The New York Herald Newspaper, May 1, 1868, Page 3

> IMPEACHMENT, Trial of President Andrew Johnson for High Crimes and Misdemeanors. Continuation of Mr. Evart® Argument. An Able Refutation of the Charges. DEFENCE OF FREEDOM OF SPEECH. WASHINGTON, April 30, 1868, For the past few days the impeachment trial has ‘ween really interesting. In the mornings some lively erder or resolution has been introduced, and by this Preliminary species of exhilaration the great speech ofMr. Evarts—the one which, linked with Judge Groesbeck’s, will go down to posterity—is ready to be received with additional! relish. Mr. Evarts to-day intensified the impression he had previously made as a speaker. His style is remarka- bly fluent, sharp-cut and sparkling, and could scarcely retain a hold so long on the attention of so large and critical an audience unless the force and terseness of his remarks were more than usual striking. His arguments to-day covered a great deal of ground; they overlapped the very diffusive enes of the Managers, rolling tiem inward to a given eentre from numerous points on the wide circum- ference of this debate, and then, putting his shoulder to the eleventh or bottom article of the series, he east the entire inwards till he formed a perfect pyra- mid of combustible sophistries, legal crotehets, claptrap arguments and no end of inflammable rhetoric; then, siowly and deliberately applying the fatal fuse, the Radical Managers in a tremendous conflagration ensued, sing and crackling with alarming erect. went even further, He took the Managers se- riatim—Stevens, Boutwell, Wilson, Butler and Bingham—and held them in the blaze tli they were weorched to a wholesome extent. ev Butler fared the worse, and showed in his countenanee the fearful ravages of the tongue of fire (iat licked him all around and over. Manager Bingham squirmed, but bore it like a martyr; and if Old Thad stevens had been present he might have shuddered at the premature apparition. A considerable majority of the Senators seemed rather pi at incendiary work of Mr. arhe. The performanee, at the least, was brilliont, and could not fail to extort admiration even from those whose Interests were imperilled or whose prejudices were overriden, But the confagration did not stop to-day. It will contini rrOW, wntil the very base and the lowermost foundations of the edifice of impeachment are burned out past recognition. Some of the Senators were not @ay, and ove of them (Mr. Con bas not made his appearal blaze, when a the flames his- He ton in their ve: s, of ¢ » Friday. 8 10. ornia) Itis understood to-day that Mr. Stanbery will de liver his argument. His heaith has so far revovered that he feels he will be able to undergo the tush of delivering the elaborate address he has prepared. PROCEED AS OF THE COURT, Twenty-seventh Day. UNITED STAPES SENATE CHAMBER, i) WASHINGTON, D. ©., April 30, i868. After the reading of the journal Mr. Sumner’s re- solution ecnsuring Mr. Nelson came up in the regular order of business, and atter Mr. Ne had made some remarks disowning any intention. disrespect fer the Senate, but admitting that he referred toa due! in what he said, Mr. JOHNSON Moved fo lay the Tesolution on the table, which was agreed to by a ‘Yyote of 35 to 10, _ Mr. Cameron's order for considered, on Mr. SumNer offered to amend by making the hours from ten o’clock A. M. to six P. M. On the motion of Mr. TRuMBULS the whole was tabled by a vote of 32 to 17. MR. EVARTS’ ARGUMENT. Mr. Evarts then resumed his argument, He held that it was a grave reproach upon the wisdom and foresight of the framers of our government to claim that a decision in this case in favor of the President would result in monarchy, In his view the dange was to qnother of the balances of the constitution— namely, the relations of the weight of numbers and the equality of States irrespe: of popwation. Fiom the principles of the constitution and ut ances of our most distinguished esiien it was evident that to make the Senate execu- tive instead of advisory was? to rob fl cople’s majority of their rightful powe In this manner the small and thinly populates States would control the working of the government against the will of those which cast the overwhelm- ing imajority votes, aud the Presidential eiection would become a farce. In support of this position he quoted the writings of the eider Adams, Sherman and others, and enforced it by considering various emergencies which might arise under the Tcnnre of OMice act, which makes certain oMtces permanent and would render removal during the session of the night sessions was then rhiect Senate extremely diticult, if not impracticable, He proceeded to quote from ‘the debates in. the Se when the bill was wnder consideration language of Messrs. Williams, Howard and others to show that its effect was to revolutionize the practice of the government, and also quoted expressions to the effect that while the legisiatt construction bad litle weight, yet the decision of constitutional que tions by tie Supreme Court were anthorttative. Evarts contended, however, that the decisions of the Congress of 1789 were not only authoritath contirmed by the Supre mense weighit of the dates of 1is¥ as ex ower of reinoval, auue Was settled and firmly established then hy the framers of the government and by the practice of successive adininistrations aft ards, Tle also re- of the point at ferred to Mr. Webster's dec jon in. 1885—that estion was svitie: » endorsement of dent Jacksons re Duane by the ple, the superior pow: in this connection ir. Hvarts said:—You ta ev to decide constitutional questions by power to decide them by the Supreme Court; power to decide them by the Executive. | show you the superior power of them all, and T say that in the his- tory of free countries; in the history of popular in the history of the power of ihe people, 4 not by passion or by violence, but by exercise of power Was never shown more z nd more definitely than on this very mat ter of whether the power of removal from oftice shall remain in the Executive or shall be distributed among Senators. [t was not my party that Pleased or triumphant on that occasion, but the fact of what the people thongit there was not any doubt aud there never hash any sinee, until the new situation has produced new interests and Yesuited in new conctusions, Honorable Senators and Representatives will recollect how in the deba which led to the passage of the Civil’ ot it was represented that the authority of the first Con- gress 1798 ought to be somewhat scrutinized b cause of the influence on iis debates and conclusions which the great character of tne Cnie! General Washington, may have produ Senators, why cannot we look at the present as we look at the past? Why can we not see in ourselves what we so easily discern as possible with others? Why can we not appreciate it, that perhaps the judgment of Senators and of Repre- sentatives now ay have been warped = or misied somewhat by their opinions and by their feelings towards the Executive? I apprehen therefore, gentlemen, that this matter of party infinence ts one which it is quite as well to consider, and that tis matter of personal power and anthority of character is quite as suitable to be weighed when ‘we are acting as when we are deciding upon the acts of others, Two passages | will be permitted to quote from that great debate as carried on in the Congress: of 1789. Mr. Evarts then read from the remarks of Mr. Madigon and of Mr. Boudinot in the Congress of 1789, those of the latter being to the effect that the President should not have officers imposed him who did not meet his approbation. Kvarts continned:—In these words of Mr. Madi- gon and Mr. Boudinot I find the marrow of the whole controversy. There is no escaping from it. If this body pursues the method now adopted, it must be responsible to the country for the action of the executive department; and if ofMfcers are to be maintained, as these wise statesmen say, “over the ead of the President,” then that power in the con- stitution which allows him to have a choice in their selection is entirely void. For if his officers are to be dependent upon instantaneous selections, and if thereafter there can be no space for repellance or for change of purpose on the part of the Rx- ecutive, it in idle tor say that he Bas the power of a; pnd Ry 4 ointment from day to day, wich is power of app: te'bo rewponal. power of povokgbpept for WLICD pe ie he set the whole superstructure of | NEW HEET. ble, if he is to be responsible at all. I now wish to ask attention to the opnlons expressed ny some of the statesmen who took part in this dctermination of what the effect, and the important effect, of the con- clusion of the Congress of 1780 was, None of them overlooked its importance on one side or the other, and I beg leave read from the life and works of the elder Adams, volume 1, page 448. Mr. Evaris read from the work m question the paragraph giving the history of the question as to the Presi- dent’s power to appoint and remove officers. He also read from a letter of Mr. Fisher Ames to his correspondent, an __ intelligent lawyer in Boston, in reierence to the same subject. Mr. Evarts then continued:—It will thus be seen, Senators, that the statesinen whom we most revere regarded this a8, 60 to speak, @ construction of the constitution as important as the framing of it itself had been; and now the question arises whether a law of Congress has introduced a revolution in the doctrine and in the \hygecty of the government—a legisiative construction binding no one aud being entitied tono respect from the changeableness of legislative constructions, in the language of the honorable Senator from Oregon; and whether a doubt, whether an act in relauon to the constitu- uonality of that law on the part of the executive department is a ground of impeachment, the doctrine of unconstitutional law seems to be—Lspeak it with great respect—wholly misunderstood by the honorable Managers in the propositions which they resent, Nobody can ever vioktte an unconstitution jaw, for it isnot arule Dinilse on him or upon any one else, His conduct in violating it or in con- travening it may be at variance with ethical or civil conditions of duty, and for a violation of these ethi- cal and civil conditions he may be responsibie. If a marshal of the United States, executing an unconstl- tutioual fugitive slave bill, enters with the process and the authority of law, it does follow that resist- ance may be carried to the extent of shooting the Inarshal; but it is not because it is a vioiation of that law, for if it is unconstitutional there can be no violation of it. It is because civil duty does not permit civil contests to be raised by force and violence. 50, too, if a subordinate executive omicer, who has nothing but ministertal duties to perform as a United States marshal in the service of process under an un- constitutional law, undertakes to deal with the ques- uon of its unconstitutionality while the ethical and civilduty on his part is merely ministerial, and | white he must etther execute it in his ministerial ca- pacity or resign iis office, he cannot, under proper ethical rules, determine whether an execution of the Jaw shall be defeated by the assistance of the oilcers: provided for its execution; but if the law bears upon Mis personal rights or oiicial emoluments, then, without a violation of the peace he may raise a question of the law, consistent — with ail civ.i and ethical duties, ‘Thus we see at once that We are brought face to face with the fundamental propositions in this case, and 1 ask your attention to a pu we from the Federalist, at page 549, where 18 Vigorous discussion by Mr Hamilton of the question or unconstitutional law, and also to the f Marbury against Madison, 1 Couch, 17 ean ark. isdom which may well displace the more inconsiderable and loose views which nave been pre- dindebate here, Undoubtedly it is a question of very grave importance now, for the different depart- mentsof tie vernment, legislative, judicial and executive, are Hot at liberty to act in relation to wh- constitutional laws. Judicial duty may perhaps be to und the Hxecutive even where the Supreme has passed upon a question, iti s one of the Pah coNSULHtONal points for public men to de- where and how the Legisiature may raise “1 ain by passing a law against the de- f the Supreme Court, and whether the y taise the quesiion by undertaking an execu- ty dader (he conshtnuon aeainst tie di n Court and against the dete We, inth v rant prev nig further it, hy this, t po muay the nt departinents of the goy- tor Giemselves of tie constiiulion- mnconsitutionalty of laws, that wien the ent ot the Unsted slates, in common with the st Citizen, Mis a law passed over lus right, son in the matter of lis right, Wait reasons OL dMty Lo sell, to the public, to the fo the law, require th put m the train of judicial a at the light of (ie serene wisdom of the Supyeme Court may be shed upon it, to the end that Congress even may reconsider its action and retract oachments OM tie ce itation. But s nD that General Jackson, mn swith the Whig party, claimed r tue judgucnt tuder the obligation of e: ws Senators, yourselves Kepresentauves, and the President as Chief Executive, each must act In new joneture or m reference to a new matier arising to raise pgaiu the Guesuon of constitutional author- NO) let a shore passage, in General im his protest sets this Tread from tre debate on the fugitive slave as conducted in this body in the year 1852, when the honorable Senator trom Massachusects (Mr. Suuner) was sfokesmun and champion of tie right of cach departuent of the government to jadge of tne constitationality of law and @i duty:—‘‘iut whatever may be the influence of this judgment— that is, tie judgment of the Supreme Court in the case of Prigg—as a rule for tne judiciary it cannot our duty as legislators. Mere | adop. with eniive assent the language of President Jackson in his memorable veto in 1832 of the Bank of the United States—if the ophiylon of the Bupreine Court covers of the Supreme Conrt, wna te one’s oath, yourselves ity Ba the whole grow of this act ought noi tg control the — co-ordinate authorities — of The xovernment.’ The Congress, the Executive and te court must, each tor tuseli, be guided by its own opinion of the constitution. Every public” oitt- cer who takes an eath to suppor the constitution swears that he wil! support itax he understands it, and not as it is understood by others, itis as much »duiy of the House of Representatives, of the e and of the President to decide on the consti- ality of any bill or resolution Which may be presentod Co them for passage or approval as it is of the pupreme Judges when it may be brought before them ior judicial decision, ‘The authority of the Sa- e Caurt must not, therefore, be permitted to control Congress or the Executive, but to have only such intven as the fore of their red ug may deserve.” With these aathoritauive ckson C dismiss the pet. w limes change and we change wiih ¢ heless principles remain, duties ren powers of the government rei ord nation remains, The words of Andrew s C0" ouscience of Men remains and everybody Who iis taken an oath, everybody whio is sunject to the constitution without taking an fulmeans has a right to reverse ine constitntion in derogaiioen of constitutional law; any legisiative law or any jadieral au shall deny the sup) to protect 1 fully raise conflict heiween ati, by pei macy of the constitution in w thus conscientiously, thus extious determination the constivation and the jaw will not be consistent with Un written constitution or with the — maintenan of the liberties of the people as establisned by and dependent on the preservation of a written constrta- tion. Now let us se: itional and lesa a st 1 to curry ou tej sl a iaw, but the government, ov the authority of th ‘The iangnage 1 conrrary to the misdem the Presic ity? Whe sought to be asserted, ery removal from onlce i vons of this act siall be a high Who could remove from ones but f @ matter ' or interest with Dim, tiat hy reiore, it is sought and Of the legislative enactment the the United States shall not oitlee whether the act of Congress Was constitutional or noi, he Was absoiutely prohibiied irom removing from oftle zh the constituiion allowed him stitution could Net protect hun for tut Chat tae act of Congress upon nid draw him in here by inapeachment and him to for violating the law, HougH imaintainiag che tut on, and that ine ¢ tuiOh pronowaced sentence of Condemmaiton and jafamy pon him for having worshipped. tte authority a geht to maintain it, and that the authority of Congress has that power and extent ‘ f asunder the cons disiniss this Presi vosed, you di erof ns awilin the great instrne practical nation of freemen a divist foshake this country to its centre. “The omnipo- of Congress” is the rallying ery on the one side “the supremacy of the constitution’? on the other, ‘The conrt at two o’clock took @ recess of a quarter of an hour, On reassembling at. thirty-five iminutes past twe Mr. Evarrs considered the attitude which senators occupy in reference to this sabject and said nothing Was more abhorrent tothe natural sense of justice than that a man should be @ judge in his own cause or decide a question which he ready pejudiced. He held that if the Senate in passing the resolution of censure on the 2ist of Fel. Tuary had pronouneed on the Ca gre of tue consti- tutionality of the law as a political action, then they could not now consider it g judicial question. it woukt be extraordinary, alflost inconceivable, to suppose they did not so consider it, with the pro spect oF having to try the matter, if it were judicial, As & Court Of impeachment. could not be possible that they did not regard it as @ political question. Jie reminded them that the largest votes for convic- tion (Hurophrey%s) were on the a. ticles charging him with having prejndged a case, and allowed a jnry- man to sit who acknowledged he had formed an opinion, Again, they had an interest in the result. ‘wenty millions of dollars of the patronage and the powers of the executive office were the prizes offered them for conviction, ‘Their political prejudices, too, he argued, joined with other considerations, cmse them to cast out as improper for their decision the charges alleging violation of their own law. Continuing Mr. Evarts fald:--Now let me ask yoo at the outaet to let you see how little, as matter of evidence, this case ia, Cer. tainly, thix President of the United States has been piaced wader as trying and as hot a case of pobticar OppomOl BF EVE REST cenit he. Cevtainty, jor two = yeare har been HO partial Te leeelative awd YORK HERALD, FRIDAY, MAY 1, 1868--TRIPLE 8 construction of any of his conduct. Certainly, for two years he has been sifted by all of the most werful manwuvring machines that | have ever wd of—the House of Representa- tives of the United States of America, Certainly the Wealth of the nation, certainly the urgency of party, certainly the zeal of politica! ambition, have pressed into the service of imputation, of inculpation aud of proof all that this country affords, ail that the power to send for persons and papers includes, They ran. none of the risks that attend ordinary proceedings of bringing their witnesses into court to staad the test of examination and cross-examination, but they can put them under the construction of an oath and an explanation in advance, and see what they can prove and whom tiey can bring, and whom they can reject. They can take our witnesses from the stand already under oath, and even those of so great and high a character as the Lieutenant General of your armies, and out of court they try him witha new examination to see whether he shall help or hurt them by being cross-examined in court, using every arm and every art, stayed by no sense except of public duty, nothing to remove their power or con- tro! its exercise, and yet here is the evidence. The people of this country have been made to believe that all sorts of personal vice ana wickedness, that all sorts of oficial misconduct and folly, that all sorts of usurpation and oppression had been pracy tised and executed on the part of this Execu- tive, and was to be explored and exposed by the pro- secution, and certainly set down in the records of this court of public judgment. Here you have it:— For violence and oppression and usurpation—a tele- gram between the President and Governor Parsons, published two years ago. For the Goes 40 FOnTae the power of Congress—the kessimiony of @ would be oftice seeker, that the President said certain points were important, and he thought the patronage of the government should be in support of those principles, The would be office seeker went home, aud was supposed to have said that the President had used some Nor violent and offensive words. Now, weigh the testimony upon the scale in which the nation weighs it, upon the scale that foreign na- tions look at it, upon the scale that history will apply to it, upon the scale that posterity will in retrospect regard it from, It depends a good deal upon how large a selection a few specimens of the testimony came from. Lf | bringa handful of wheat marked by the rust and wevil and show itto my neighbor, he would say, why, what a wretched crop of wheat you have made, but if [ said to him, these few kernels are what I have taken from tue bins of my whole haryests, he would auswer, what a spleadid crop of Wheat you have had. Now, answer, answer, answer, if there is any. thing w in this? Mr. Manager Wilson, from the Judiciary Commitiee, having examined this subject ali the year, made a report, itself the wisest, the clearest aud also one of the most entertaining re- ports On the subject of impeachment in the past or in the present that I have ever seen or can ever expect to see. What is the result? nat it is all political; all these thunder clouds are politi- cal, and it is only this little petty pattering of rain conveying the infraction of the constivution that is personal or criminal. And the grand inquest of the nation before the final reverberation of the whole h nygite, on the 9th of December, 1867, voles 107 Lo 57 no Mmpeachment, And now I would like to know if the honorable Managers had timited their ad- dresses to this court to matters which in purpose, in character, in intent and in effect occurred after that Dill of Impeachment was thrown out by the House, how much would have been entertained of this case. Thave not heard anything which had not occurred before that, The speeches were made cizh months before, the telegram was sent a before, the oiice seeke me Into play long before. What is there thon? The honorable Managers, too, do not seem to have been of one mind about The articles seem io have been these articles. in the first articles to think of the ns thinks if there on had better not vurselves by | for anything in the ten—(laughier)—for he says a counfy court lawyer couid get rid of them. Stevens says inthe House—“1 wi Jarly noticed that i intend to offer an amendin' J wish gentlemen to examune and sce that this c| ined in any of the articles reported, itis iuseried there can be no trial, ¢ be sirewd lawyers, as T know there nd cavilting judges," (he dtd not state any certainty of that), “and without this article they do Manage a the eleventh not acquit him, they are greener than 1 was in any case i ever undertook before a Court of Quar- ter Sessions.” (Laughter.) Well, now, it will not be very Vain in us to think iat perhaps we come up to side of the Quarter Sessions adequate Lo spose OF Liese a ve quite ght about it. If you get in whae is political, and nothing but ‘al, you cannot get hold of anything that Moor personal. Now, having ral p general estimate of the lameness and fechi 8 of the addverses aud charges, | begin with the consideration of the article in reference to it, and to tne subject matter of which Lam disposed to con- cede there is sume proof, and that 18 as to the speeches. Now, I think that it has been faintly proved here that the speeches charged upon the Preside! in substance and in general, were made, My test difficulty about them is that they were made in 1886, and that they related to a Congress which has passed out of existence, and that they were the sub- t of a report of the Judiciary Committee t wy use, and which the House yoted inat Ab wguid D at impeach. My next diMculty is no} ay are crimes against argument, against rheto against tasie and perhaps against logte, Wut that the consti- tution of the United States, neither in itself nor by any subsequent amendment has provided for the government of the people of this country in these regards. Now, itisa new thing in this country to punish any man for making @ speech. area great many speeches made in this country, and, therefore, cases would undoubtedly have arisen in eighty yeurs of our history where men were punished for ig speeches. Indeed, I betieve if there is anything which more particularly marks us to the approval of other nations it is that every man In this country not only has a right to make a speech, but can make aspeech anda very good one, and that he dves at some time or other actually do'so, The very lowest epithet for speech-making in the American republic adopted by the newspapers is “ able and eloquent.”” (Laughter), 1 have seen applied in the newspa- pers to the efforts of honorabl managers. the epithet in advance of “tremendous.” (Laughter.) I have seen them spoken of before they were deliv- cred as of tremendous force, and I saw once an ac- curate, anthen ical statement of the torce of one. and that in advance, that it consisted of 35,000 words, (Laughter.) Therefore a case must have arisen for a question, if there was to be any pumshinent for speech-making, But now for the first time we in wiih the President, aud accuse him ; take him before no ordinary court but we organize a court for the parpose, which court adjourns the ont Wh is over with th nishing no pri and mast onice and order Now, that is ag deal to turn upon a speech, Only think of tt—to able to m™ h which world require a new election of F ident to be made. (Lh Ww if the trial is to to this spe ont sins anc the mation that dainty duty, We making people. Lot tum who is with we you cast the first stone. And see how n liptoe awaits to sec who will answer Who aseu! that fastidious dition, the necessary require- be one who by long discipline has ak within bounds; oue whose lips would ner at an imputation, whose would blush ai a reproach, whose at an invective, and whose eyes would close indecot it must be one who hy strict “hand by control over the thas gained with all hi of ruling lis own spirit, which is gicater And now the ¢ honoral eh nen prais than one who takes the chatr lenge is answered, and it seems that th Manager to win this duty is assigned is one Who Would be recoguized at once in the judgment of all as the “first in war, first first in boldness of words, and first 1 his countrymen,” who love the (Unrepressed langit Weil ing gained, we ask for the uutory inquiry which | had ti honor to address to hun he said the i opinion of the coure whieh was to t ns see Whether we can get any! git 310 What your opinions are as to this sulyect of freedom of speech, for we are brougat down to chat, havin no law or pre Besides 1 find that the fer charg sident is that he has bee nonoindtal vy and courtesies wh ‘ Jogisiative and the ex ve. If tt prevail trom the exceutive toward the legislative, it should also prevail from the legisiative to the executive, except m fo be met with What L must regard as a most novel view, pr sented by Mr. Manager Willlains in bis argument the otter day, taat “as the constitution of the United States prevents your being drawn in question any- re for what you say,’f is therefore a rw «Ot kK both w: Weill, that is a je view of personal duty that if T wear an in p ne shirt of mail, it i just the thing for he drawing, daggers against every one else. 2 dlesse oblig® seers to be a law which the honorable Manager does not think applicable to the houses of Congress, If there were anything in that stg. gestion how should you guard and regulate your use of freedom of speech? Now, 1 have not gone outside of the debates which are connected with the Civil Tenure act. 4! time is ciently ocenpied with reading all that has been said in the behall of the House on that subject; bat T find a well recorded precedent, not merely in the observance of a single Senator, but in the direct de- termination of the Senate itself, in passing on the question which certainty points at least to freedom of speech as between two departments of te govern: ment. The honorable Senator from Massachusetts, in the course of the debate, says on the subject of this very law in reference to the Presiden’ You may ask protection, against wi tection against the Pr There, sir, is the «duty of the ir well and do not forget it There was no sich duty on our fathers; there was no stich duty on our recent predecessors in this cha her, because there was no President of the United States who had become the enemy of the conntry. Well, now, the President had said that Congress was hanging on the verge of the governmen Ly charge that the Presid nemy of the country. J order for this cxpresston, honorable Senator from Rhode Island, Mr. Anttony, who not unfreqnentiy presides with much urbanity and 40 much control over your deliberations, gave this view a# to what the common law of the tribunal f@ on the subject of the harmontes " ghoul prevall between the xcoutive departments, He faye. — ay 1 answer plainly, pro- ident of the United States. hour, Ponder “It is the impression of the Chair that these words do not exceed the usua!l—(langhter)—latitude of de- bate.” (Laughter.) Now that is the custom of the tribunal established by the presiding officer. Mr. Sheriman, of Ohio, said:—“1 think the words ob- jected to are clearly in order, (Loud laughter.) I ave heard similar remarks fifty times—(continued laughter)—without any point of order being raised.” And the Senate cane to a vote, the opposing num- bers of which remind me of some votes on evidence which we have had on this trial The was laid on the table—twenty-nine nays, But that is not ail. Proceeding the same debate, after bein; allowed to be in order. Mr. Sumner goes on wit his speech, the eloquence of which I cannot sufi- ciently compliment, as it wouid be out of place to do 80, but it certainly is of the highest order, Of course Imake no criticism. He bezins with the announce- ment of a very good principle, He says, ‘1 shall in- sist cd on complete freedom of debate, and shail exercise it, John Milton in his glorious aspirations said, give me the liberty to know, to utter and to argae freely ,above all liberties. Thank God, now that slave masters have been driven from this court, such is the liberty of American Senators. Of course there can be no citizen of a republic too high for ex- posure; there can be no one wo low for protection, ‘The exposure of the powerful and the protection of the weak—thege are not only invaluable liberties, but commanded duties.” Now, is there anything in the President's answer that is nobler or more thorough- joing than that? And if the President is not too high but that it should be not only an invaluable liberty but @ command and duty, to cail him an ene- my of the country are not the House of Representa- tives to be exposed to the imputation of a most unin- telligible aspersion upon them—that they are hang- ing upon the verge of the government? (Laughter.) Then the honorable Senator proceeds in a style of observations on which | shail make no criticism whatever, except that Cicero against Cata- line an against Verres does not contain more eloquence against the objects of his invective than that speech of te honorable Senator. And then it all ends in a wonderiully sensible and pithy observation on the part of the honorable Sen- ator froin Michigan, Mr. Howard, who says:—“The Senator from Mussachusetis had advanced the idea that the President has become an enemy to his coun- try, but I suppose that not only to be the condition of the sentiment in this Senate touching the Presi- dent of the United States, but L suppose we never had a President in regard to whom the opinion of the Senate was not divided, some tuinking that he'was an enemy of the country and others thinking that he Was not, and I respectfully submit, therefore, that the Senator from Massachusetts will be competent to try an impeachment, if sent here, against the Presi- dent, as 1 concede the Senator from Maryland (Mr. Jonson) will be competent to try it.” Now that is 00d se He had also areportin the House of Representatives of a very brief debate between two of the most distinguished members of that body, who can, as well as any others, for the purpose of this trial, furnish a standard of what is called by the honorabie Manager “propriety of speech’? Mr. Bingham says:—“! desire to say, Mr. Chairman, that it does not become a gentieman who recorded his vote fifty times for Jeferson Davis, the areh traitor in this” rebellion—(roars of laughter)— as his candidate for the Presidency of the United States to undertake to dama e by attempt- ing to fasten the imputation either on my integrity or my honor, [repel with scorn and contempt any utterances of that sort from any nan, whether he be the hero of Fort er not taken or of Fort Fishe taken.’? (Continuous laugites Mr. Butler, soine remarks, said, “But if during the war the gen- Ueman from Ohie did as much as 1 did im that direction { shall be glad to recognize that much; but the only vicum or the gentleman's prowess that i know “of was an innocent woman hung upon the scaiold—one Mrs. Surratt—and { e: sustain the memory of Fort Fish {ke and bia pre- sent associates can sustain ain in shedding the blood of a Woman Who Was tried by 2 inilitary commission and convicted without suiicient evidence, in my Judgment.” Mr. Kingham, with spirit, replied:—"1 challenge the jeman—t dare tim, here or any- where, in this teibanal or in any tribanal, to assert that 1} spoilated or mutilated any book; but sac a charge, without one tittle of evid ve, is only tt to come trom man who lives ina bottle and ts fed with aspoon.” What that refers to ! do not know, (While the court and audience were convalsed with laughter ne expel nf the two Managers refers to both these gentlemen sat at th ») apparently and uninterested spectators.) ontinuing, srid:—Tiils all comes with- in the comingn law of Courtesy in the judjament of tie liouse of Represéntatives. “We have attempted to show that in tue Presidenv’s addresses to the people there was something of irritation, something an ie subject, sonzeth manner of the crowd Which excused and explained if iv did not justify the style of his speecies, and you migal suppose that Us interchange of debate wWileh 1b jusi read grew out of the same subject, which was irritating, which was in itself savage and ferocious, But wiat do you think was the subject that these honorable gentiemen wer ating upon? Why, it was charity, A SENATOR—What? Mr. EVAK?S—Charity; a question of charity to the South. That was thé ‘whole staple of the deba “Charity which suffereth ail things and is ki (Laughter, ‘Charity envieth not, charity ef, 8 not puted up, dovtr not behave itsel! aly, seeketh wot her own, is not easily pro- voked, thinketh no evil, rejoiveth nov in inequality pik Fejolegth ® the truth, beareth all thin eHevety ob ings, hopeth all things; charity Never fails.” But, the apostic adds, whag may not be exactly true in regard to ue Managers, “tongues may fail.” (iaugiate But now, to be serious, In a free republic, who tole- rate this fanfaronade about speech making’ Quis tulerit Gracchos de sedivione querentes ? Who will ie public orators’ prate about propriety of he Why can we not carn that our estimate of crs Must proceed on general views and hot vary cording tO particular passions and prejudices? When Cromweil in bis career through Lreland, in the name of Parliament, had set himself down before the town of itoxs and suiminoned it to surrender, this Papist community, exhausted in its resist- ance, asked to surrender only on condition of freedom of consetence. Cromwell replied:—**) of conscience, 1 meddle with no man’s put if you mean by that fiberty to ccle- brate the mass, | would have you to undersiand that in no place where the power of the Parltament of England prevatis shail that be permitted.” So the honorable Managers do not complain of freedom of speecn, tut if any man says that the House of Repre- fentatives is hanging on the verge of gov- ernment,” we are to understand that in no yp where the power of the two houses of Congress Valls shail that be perinitted ; aithough they me with fo jaan’s property or freedom of speech. (Laughter.) He then referred to the expressions of opinion by Mr. Jetferson on tie sedition law, and to the action of the President on th: ne subject. He also referred to the expression of Mr. Boutwell, eha- Facterizing the positions of Cabinet officers as sert- like, and argued at some length that the President, aliiough deficient in rhetoric, had said nothings ing to taste and propricty as had be: countenanced in the writings and agers aad others in oMcial positon, bd pt oth ended on the 22d of Februat iin a half hour's conver: and # general Of our army. nd heated conrsc compres, between the Presi- Idare say that in f events whieh took © of iepresentati ves 1 by rumor, uncertain pre had occurred ‘some kind or communication on the part of the which looked to the use of forve, But, under the proofs, what can we say of it but that the President, under an intimation from F * that all the officers were beiag n What is doubtless their pro of peace—atlending on le oned, as they were from rl le of Waterjoc natural to inquire, this buitle to take President treated it with great said he did not Know about ven y, and did not seem to > anything: avout it, But iinaily, wien Secretary Weiles said it would be better to look into it, (he President did look into it, and it ended with a onstitn- He gt have and ampli of military parpos was’ tional law between the neral Fuory, in whieh the Mr Reverdy J Robert J. Walker, a i r, he President entirely. (Laughter,) Now if the President ought to be removed from oitice for that, and a new elect! ordered for that, you will so determine in you ment, and if any other President can go through four ‘years without ng somcihing worke t that We shall have to be more careful in our pre- liminary fons and minath conventio pderstand let insisted oD. Now the ¢ a commence the doce ments were published, they were widely promulgated and that Is the conspiracy, if it Le oi. It is quite trne that the honorable Manager who conducted with eo much foree and skill the examination of the witnesses did sueceed in proving that besides the written orders handed by the President to General Thomas there were a few words of atiendaut cow versation, and these were the word 1 wikh te constitution and the laws.”? Aud there nt ov General Thomas to the propriety of int by the power of one profession the Tea Manager drew from General Thomas the fact that he had never heard of these words before, When « commission was delivered to him ne argued that it was notordinary and that it carried inpnite gravity of suspition, But what expression is th Innocent that counsel eannot possibly fix susp ony We recolect one very celebrated (rial in whit “chops and tomato sauce” were made the roms of getting a verlict for breach of promise of mar- riage. Chops and tomato sauce’ do not inport @ promise of mardage, There is not the least savor of courisiip nor the least favor of flirtation in chops and tomato saute. (Laughter.) And so we are told that these two men, entering into tn at midday, arnt in writing, meant civil mothn and war. Now, argue against ‘hat. Cardi Wolsey that “in politica times you ean get a j Dring in a verdi¢t that Abel killed Cain. That may be, but an American Senate will hardly find in the alusion of the President to the constitution and the Jaw suiticient evidence to find him guilty of the pur- pose to produce commotion and civil war; but the nspiracy articles have but a trifing foundation upon. Here we have @ statute passed at the eve of an insurrection intended to cx the position of an officer of the United States from intrusion, intimidation, threats or force to disable the public service. It bs, in fact, a Teprodaction of the frat section of the Sedi- tion act of 1708, amplified and extended, It 18 8 law which i9 isn) on jt# face, for i may include mach snore might be called criminas except ta times of publie danger; but the idea that a law in- tended to prevent rebels of the South, or the rebel sympathizers, as they were called, in the North from intimidating officers in the discharge of their public duty should be wrested to an indictment and trial of a President of the United States and of an officer of the army on account of a written arrangement of orders to take ssion of and to administer one of the departinents of the government against the law, is wresting the statute wholly from iis applica- ton, We are all familiar with the illustration whieh Blackstone gives us of the impropriety of iollowing literally the words of a statue against the necessary implication, where he says, “a statute against letting blood in the street can properly support an indict- ment against a@ surgeon for tapping the vein of an aploplectic patient who happened to have fallen on the sidewalk.” And there is no greater provision and Sontearsely in this effort to make this statute applicable to ordinary and regular proceed. ings between recognized officials of the United States in the disposition of an oflice than there would be in punishing the surgeon for relieving the apepicotic patient, I could not fully understand, though | carefully attended to it, the point of the argument of the learned Manager, Mr. Boutwell, which brought into view the common law of Maryland as adopted by Congress for the government of domestic and or- dinary affairs of the people of this District. It cannot be supposed that the President of the United States in determining whathis powers and duties were in regard to iving ofice, should have looked into the common law of the District of Columbia, be- cause the oMces are exercised in the District. On these views presented in the conspiracy articles let us see what the evidence is. There was no prepara- tion or penlleation of force. It was no threat of force authorized on the part of the President, and there was no expectation of force. For he expected and desired nothingemore and noth- ing less than that by the peaceful and regular exercise of authority on his part the oftice would be surrendered, If disappointed in that, all that the President desired or expected was that on that legal basis thus furnished by his oficial action there should be an opportunity for taking the judgment of a court of law. Now, there seems to be left nothing but those articles which relate to the ad interim ap- pointinent of General Thomas and to the removal of rt. Stanton. I will consider the ad interim ap- pointment first, leaving it to be assumed for the purpose of examining the possible crime that the oifice had been vacated aud was open to the action of the President, If the office was full then there would be no appointment by the authority of the President or otherwise, and the whole action of the President was manifestly based on the idea that the office wag to be vacated before an ad interine appointment could possibly be made or was in- tended to take effect. The letter of appointment or authority, as it is calied in the arucles, accom- was of panied the order of removal, and course secondary to the order of’ remo ral Thomas was ordered to take up of the oitice and discharge them if the Secretary of War should leave the office in need of such tem- porary charge. Now {think that the only subject we have to consider before we look at the law gov- erning ad terin appointments, is some suggestion astoany difference between ad interim appoint- ments during the session of the Senate aud during the recess. ‘Ihe honorable Managers, perhaps, all of them, but certainiy the hovorabie Manage: (Mr. Boutwell), here coniended that the practice of the government sn regard to removals ron oftice covered only the case of removals durmg the recess of the Senate, It will be part of ny duty and labor, when I come to consider definitely the question of the removal of Mr. Stanton, to consider that point; but for the purpose of Mr. ‘Thomas? ap- pointincnt no such discrimination needs to be made. The question of the right of the xecutive to vacate an office, as to be discriminated betw: recess of the Senate and its session, & constitnional distinction that is ‘i esident can only fill onice by the advice aud consent of he can during the re Senale, and vat on by authority to expire thenext session, But ad incrin appoint o% rest upon the cot tution i. They they have neve arded. sit @ appointing pow euse of ® ‘They are regarded as fall ng within either tie executive or the legislauve deparjuent of providing for the management of the duties of au ce Delore ak appoiaiinent is or ean prop: be made, Now, in Uie absence of legislation, i! mu: be said that that power beionged to ihe Executive. That part of his duty was, when he saw that an accident had vacated an office or thai necessity r quured tac removal of an incumbent to see that th laws should be execu: and to provide tar the > p and etermined that wis caus omissus for which the constitytion hag provided ao rule and which the AS early, legislation of Congress might occupy. therefore, a8 1792 provision Was made Tor temporary upation of an ofiice, The act of 1792 regulating of the departinents provided that temporary absences disabilities of heads of departments might be Met by appointment of a temporary char- acter to take charge of the offices. ‘The act of 1795 provided that in case of @ vacancy in an oitice there should be power in the Executive which would not require him to fill the office by the consul- tation method, but temporarily to provide for the discharge of its duties. Before considering the act of 1863, Which, in terms, covers to a certain extent but not fully, both of these points, | wish to ask your attention to some circumstances ln regard to the passage of that act of 1864 1 have said that the eighth section of the act of 1792 rovides for the filling, temporarily, of vacancies. In January, 1468, ths President sent to Congress this message, and Senators will perceive that it relates to this particular subject:—"I submit to Congress the expediency of extending to other departmeuts of the government the authority conferred on the President by the eighth section of the act of May 1s, 1792, to appoint @ person temporarily to discharge the duties of Secretary of State, Secretary of the Treasury and Secretary of War, in case of death, absence from the seat of government or sickuess,”’ That is wo say, the te rary disability provision of the act of 1863, which covered all the departments then in existence, had never been extenued by law to cover the other departments, and the President desired to have that act extended. This m having been referred (to the Judiciary Com- miitee, the Hon, Senator from Miinois (Mr. Trumbull), chairman of that commitice, made I believe a very bricf report, in which he says, “There have been several statutes on the subject, and, as the law now exists, the President has auiho- rity temporarily to fill the offices of Secretary of Slate sod Secretary of War from one of the other de- outs, by calling on somebody to discharge the ‘That other department was the Treasury. We have received a communication from the President of the United States asking that the law may be extended to the other executive departinents of the government, which seems to be prope And we have framed a covering all of “es, 80 that whenever (here is @ removal the y devolve the office upon jicer and appoint the chief officer epariment for the time being. There doe: 1 to have becn brought to the notice of the cor of the honorable Senator the act of 1795. Nothing is said of it, and it would appear as if the whole of the "legislation of — 1863 pro- ceeled upon the proposition of extending the act of 1792, of disabilities, and not of vacancies, ¢: cept Uiat the honorable Senator uses the phra “and that he speaks of baving po asions that might arise, Now, the act Tt does add tot 5 President had referred to—the case of the ion, which he did not ask to have ad Which did not need to be cov by new iegislation, because the law of snot cover all the reases of vacancy case of expiriie But this act of 186% do xcancy. It does note! ui it does not cov" . which 14 a v. ‘Now, widitional light only ented of guilt on the nart of the Presi- dent in rexpeet to ¢ vintment to oMice ad in- tevin Was & que” e final law. ‘The Sena- tors will ery limited — form in which that It is not pretended that the appointment of General Thomas, If the oflec Civil T was Vacant, was a violation of tH Hure act, though, perhtps, ed tn the es, hy sles sihat the on t is of which js made penal the appointment under the provision of that act, and.tas was pointed ont by my colleague, Mr. Curtis, which seema to be asubject of argument on the other side, that ap- pointinent promib ting, or attempting to pro- hibit, relates to the infraction of thatact, isan attempt to fill the es. F belteve that to be a sound constraction of the laws. Very well, then, supposing that the — appointment oF General ‘thomas was not according to Isw, itis any ww that prohibits tt, his a penal clause or a criminal qualid- cation upon the act. What would it be if attempted without authority of the act of 1862, because General Thomas Was not an oMcer under that act It would n that Wie Presiient had appointed an officer, or y against attempted to appoint him, ad interim without authority of la ‘There are an abundance of manda- esident of the United States, tt ry to put a penal clause in nire act. But on this subject of penal appointment there is no penal clanse and no positive prohibition tu any sense; but there would be a dednite authority in the President to make the ap- politment. What then would be the etfect’ General Thomas would not be entitiod harge the davies. .'That is all that can he claimed m that regard; but we have insisted, and we do now insisi that the act of 1795 was in force: and whether the act of 1795 was or was not is one of e questions of dubious interpretation of a law ch po officer, however humble or high, can into question for having an opinion one W e other; and if you proceed upon these articles, if you execute a sentence of removal from oftice of &@ President of the United States, you proceed pon au indiction of the highest possitie measure of civil condemnation, of the highest possible de- gree of interference with the constitutionally erected execntive that It is Ne for a court to comutl you will set iteither that the act of 1795 wus an ed apon a basis that there was a doubt, ora dificulty, or an inter on which the Pre dent of the United States mnlene make an ad inferin appointment tor a day, followed by the nomination of a permanent snecessor. ly, indeed, we are get ting very nice in our measure and criticism of the almolute obligation and of the absolute daties of the President's fineth when we seek to apply the Procees of tinpeachinent and removal to a question whether an act of Congress requiring the head of @ department to keep the place a t0 hist, oF en act of Ce not repealed permitted him to be removed, ‘ou certainly do wot in the ordinary Affstrs of life rig np a trip hammer to crack @ walnni. At this potn ‘about halt fonr, Mr. Evarte said De would reqyire angps au hour to Ay, but woul 3 yield to a motion to adjourn if desired; and of motion of Senator Headerson the court was ad- sanrneg, and immediately thereafter the Senate ad- journed, ALPHA BELTA PHI SOCIETY. ——— Eminently brilliant and more tian enipently pleas- lug aad satisfactory to the metabers of the Alpha Deita Phi Society were the conciuding exercises last evening to this year’s celebration of their thirty-sixth anniversary, These concluding exercises came in the shape of a dinner, got up in Delmonteo’s best Style. The company, numbering some 250 members of the Society, were promptly seated at six P, M., the 8ppointed hour of the dinner. It was after midnight When the company rase, but it was six hours of genuine feast of reason and flow of si The fol- lowing were the regular toasts an’ es ering ae ousts and names of the Our Anniversary Commemorated with pride as each recurrence of the day Wwitnessea the growth of Eheatenee sateqde ew hames to the list of her dis- » Respond E : Wieeler ponded to by Everett E. he Memory of Samuel Eells—About whose name cluster recollections of tender personal friendship with some, and with ail who jeari hus true character respect and reverence. Drank in silence. he Union—In its conception as beautiful as the constellations in the sky; in its influence as benign as a summer's day; in its duration, based on justice and the affections of the people, as rin as the everlasting hills. ponded to by John Jay, The City of New YorkK—Cosmopolitan and imperial, in no respect wore notable than for its gathering rep- resentatives from all the sciioo ing in the jand. Responded to by Professo! W. Dwight, L LD. The Poet and Orator of the Day—‘the melodious fancy of the one, the soaring thougiit of the other have given fitting voice to the aims wnd ideas of our pcieiy. Kesponded to by George Willman Curtis, College Memories and ®riendsit: ‘To-night, under their magic spell, our hearts warm and our eyes moisten, Responded to by Algernon 5S. Sullivan. The Press—The voice of the peopie; when loyal to truth, to virtue and to freedom, it is’ no other than the voice of God, Responded io by vid We Literature and Retigion—Phe conste! and glory of the navion, Respondent to by the Rev. 0. B, Frothingham, rogress—The watchword of evel 4 the birth of Alpha Delta Phi, has give no tinime portant impulse, Kespondell to py the Rey, Joseph P. Thompson, D. D. The Arn. y of the United States. result of Civilization; a rank ant tie of € men, charging with thinking bayou foreign phalanx can pierce their ‘een re, armed with needle guns? Kespuaded toby i dier General HL. BE. Tremain, ‘rhe Bench and Bar—Of Law no less ¢: than that her seat is the bozoui of ¢ harmony of the world; all hii rth do her homaje, tue very | e, the greatest as hot exeuipi Responded to by Jo Woman—The er nt, the star Vine crown of every true Alpha Delta. We inaty ve the nictnis nuuliae, bat sie y unum, ikesponded to by Donald G, Mite: Mess their responses to their respect! ¢ in vein. ervican, The last heaven and eclngs der L from ner power, ehell made ty pertin 1 the louder. \ol- sparkling: paiuel Helis, its wortiy unteer speeches and toasts loliowed, 2 with wit, generous sentiment, beiiaent as che jar speeches and eLween Lie speeches were K, Latin and English 11, ‘This Society munbs members and has fifteen © ent couleges in Lis comnt tion for intel utterance, rmediate pyany di et ofy improvement, aselect to membership. rangements have been made ab bic | 1) CODVE: tion ior the speedy publication of a loge. EPISCOPAL CITY Mico 04 A meeting of tie intends of the ipiec oa Sion Jor the election of ollieers was at Calvary chapel, in Fourth ayen the ikev. Dr. Peters presided, end ihe annual tavas read, In this stated that fovty thousand 4 n Visited in the course of the year, seven clergymen being now in the empioy of tue society, Which has during the past year organiwed a regular cirenit Out Of Lhe Various prisons, Lospittis apd Mste ction tirouguout the city. Seve gmized during the since of New kK, and generaily, thougn “lingly quiet in tis: workings, the sociely las accoupisied more than many noisier ‘The following is the list of omic elected to serve during the coming year:—Kight Kev. ioratio Potter, D. Ds, &C., President, cx-ufleto ; Yive! Clerieal Vice President, Rev. H. B. Monigomery, D. D.; Second Clerical Vice President, W. F. Morgan, ). D.; First Lay Vice President, Mr. ‘thomas \\. oycen; Second Lay Vice President, Mr. F. 5. \Winstous secretary, Albert McNulty, Jr; usurer, Katee Executive Committee—Rev. 'T. M Washburn, D. D., Rev, . K. Swope, D. D., K Potter, D. D., Messi , RK. S. Holt, Pliny dr., Thos. Egleston, James Schietfelin, Wim. &. Clerk H.C. Van Post and Adau 4 Olly Mise ving Wm. Alex. Smith, R. "Smith, L. € ¥. ihtot, M. Ds, Geo. Re HA. aten lerson, M. Day Sackeil. YACHTING. vi Annuni Meeting of the Brookiyn ¥acht Chab. a tenth annua! meeting of tais spirited aquatic organization Was held at the rooins of the club on Wednesday evening, and after expressions of re- newed friendship, wherein the prospects of the rap- idly approaching yachting season were free cussed, (ie members entered upon tie busin the evenlag—the ele omicers jor with re lected: —Commodore, ¢ Commodore, Robert resident, Ed- ward Underhill; Secretary, e; Treasurer, C. M, Feit; Assistant Treasurer, G. GC. Wood; Measur- er, Joun M. Sawyer. Incident to this important action the Board of Trusteca were also elected aud Committees on Regattas and Meme sppointed. Several weil known yachtmen of tits \icimiy were added to the chub who grill Infuse sult cer spirit into its movements. The fection yore Kidd to the post of honor was hace’ ap- probation by all present, "ALMOST A MUL». A tna naned John P, Brown, resid ny in Jersey City, while in a saloon in Houston si near Broad- way t night, shout twelve o’c! began to “ben- ter” @ girl of il) fame who happened to be in the house, wherenpon she threatened » him did he ret, not cease his talk. He did not cease, and the girl ear her threat into exceation by seizing hold of an ordmary table knife which she plunged into his neck and then ran ont inte the sireet. Brown soon afterwards lef: the place and that he was injured until he had et, When he felt the wari blood trick- ck and over his bosom. He then ti wied on anoficer of the Fifteenth The odicer conducted hun to n Dr. Poole was summoned did not disco gained the st lng down hte 4 © urn preetact f the stath from police hea Ps to attend to him. ‘The surgeon on examining the wound declared that it Was not necessarily fatal though exceedingly danger. ous, it being in close proximity to the caret? arty The woman had not been arrested up to a fate henr last night. STRIKE AT THE GLENHAM WOOLLEH ft LLS. POUGHKEEPSIE, Apri! 0, sos. ‘The Glenham woollen mills, in Dutchess couuty, N.Y. lave stopped work owing toa strike of te Weavers, mostly females, These refuse to return to work unless the reduction of ten percent taken from their wages last winter be restored. The proprietors state that they ran the mil r at a loss in order to keep the operatives together, an] that the prospects of profit this year are no better than lastfaud they consequently reinse to restore the ten per cent reduction, ‘There i a strong prospect tae the mills Will soon commence and continue to ran anul the unfinished work on hand 1 completed. that then they will stop from three fo six mourns for repairs, ‘Tue Carrere or J. Wines Boorn.—The Fred- ericksburg (Va.) //erctd publishes a statement, Signed by Richard If. Garrett, of Caroline, giving s suceinet account of he manner in which Booth was captured in Mr. Garrett’s tobacco house on the 230 April, 1565. We find nothing of importance im it in addition (o the voluminous testimony on the enbject already published. NEWS ITEMS. On Wednesday last George Cordon, dered George Harvey, chief oMeer of the veston, now in port at Key West, Fla. Aman named Columbus Adams was Killed aud another man serionsly injured in Boston yesterday by the failing of @ staging in Lowell street. A strange man, apparently an Irishman avd & iaborer, supposed to be named Michael Ryne, and fe be a resident of Greenville, Pa., arrived on (ae (rain at Buimaio yesterday afternoon ina dying condition. He was unable to speak and died at nite o'clock last night. At Dexmont, Me., on Tuesday lat, 9 David Mark and Quimby got ito a cir which @ son of the former shot Quin’, instantly. The boy was arrested. At_an election yesterday in Ment decide whether the city should | bonds, dae in twenty and thirty ver fund the city debt, Me majority In fe was about 600. The Boston Ancient and Honore cently addressed att EM gen to the i A y to deliver the anit i Fare eee traation. Mr. Bee pou che inv Gabo Joun H. Surratt’s trial te fed for Ma wet, MD bark Gal- y, ductog keting hive rem, to 1,009,000, in 2 eral wo