and private resi- dences were besieged. No place, time or occasion was sacred from the irruption of ein seekers. Every primary leader, every ward politician, every political striker and bummer, every hanger-on to a democratic corner porter house throughout the wide confines of Manhattan put in his claim for a “sate in the convin- shin.” The leaders could not stand the pressure. Tweed fied to his peaceful retreat at Greenwich, G. W. McLean migrated to another secluded spot in Connecticut, Hoifman took himself off to Sing Sing, Peter Bismarck Sweeny concealed himself in the ay Bank. In fact, there was a it is only by stealth the runa- wg to the city. The Empire Club. A meeting of this organization was held last even- ing at their headquarters, East Thirteenth street, isaiah Rynders in the chair. An application was received from the Empire Club of the Fifth ward asking to be incorporated with this organization, which was received and prayer granted. The Chair- man announced that the club was requested to meet in front of Masonic Hall on Friday even- ing next, to act as escort to the Keystone Club, of Philadelpnia, expected to arrive that evening. John B. Fellows, of Arkansas, and one of the delegates to the National Convention from that State, addressed the meeting, reviewing the reconstruction measures of Congress and their application to the Southern States, cem- mencing with the measures ado} under Mr. Lit coln’s proclamation inviting the organization of State governments, down to the recent admission of Arkansas. The difference, he said, between the po sition held by the democratic party and that held by e radical if sg the democratic party held that the ithern ites were hever out of the Union and that the attempt at secession had failed; while the radicals contended that the States were out, and thus ti e defeated y of the war haa accomplished its object. He then pointed out the different acts of Congressional or Executive authority which clearly rec status in the Union. First, the submission of the amendment to the constitution known as article fourteen to the existing governments of the Southern States by the Thirty-ninth Congress for adoption or elec on, & proceeding only compatible with their being still sovereign States; secondly, the ex- istence throughout the several States South of United ‘States Circuit and District Courts which, according to the constitution, can only exist in States so recog- nized; and, thirdly, the extension of the privileges of the Bankrupt law proce, asin the North, all over the South, which contained a clause exempt- ing from the schedule required be filed e ee such property as by the State law of 864 was exempted seizure. Considering the ishment urged by the radicals as the mercy, the er con- led, first, that the States commit no crime, although from the radical view the individuals com- posing those States had; secondly, that as a conse- quence the States could not be punished, while indi- viduals might; thirdly, that the crime alls against hat of treason—had ite punishment de- yy the constitution of the United States and the manner of proving it, and that they were entitled to the benefit of this procedure; fourthly, that the power of pardon, even before trial, having been vested in the President of the United States by the constitution thereof, and having within certain detined limits been proclaimed by him in an act of amnesty, all who were not of the classes specially exempted were entitied to its benefits, namely, the removal of all disabilities, civil or political, resuiting from the alle erime. And this, he said, was the sentiment of the entire South. He likewise Miverted present constitutions had been forced upon the South, the character of the men filling the govern- mental places down South, remarking incidentally that the Southern Le might, if the choice were given them of thelr own free will, continue negro suffrage, and closed with an oie peroration, in which he said that the Southern States, downtrod- den, Oppressed and suffering the burden of many ills, looked with faith to God and the democratic party to lift them once more to their true place in the Union. Mr. Fellows spoke at at length and was frequestly uproariously cheered. Captain Ryn- Vong Mr. Stevens likewise addressed the meet- ing. ‘ vaults of the Broadw: regular vamose, ways are returnin Young Men’s Tammany General Com ee. ‘The Central Campaign Club and Young Men’s Gen- eral Committee of Ugg? Hall will meet to-night at Masonic Hail, 114 East Thirteenth street, for the purpose of arranging matters for the ensuing Presi- dential campaign. Chief Justice Chase on the Union—Favors State Righte—The People the Source of Po- ical Power—A Model State—Finances and Taxation—Carrency and Banking—Suflrage. WASHINGTON, June 29, 1868, At every pause in thecareer of Chief Justice Chace to the manner in which the’ repeated evidences are to be found of his consistent adherence to the democratic principles, and indicate that higher sphere of statesmanship which seems to have hecome one of the lost arts of the repuulic. In his love for the Union the Chief Justice gave utter- ance to the following eloquent appreciation of its beauty and it T have never calculated the value of the Union, I know of no arithmetic by which the computation can be made, We of the West are in the habit of looking upon the Union as the ark of heaven, with- om a thought that it can ever decay or fall.—Senate, He advocates the rights of the States and is opposed to a centralized federal government:— No well wisher to the permanence of American institutions will desire to augment the tendency, already too apparent, toward the absorption of the States in a centralized and consolidated federal government.—Jnaugural, 1856, Following this principle he pronounces the people the source of political power. That the people are the source of all political pare ig the fundamental principle of democratic institutions. To secure a true and complete expres- sion of the popular will must, therefore, be a leading object in every system of representative goveru- ment.—Inaugural Address, 1856, As man is more than his circumstances, as free- dom is better than wealth, as rights are more im- portant than institutions, it becomes us to look well to the fandamental ideas which determine the char- acter of government and the course of its practical operation. ‘The basis of American institutions is the demo- cratic principle of equality among men. They rest upon the solid foundation of po} consent. The pray objects of their establishment are the de- lence and protection of ~~ rights, If they fail to secure these ends it is the duty of the people who established to amend or change them. ‘lo organize and administer government upon those principles is the work of a republican people.—Jvid. Holding these views of the true principle of our institutions Mr. Chase gave the following views of a model Stave:— ‘The institutions of Ohio were framed in precise harmony with the ideal of a State as it existed in the minds of the great master builders of the confederacy and of the Union. ‘This ideal demanded, first of all, the absolute free- dom of every individual, Smarantecd ‘and secured by impartial law; next, inviolabiilty of conscience and just protection to all forms of worship and religious organizations; then the sacred observance of com- acts; then the promotion of religion, morality and nowledge by universal education, There was nothing narrow, nothing illiberal, nothing unjust in this ideal, It welcomed the immigrant to the freest participa- tion with the home born in the inestimable blessings of popular institutions, It pledged the States to be formed under it to per- petual union with their sister States, It established the sovereignty of the people upon the indestructible, and the only indestructibie, foun- dation of the rights of man, nized under these auspices and in accordance with chis ideal, Ohio may justly be styled the model State of the American Union. It is an honorable, a gratifying distinction. Let it be our care, gentlemen, that its lustre be sullied by no act or omission of ours. Upon the soil thus consecrated to liberty and union—upon the foundations thus wisely laid, of equality and justice, let us go on in humble depen- dence upon Divine favor to build yet broader and higher the noble edifice of a truly democratic and republican State, never forgetting that man is more than institutions and right the sole vital principle of law.—Jnaugural Address, 1858. On the questions of finances and taxation he said:— “Money is machinery, whose work is exchange.” — Message, 1859. As far as pomaible, the aggregate of taxation should be reduced by the introduction of rigia economy into every brancli of the public service, and the greatest care should be taken to apportion its burdens equally upon all non-exempt bike ny of every description, ur whomsoever hel io favor and no disfavor should be shown towards one description of property or class of owners rather than towards another,— Inaugural Address, 1856. No general objection exists to a mixed currency of coin and notes, exchangeable for coin at the will of the holder without loss; while all mere paper money systems, pregrant with fraud and fruitful of ruin, justly incur universal reprobation.—Jnaugural Addhess, 1856. It is the true interest of banking institutions as well as of the people that all legislation concerning them should ayoid even the appearance of special favors. The most absolute impartiality in the dis- tribution of burdens is demanded by every considera- tion of policy as well as of justice.—Message, 1857. The following sentiments on the right of sutfrage indicate his high appreciation of the privilege and the protections which should be thrown around it:— The oa of suffrage is sacred. It is the right to vote which makes the citizen a sovereign. It is the right which, of all political rights, is to be most scru- ulously Pogo and most resolutely deiended, Every citizea, native or naturalized, is entitied to the most absolute freedom and security in the exer- cise of it.—Message, 1857. In regard to pensions to widows of marine and naval officers and sailors:— The whole object * * * isto place the widows of the officers, marines and sailors of the naval ser- vice of the Revolution in precisely the same*con- dition in which the widows of the officers and soldiers of the terete service are in regard to pensions. * * Itestablishes equality between the two arms of the service, and equality is equity.—Senate, Dec. 20, 1854." The Chief Justice the Availeble Candidate— Views of a Leading Virginian—Democracy Dies With Any Other Man—What the New York Convention Should Do—The South Committed to the Nomince—Chase the Choice of Virginia. RicuMonp, Va., June 26, 1368, The following is a copy of a letter written by J. Harmer Gilmer, Jr., who recently expressed him- self in favor of Mr. Chase as the New York nominee, in response to a large number of letters that he has received from friends in the North and West de- manding to know if he really favors the Chief Justice, Mr. Gilmer, as President of the Young Men's Con- servative Association of this city, is representative, and from all the indications during @ recent trip through the State, he embodies the views of the ma- Jority of the people here. Seven out of every ten citizens in Virginia favor Chase on the ground of expediency :— heap gerry: Monte 25, 1868. DEAR Stn—Your kind favor of the 1%th was duly received and would have been earlier replied to bad not a spell of sick- ness confined me unt!l to-day. I hasten now to respond, be- cause your letter touches a nerve which is eT sensi- tive in my being. Let me say, in beginning, that I had rather have every fibre of my system separately drawn out, with the blood of life flowing after it, than to have my friends think that I could for an instant or for any consideration dim one ray of the glory that radiates from the unadorned mounds of our immortal dead or cut one leaf from the tattered chaplet that remains to the living. ee York, see by to-day's 4 a unced ursel the democratic nominee. I cannot think that possible; but then I Know it is life or death with the South. If the platform is all Loe vote for Chase; but what a political disgrace |" This one sentence swells with meaning and ia full of signifeance. I have re- ceived from friends in the North and West letters similar to eure asking, “Can it be Fie, that you are for Chase!" And I answered them as now, briely and hastily, answer you. The individuals who are now sworn, from the impulseof self-preservation and a patriotic determination to preserve the f our fathers, are classified ax democrats; but ‘What has become of the old conservative republicans? I am nelthe war, assemble to rebuild « party, or to re-estab) and honorable Union? I presume that now, when the Union has deen ut for auch a length of time, when, after eight years of discord, the voice of Virginia, for the firnt time, mingles in barmony with that of Oregon, and the waves of the two onan meet, that they Oceans, by thelr representatives, gladly for the purpose of promoting this man or that man, bul to wreath their diverse beautien.in a glory, that should be and has been common to both, to join their long divided ne fn support of @ government that was and should be heritage of all. This being the object of the Convention, be said that it would be a “political dfe- now, can "to nominate Chase, or ‘one else, any of the of’ the past, who plants himself boldly and broadly upon the living and vital issuer of {he present? ‘Shall the past be the measure Of the present? red iteelf, ublicans, as such. If it agal would win success it must gather borders. Tt must absorb the vigor and tive republicanism, ths not only adding irresistible power to iteelf, but leaving radicalism in stark and repulsive naked- nesa before the gaze of the country. « Convention will be + ¢ thus crudely answered your letter. I am no Tam no Hancock man. I am devoted to no 1 simply, desire to support, to the best of my Poor, ability and Iimitad incuence, the man who te best calcu, ated to kill the radicala and resurrect the old spirit of the constitution. Not one jot of the principles of liberty that et left us shall ever be surrendered with my consent, Not one negro shall vote with my approval, unless under the sanction of ® Legislature whose origin I ‘and is approved by the white men of the State. The bayonet has cut secession our hearts, The sword bas severed our right to sever ourselves from those whose presence is distasteful or oppressive to us. But neither the bayonet nor the sword has touched the reserved rights, ae they stand jon, State nk God, still live, Therefore of the do not fear to 84; my State, dear old Virginin, far I desire « hearty Union, simply is must be done, or better than I do the jon, because it will benefit Virginia. Therefore, so far as I atn concerned, I desire # man nominated who sande by the flags is Lune Of the States, aa well as by the f the Union. derstand to be Chase's doctrine, “As All queations of suffrage and polity GistInguiahed record will win to thi ranks of antiendicaliam ‘8 strength of conservatiam whi:/i, perhaps, no other man could coax. Andif, be will pledge elf to give the States ‘their {itutional fights and restrain "the federal government within tts imita, Lam bold enough to he * I dis race” Of ineur the “political dis ” of Bim. It ie madness mow not. to hardy not to consider avail able save ua? And, let it red, ‘faved now we will never we fall in November We fall ike Lacifer, never to rireagain, You very propery nd truly ony Nhat it Je now Silla or death with the Aout, Wie nod anig life of death with the South, but with the Union. ting’ and work! Nominate aman whose principles we can adopt and whose availability is greater than Grant's, and the waters of life will renew the tree planted by Washington. But if tiniversal death tbat knowelao waking. “feu'y you ‘ J HARMER CLLMER, Jn, The New York Convention is ali the talk here now. It absorbs Faomfaney 3 else, Each individual seems aroused to the alarming nature of the issue before us. ‘The masses seem dis; vto leave the nomination entirely to the Convention, But there is a very strong current of feeling here in favor of Judge Chase, The universal idea seems to be the object to be accomplished the campaign is to defeat Grant and restore the government, and that this cannot be accomplished without drawing to ourselves the strength of the conservative republicans, It is ad- mitted that Chase is the best man to do this, and, in- nly man who can do it. tsfaction in regard to the dele- ‘tes from Virginia to the Convention, and steps are ing taken to send on an outside delegation, which will probably yield more influence than the regular one. true, men of high position and wealth will represent the Chase movement, such as Couiter Cabell, J. Harmer Gilmer, Jr., General Hay- mond and others. A Word to the Tammany Sachems About Ohase. To THE EDITOR OF THE HERALD:— Unwilling to trespass on your valuable space, yet my object is in common with yours in the good work which you are so ably promoting—the nomination of Chief Justice Chase by the National Democratic Con- vention. In this great issue party strife should be forgotten, and the only aim and object of a good party be to put forth a candidate whose very name itself is victory. To my mind it clearly presents itself (although a war democrat of the past) that with Seymour, Pendleton “or any other such men”’ defeat awa'ts us next fall. With Chase the very radical rulers will bend to wor- ship a conservative policy’ as gotta | the two extremes which exist to-day as well as four years 0. ‘The sachems of Tammany, I learn, are unwilling to nominate Chase (aisaouge accepung his platform) because that he will mot enter into an agreement that they shall have the division and distribution of the loaves and fishes; and in the face of this these sachems of Tammany, even at the loss of defeat to any other candidate, claim to carry in their breeches pockets the franchise of thousands and tens of thou- sands of our citizens, I say, let Tammany dare do this and woe to her hereefter. Firat possession of the government and then fight for the spoils hereafter. Let the people cry out in their majesty, “Instead of Sey- mour, Pendleton or Hancock for deteat, let us have Chase for victory,” and my word for it that this is the safest of all political predictions, viz., that Chase will be elected and any other’ man inthe United States defeated who may receive the nomination on the Fourth of July. CHASE AND THE SOUTH. Platform of the Southern Delegations in Re- gard to Chase’s Nomination—Innportant Let- ter from Hon. C. C. Langdon, of Alabama. {From the Mobile Register, June 25.) To THE EpiTOR OF THE REGISTER:— ‘Since my appointment as delegate to the New York Convention 1 have had several letters from old friends in the interior of the State, similar to that given below, and others kindly asking my opinions and preferences on the subject. Not having time to answer in detail all these letters will you do me the favor to publish the following correspondence? The letter to me not having been intended for publication I withhold both the name and residence of the author. Yours, &e., ©. C. LANGDON. ——, Ala., June 10, 1868. Hon. C. C, LANGDON:— DAR Sir—I notice with pleasure your appoint. ment as a delegate to the Democratic Convention at New York on the Fourth of July. I confess I see other names on the list of delegates in whose pru dence and discretion 1 have no contidence—just such men as brought us into our present “fix,” and such men cannot extricate us. ey are badly balanced, refuse expediency, run everything ito the ground, claim all or nothing. Nothing but a full blooded democrat will do them for President. Now, as an old line whig, I wish, as an individual and one of your constituents, to give you my views, ‘here is no man of the old democratic party who can beat General Grant at the present time. The South would much prefer Mr. Pendleton if he could be made avatlable, but his committal on the cur- rency question will cause his failure. Chase is the only man who can divide the republican party, and, in my opinion, the only one we can elect. He can draw of such a portion of the conservative republi- can party who would otherwise go for Grant that he is the man for the work. The mass of the old line whigs in Ohio and the North- west, and even in the New England States, will not vote for a “copperhead.” This they telime wherever I meet them. ‘They say, “Run a conservative man and we will all support him.” They claim to be tired of the extreme radical party and want to leave its ranks, but not for a copper- head. If Chase is not run we are badly ber gen He is a very able man—indeed, has no superior in ability—and if he stands where rumor says he does, to wit, in favor of general suffrage, but holding that the States have the ata to regulate the matter, this is all we want. We must go back to old consti- tutional times by degrees, Chase can “bust up” the radical party. For the present let him have the four years, and then if he don’t work fully into the traces we can lay him aside and take another man. These views are held by many of our best citizens. You see there is disquietude m the radical ranks in Con- gress, but they will be @ unit against a copperhead. But if Chase is nominated he will draw off one-third of the party. Iam, my dear sir, very truly, your friend, Barrel wy MOBILE, June 22, 1863, To Cot My L Your letter of the 10th instant, giv- ing your “views for the Presidency, has been received, given the subject that earnest and anxious consider- ation that 1 feel its tmportance demands. Having always been of the same political faith as you, and entertaiming for your opinions the profoundest re- spect, it is with extreme regret that I find myself now differing with you on a question that I consider of vital importance to us of the South. I cannot agree with you in regard to the expediency of nomt- nating Judge Chase for the Presidency; and I beg that you will bear with me while I state fully, and in all sincerity and frankness, the reasons which com- pel me to oppose his nomination. In the first place, Judge Chase was an original abolitionist—one of the extrenest of the extreme men North, who are directly responsible for all the woes that have befallen our country. For at least twenty years previous to the war he was the able, nstant, earnest and consistent advocate of the abolition of slavery, and by commanding talents and cool persistency exercised an influence, upon the public mind beyond that of any other met © of his party. Indeed, it has been remarked that “he furnished brains for the party.” With his course during the war we are all fainillar, and I am not dis- posed to criticise it further than to remark that, as a member of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet, he never lost sight of his favorite purpose, the abolition of slavery. "But when at last the war closed and the darling object of his life was accomplished—when slavery was hope- lessly destroyed—what was the course of Judge Chase? Not content with the mere abolition ef slavery, he then set to work to establish “negro equality” (which, by radical practice, means negro suprem- acy), and became the first volunteer missionary in the cause. Immediately after the close of the war he made the tour of the South for the express pur- pose, and no other, of setting in motion the batt of “negro suffrage.’ His assoviations during that tour were almost exclusively with negroes, 8 mission being to negroes, he of course had no use for people of any other color. He reviewed negro troops, ad- ressed negro meetings and held private and public levees for the benefit of negroes. In all his speeches negro suffrage was the theme. The negroes were told they were entitled to it, exhorted to demand it and promised the protection of the government. He was the first voluntary champion of negro suffrage, and I hold that there is no man living who has done so much towards fixing this foul curse upon us of the South as Judge Chase. But it is said that although he is in favor of by suffrage, yet he holds that the States alone have the power to regulate the matter, and you say ‘this is all we want.” Icannot agree with you. In the first place this modification of his views has taken place since he failed 1H the nomination from the radical party, which is itself quite suspicious. But with me it matters not. I can never support a man who is in favor of the principle. This ts the great practi- cal question of the day with us, and the man whom I sup! must be uncompromising in his ition to the principle of negro suffrage—to everything that looks to @ recognition of the political equality of the negro race, During his tour South Judge Chase spent a few days in Fob and while here a scene was enacted which the white men who saw it will never forget. It was a public review by Chase of the negro troops, numbering several thousand. The Confederate army had been disbanded; the soldiers had iaid down their arms and returning to their homes ander the solemn assurance from the victors of protection, were pre- pared in good faith to renew their vows of fidelity to ‘the government of the Union. We were disarmed and helpiesa, And Judge Chase sat proudly on his horse, at the intersection of St. Francis and Royal streets, surrounded and guarded by half a dozen generals of the victorious army, with their re- spective staffs, all in glittering attire, while ten thou- sand negro troops passed up Royal street in review. Our former slaves now composed the triumphant army that was to be used to complete our subjuga- tion and keep Us in subjection. This was the tale it told. The scene was calculated and intended to re- mind us of our helpnessness, our humiliation, our degradation, It was a wanton, heartless, cruel, cow- ardly insult, I Witnessed the spectacle; saw the self- complacent, exultant smile that played upon the cold face of Chase as the ten thousand negroes were Reesing in review. I shall never forget the scene. ¢ humiliation sank deep into my soul. My dear sir, do not ask me to support Judge Chase. Again, it now certain that Alabama and the other Southern States, with their negro constitu, tions, are to be “put through’? the solemn farce af admission into the Union, Negro representatives will take their seats in the Congress of the United States from Alabama; the negro constitution which the peopie of Alabama rejected—a constitutian that disfranchises you and me, and thousaads of white men besides, And eufranchises our farmer slaves— is to be forced the realities of nogro domination, 7 on the nomination of @ candidate d i have upon us. We will sqou experience all a he iegtwetian of SHEET, orance and the State wil! be in the Imnds of ign barbarism. Negroes, or their white representa- tives, baser and more degrade! than negroes, will make our laws, and thetr sole aian wili be to convert to their own in the form of texation, the entire property of the ite people of the State. Practical confiscation will be the result; and, to cap the cli- max of infamy, @ negro militia ts to be o1 ized, armed and equipped ‘at the expense of the State to aid in the enforcement of their iniquitous enact- ments and to keep the white race in subjection. This is the entertainment that is spread before us and of which we shall goon be compelled to e. There ig no escaping it. It 18 already here. Now, ts this state of things to be perpetual? Our only hope is in the success of the democratic party in the ensuing Presidential election, presupposing that the party will not, in the nomination of a candidate, ignore its creed. The democratic doctrine is that the reconstruction measures of the present Con; and everything done under them are unconstitutional, and, of course, absolutely null and void. This declaration, I take it, will constitute the main plank in the democratic platform, and whoever is nominated must pledge himself to stand by it and en- force it, ‘That the Supreme Court will eventually (probably at its next term) decide all these acts to ve Unconstitutional is now universally conceded. Then all we want is a President wiose views are in accord with that decision and who has the will and the nerve to do his duty. It will be his duty to enforce the decree of the court, if need be, at the point of the bayonet. We must have a President who will have the patriotic courage not only to enforce'the laws, but to protect the people against unconstitutional en- actmenis, H then, is our hope of escape from negro domination. With such a decision from the Supreme Court as I have anticipated, and a demo- cratic President to enforce it, all the iniqut- tous legisiation of the radical Congress re- reconstruction, all the negro con- stitutions of the several Southern Stat all enactments authorizing negro sutfrage an the thousand other abominations of radicalisin, will be wij out forever, and the State constitutions established by white men be declared in full force. It witl thus be seen that our sole reliance isin the election of a President who will not hesitate to en- force, with all the powers at his command, the decree of the Supreme Court. Can we rely on Judge Chase to do this? 1s his past record such as to give even @ reasonable assurance that be would do it? Can we rely on a man who is notoriously in favor of negro suffrage to put down negro suffrave? No, sir; it will not do, We have too much at stake, the issues are too awlully great, to risk an uncertainty. I differ with you also in d to the strength of General Grant. Aside from the fact of his utter in- competency, I have No fears of any man who, at this day, will commit himself.to radical policy. ‘Recent elections, wherever held, show unmistakably that radicalism is “played out” even in the North. My opinion is, that if a true democrat be nominated at New York, on a true democratic platform, Grant’s defeat is easy and certain. Any good and true man, who has the requisite qualifica ions, can do it, Bul if we make a compromise of principle and nominate aradical to carry the democratic standard, deieat will be certain, Tne old democracy will not support Chase, and should he be nominated a third candidate wiil probably be presented and radicalism be again triumphant, I do not attach so much importance to the “cop- perhead”’ cry as you seem to do. 1| know it has been used by the radicals for a long time as a term of re- proach, but I imagine it has had its day and can be lati Cap- and Geo. W. A Jors 20. euen Cag, Geo. Dewitt Crinton tains Edward Irvin, J. W. Kelley, F.C. Mi 4. F. Raw00; Privates Jno. F. r, Ruhie, J. F. Dean, Geo, ©. Miller, J. 3. Bi Charles L. Young and Daniel M. Emerson. POLITICAL NOTES. A correspondent wants to know why General trant “circumscribed the Jews’ Proscribed, my ‘(ear sir—proscribed. It would be diMeult to circumscibe our modern Hebrews—they are clways so progns- sive, 80 go-ahead. Charlies S. May ts the choice of the republicans ¢ Kalamazoo county for Congressman from the Second Michigan (Upson’s) district, St. Joseph county will support General Stoughton. General Jasper Packard, nominated as the sucoes- sor to Hon. Schuyler Colfax in the Eleventh Indiana district, was colonel of the One Hundred and Twen- ty-eighth Indiana regiment during the war. He isa lawyer and an effective speaker, Since the report became circulated that $1,600,000 had been raised to secure Chase’s nomination there has been no lack of delegates from New England, The Cincinnati Commercial, radical, gives asa say ¢ 80 thatif “Pendleton is slaughtered at New York another distinguished Cincinnatian is likely to get the nomination of the democracy for the Presideacy or the Vice Presidency. Mr. W. S. Groesbeck is the gentieman referred to, Being an Ohioan Mr. Groe> beck is’eligible.”” The McMinnville (Tenn.) Enterprise cails upon its radical friends to cease publishing the exaggerated lies got up for buncombe about the outragemof the so called Ku-Klux-Klan. It says they Bave a ten- dency to disgrace the State and keep away emigre tion, A Northern radical who went to Virginia and com- Menced proving his faith in negro equality by his works has realized the fruition of both much sooner than he anticipated. His daughter has eloped with @ negro of the lowest grade. Colonel Amos C. Babcock is the radical nominee for Congress from the Nineteenth Illinois district. The “Nineteenth Illinois" fougat and swore famously in the war. They “saved the left” at Stone river upon the appeal of General James S, Negley. Peter Negley, of the Hagerstown Herald, and Col. E. F, Anderson, also of Hagerstown, are spoken of as republican candidates for Congress in the Fourth district of Maryland, now represented by Hon. Frank Thomas. THE CITIZENS’ ASSOCIATION AND GOVERNOR FCNTON. Mutual Admiration Correspondence—The Gove ernor Declines a Public Dinner. New York, June 5, 1868, no longer made available to frighten men from their propriety. If the “old line whigs’” of the North, to whom you refer, are really opposed to the pole of the radical party and honestly wish its defeat the: will be very apt to so vote as to accomplish the! object. Iknow well how strong is preinaice and how dificult it is to overcome; but if an old line whig really believes democratic policy right and radical policy wrong he will be very certain, after, perhaps, a ‘wry face’’ or two, to vote in accordance with the dictates of his Jodement and his conscience. At all events there is less di r of a loss of votes in astrict adherence to principle than by a sacri- fice of principle to an unfounded prejudice. Proba- bly no two men in the country have been more deci- dedly opposed to or had stronger prejudices against the democratic party than you andl. But for my- self Icanin all sincerity say that, no matter what may have been my opinion of the democratic party in the past, and on the dead issues of the ast, it ig undoubtedly right now on all the ive issues of the present; and as it is the only party to which we can look for relief from the tyranny imposed upon us, I have had no difficulty in overcoming my prejudices and giving an earnest and cordial support to that party. If I wish to accom- plish a certain object, I certainly will not be so silly as to reject, from mere prejudice, the only means nece: tothat end. I am therefore free to say that in the New York Convention I shal support no man for the Presidential nomination who does not stand fairly and squarely on the democratic platform. If we believe the democratic party right, let us have no other than a true democrat for President. This is no time for half way measures nor half way men; no time for the abandonment of great Babee in the delusive hope of conciliating a few doubtiul and uncertain men, who are afraid or ashamed to co- operate with a party whose principles and policy .they profess to approve. No party ever did, nor ever will, make anything by such a course. In regard to Mr. Pendleton, I have no hesitation in saying that of all the men named io connection with the ofice of President he is my first choice, though I would cheerfully support General Hancock, either af the a orany other statesman who is fully committed by word and deed to the democratic doc- trines of the day. Mr. Pendleton had more o' of strength than any other man named, and as his qualifications are pre-eminent and his record without a blemish I have thought him the proper man for the nomination. And, in this connection, permit me to remark that 1 cannot agree with you that “his views on the currency ques- tion will cause his fatiure.”” On the contrary | am of the opinion that the great public sentiment of the country is largely in unison with Mr. Pendleton on this subject; and that, if the issue be forced into the canyass (which [ trust will not be done) it will add greatly to his strength. I cannot think, however, the bondholaing interest will be so shortsighted as to make an iasue with Mr. Pendleton on this question, for, rely upon it, on that issue alone they cannot carry ® single State, county, township or village in the Union. The time may and probably will come when the bondholders will be Fi to compromise on Mr. Pendleton’s policy, and if they are as shrewd as they are generally sup} to be they will do it now. Payment in currency would be much better for them than repudiation. Lexpected to attend the New York Convention, and my course there will depend on circumstances, My opinion has been that the Southern delegates shouid take no part in deciding between rival candi- dates for the nomination; but that all their efforts should be directed to the reconcflement of conflict- ing claims, with a view to final unity of action. T! great point with us isg that our friends of the North and West unite on the man most certain to harmon- It has been conviction that the elements Hon. RevseN E. FENTON, Governor of the State of New Yor! DEak Stx—The undersigned citizens of New York, who have watched attentively your course while administering for two successive terms the import- ant duties devolving upon you as Governor of the State of New York, and who have observed with great satisfaction the firm stand you have always taken in support of private rights and the claims of property, in the protection of industrial interests, the alleviation of the burdens of taxation and conse- quent amelioration of the condition of the working classes, in the interests of law and preservation of order, and the encouragement of economy in the government of municipalities in, protecting the pub- lic health, the public treasury and the general interests of the people of the State, who also have witnessed with pleasure your fast opposition to schemes of unjust monopoly and to plans for private aggrandizement at the expense of the public good, your strict in- vestightion of official caluen tes: to the end that corrupt combinations might broken up, and from watchful care for the purity of the Legislature and the enforcement of proper laws, and who feel at this time, when the exercise of your powers for the gen- eral good is by late instances fresh in the recollection of the people of the State, that some expression of the appreciation in which you are deservedly held is proper, respectfully invite you to meet a number of the citizens of New York at dinner at as early a day as may be convenient to your Excellency :— James Brown, Peter Cooper, Alexander T, Stewart, John Jay, William E. Dodge, William M. Verinilye, Charles Tracy, Murray Hoffinan, William B. Astor, John E. Williams, William Wood, Moses H. Grinnell, B. H. Hutton, A. R. Wetmore, John S. Williams, Wil- lard Parker, Isaac Sherman, Thos. J. Pope, Edward Matthews, John Jacob Astor, William T. Blodgett, Cyrus Curtiss, Jeremiah P. Robinson, John Elliott, Jackson §, Schultz, Thomas Denny, William Orton, ‘Thomas N, Dale, Fredrick. A. Conkling, Benjamin B, Sherman, John Armstrong, Eliott C. Cowdin, Ebenezer Monroe, Henry FE. Davis, John Sloane, Barnet L. Solomon, George Cabot Ward, R. W. Wes- ton, George W. Blunt, H. B. Ciafiin, F. 8S. Winston, Aaron Arnold, Paul Spofford, John H. Sherwood, Washington R. Vermilye, Henry A. Burr, Seth B. Hunt, Nathaniel Sands, William Sloane, Benj. W. Bonney, Samuel Willets, Shepherd wi William G. Lambert, Edward S. Hall, John A. Weeks, B. F. Butler, Ben). D. Silliman, Moses G. Baldwin, John C. Green, D. Eaton, William A. Booth, James M. Constable, James F. De Peyster, William H. Guyon, William Bloodgood, Alexander Ng Oar Sam- uel S. Constant, Robert Diilon, John K. Porter, Richard H. McCurdy, Alfred Wagstaff, Jr., ore Roosevelt, Elliott F. Shephard, R. Ogden Doremus, uohn Falconer, Charles Lanier, Jacob D, Vermiize. Stats oF New York, \ EX&CUTIVE DEPARTMENT, ALBANY, June 23, 1568, GENTLEMEN—Your letter inviting me to a public dinner, as an expression of your SS hoaneca and approval of my administration, will be cherisbed a one of the most valued mementoes of my official life. Representing as you do the great commercial in- terests which secure .o New York her smperial pos’. _ tion among the States, and which contributed so essentially to the suport of the public credit and the maintenance of the Union armies during the recent rebellim, I feel deeply sensible of the honor of so ! rked an expression of y ur confidence and re- bi 1 wish | was more deserving of 11; but in the isc! of the grave and responsible duties of ize all interests in those States. Entertaining these views, and presuming the people of the Southern States would not be permitted to vote in the election, I have thought it doubtful whether it would be politic for the Southern delegates to vote at all, in case there were a contest for the nomination, And these were, substantially, the views of the recent Montgomery Convention that appointed the dele- gates to New York. But Convention de- clined to instruct the delegates, and they are, theref< free to act as their judgments may dictate. Bat I am constrained to say to you, in all frankness, that should the name of Judge Chase be pi mted to the convention, with the re- miotest prospect of success, I shall feel it my duty to throw aside all feelings of delicacy, and not only vote against his nomination ber ne but use what- ever influence { may to induce all the South- the nomination of any man with a record so black as that of Judge Chase—no man who is in favor of the principle of negro s y But if, contra belief, and in ition % justice Py ry to my to all views of riety, Api te Convention shot nonuivate ‘Judge Chase, End party as enumerated in the platform that will be put forth by the Convention, I shall, from a sense of duty, as well as cl *, advocate elec. tion, Anybody or anythii that may be nomi- nated by the Democratic Convention in ce to the nominee of the radicals. 4 pledge is made, however, upon the assumption upon the express condition that the democratic party, in its platform, will fully commit itself against suffrage and all the unconstitutional measures have been adopted to carry it into gffect—in short, that all the slation upon in lation constitution and shail be wiped out speedily and forever. U: taken by the Convention and the candidate sol led to it, it will be @ matter of profound i. my ae of th South Mf elected. Com) ively we have no interest in any other issue. it I take it for granted the Convention will not di itself by ignoring the all-absorbi: most im} it, only question of the reall, day, and hence and upon tant condition I am free to led if to the support of its nominee, even Thou be Judge Chase. I pray, however, that I mith Pabeoccnsemn 1 T remain, my dear sir, very truly yours, te. C. LANGDON. The Election in Mississippi. ‘The New Orleans Crescent, June 26, publishes the following returns of the Mississippi election:— e © Gray Port.. West Station. Linden. moeratic majority.. reek—Democratic majority. Simmons’ Box—Democratic majority. Osyka—Democratic majority...... mocrats Claim 26,000 majority in the State. Eez3 Delegates from Buffalo to the Soldiers and Sailors’ Convention, Burrato, N. Y., June 28, 1868, The following delegates from this city to the New York Soldiers and Sailors’ Convention, July 4, will leave on @ special train Thursday evening next:— Generals W. F. Rogers and James N. Strong; nels Il. K. Viele, Daniel Tyre and Richard Flack; Mo. arge the trust committed to my charge I could hardly hope for such a measure of success as your partiality kindly awards to me. It has been my steadfast alm merit the canfidence reposed in me by my fellow citizens by strict bats ‘to the public inter- ests, and it is grateful ty know that this earnest pur- jose has been so generously appreciated. It has n my endeavor to secure a firm and stable admin- istration of the iaws, to protect the citizen in his rights of person and property, to promote the cause of education, to guard the interests of iabor and of commerce, to foster meritorious undertakings for the relief the unfortunate; to restrain as far as practicable the prevailing ten- dency to public extravagance, to sub ordinate special and local interests §=to those involving the common weifare of ail, to resist improvident | and combined assaults on the public treasury, and to secure a more equitable apportionment of the burdens on properiy and in- dustry, which, so far as they are unequal, are felt to be undue and oj ve. These are eu pone oon. oat be —! & steady gradations, jon_ oO! Farlow dey ents of The ernment. Nothing can ¢o much expedite their nent ag the con- *) stant pressure of eet public opinion. We have not yet recovered the condition of affairs which al follows in the train of war. ‘The rapidity with whi in troubled times is fluence. The mi agni of our expenditures, the strength of our credit and the abundance of our cur- rency have ail tended to create a prod! * it of speculation and extravi which finds 1® ws wo readily into our legisi At the session wh! measures which, it seemed to cee tenures tal! snperant ‘were not interwoven. Ww! important public interests I felt bound to withhold my ap- roval. The plentiful supply of money inclined us be unmindful of the fact at we have not only incurred a vast public debt, but that we have to re~ pair from the profits of fature industry the waste of productive wealth which is incident to war. All recognize the necessity of general retrenchment, but each icular interest is ved that its own de~ mands on the treasury are not regarded as exoep- tional, It is deemed un; ious on the part of tl Executive to interpose his veto in cases of this na~ ture; but it is better to do so than to be faithless to his publie trust. He is sometimes inconsiderately denounced for it by those who would not hesitate to pursue the same course under a like sense of sibility, but he is richly compensated when good men assure him of their confidence and approbation. 1 do not feel at liberty to accept your kind invite~ tion, Iam content with your words of approval, and prefer no public demonstration, even th made jally attractive by the sincere and hi Manner of your letter, With great respect, I am sin- cerely yours, R. E. FENTON. WAVAL INTELLIGENCE, Commodore Alden has been ordered to take com- mand of the Mare Island (Cal.) Navy Yard, relieving Rear Admiral Thomas T. Craven, who will take command of the North Pacific squadron, relieving Rear Admiral Thatcher, ordered home. Commodore Alden. will sail to-morrow 01 Arizona, and will remain at orderedto join the North Pacific squadron, will go out with him in the same vessel. of eh TL be ay engete and able fea,