The New York Herald Newspaper, April 30, 1868, Page 3

IMPEACHMENT, oan Trial of Presiden Andrew Johnson for High Cafes and Misdemeanors. es ae ‘Senator Sumner Indignant at Mr. Nelson’s Remarks of Tuesday. ANOTHER SPICY DISCUSSION IN COURT. Continuation of Mr. fvarts’ Brilliant Argument. pre Definition of Concussion and Disec,ussion. rae ‘WASHINGTON, Apri) 29, 1868, Perhaps the lay’zeat andience that has yet appeared during the trip’, filled the galleries of the Senate to- @ay. Even %ne entrances were occupted in the af- ternoon, “ina standing room was impossible. ‘The Dtplom/,tic Gallery had all its seats taken up, Mr. maton, the British Minister, and Anthony Trol- Ye being conspicuous among tts occupants. Of fuamense attendance. The fame of his beautiful exordiim yesterday had gone abroad through Wash- Ington, and @ great many persons, having unwit- Ungly missed Judge Groesbeck’s great peroration and {elt tnoonsolable in consequence, were determined ‘that Mar. Evarts at least should not escape them; 8o that, from one cause or another, the Scnate wore a full and brilliant look, though the day was exceed- “ tngily gloomy. itor Sumner created somewhat of a futter by his resolation to censure the language used by Judge Nelson yesterday in his reply to Manager Butler's un- serapulous attack. Mr, Sumner, with a very horror- stricken look on bis face at the bare idea of Butier and Nelson dreaming of measuring of twelve paces aud making targets of each other, wanted to put in hla anti-sanguinary protest, and, if possible, have Nelson tuken out by the Sergeant-at-Arms and treated to a cold bath; but Sumner was put to rest by having bis resolution laid over, and Judge Nelson got an opportunity to tell the Senate the dato of tht, Jetter which Butler wrote pbout Alta Yes: me Gate, as read by the Judge, proved ty fe the sth of Match, and thus established tho odrrectness of the Counsel's statement, ax Well ag of my despatch pub- Uahed in the Henath of the 1th inst. Mr. Butler has yather got the worst in dis aruument, which was Shown by his failure to way anything in reply. The 160 of Sumner dreading pugilistic consequences is the subject of mertiment bere in Washington, as it 49 well known that Butler never accepts challenges to morta} combat, according to the rules of the code | @uello, 4 « The explanation of Judge Nelson, with the several foterreptions by Senators, took up about half an our, and at its conclusion Mr, Evarts resumed his @rgoment. It was listened to with the profoundest attention, and evidently made a deep impression radicals as well as conservatives, It was and convincing rather than persuasive or ‘@oquent. Mr. Evarta appeals not to the feeling, but ‘to the minds of his audiénce. He deals but little in ‘Woyes and figares, relying principally upon bard seasoning and legal argument, though occasionally ‘Teduiging in Uvely hits, such as that by which he ‘“WGtsalpated to-day the astronomical theory of Manager ‘Boutwell. Wis remarks on this absurd portion @ Mr. Boutwell’s address provoked frequent peale of laughter, which were with dimicuity Suppressed by the gavel in the hunds of the smiling Onief Justice. Mr. Evarts seems as yet not to have Yeached the heavy portion of his argument, and will probably occupy the whole of to-day. + It appearg gow to bo settied that Mr. Stanbery will eo reading of the letters proposed to be read I fork.sa me ry the cou! ‘The Be Cus Justice—No debate is in ae SSE Bee ye rs bei: un r ve bs ng i 1 somitted NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY Character and Moa apt in’ itude of the disgrace which such volves. He claimed that the descrip- Pa A eee on of oe omg en no yong we 4 provided, that discre- Senator HBNDRICKS—I move that the counsel be | tion of the rs before whom the indictment allowed to read so much of the esters as will show | should offender could be let off what date they bear. 2 with a and imprisonment of one Senator Tipton—I cal) for the lar order of the | d He also read from the on this subiort, momiing-—sue defence of the it. at the time when the bill was pre , in which ‘The Citey JustiCE—T*se regular order is the mo- . Wil and other be tion of the Senator fyevm Indiana (Mr. Hendricks). no minimum fixed, because the offence ht arise Senator UGWE aiied for a restatement of the {nadvertance, and would not probably ip any otlon. A case have a of gut It. Mr. Evarts une aitrncy forte renee homed ty feats | propio Tove: atthe ‘ommots Cage "wert oa ent yw 80 much of the ‘letter as will show its date and the ‘Place bot made or to be considered nal but at which i+ was written. were of a politica) \d then that éven the al- The meion was to. did not take place. He claimed that Mr. ¥.gison—The first letter to which I alluded is belief of the President’ tu ipa Ketter bearing date March 9% 4 addressed by | must be laid and it must be considered that he Bevajamin F. Butler to Colonel J, W. Wash- | was before twelve o'clock on Feb- Sugton, D. . ruary 21, “He then argued that-even if the removal ator JoHNsoN—Is that the original letter or a of 4 chad been actually aetod, no change 0) te. NeLsoN—] understand it to be an original let- ter, My understanding is that these are genuine the government would have the mere act could not Vv be red as this subject Mr. signatures of Benjamin F. Butler, Mr. and Mr, | tothe public safety. On varts Garfield, 1 am not acquainted with the handwrit said :—it cannot be doubted that there was a general and only speak from information. The Senate w! and substantigl concurrence of views in allow me to read it, It isa very short one. I donot | among all the public men tn the service of the gov- mean— ernment, and émong generally that the Senators HowarD and Howe objected. situation to and pi criticism The Cuizr Justick—The counsel cannot read it | between a head of a department and the nt under the order made. of the United States was not suitabie for public Mn. NeLSON—The fact that I want to call attention | service and was not to be as a situation to is that this letter, in the caption, bears date on | in the conduct of the Executi that there was It 1s signed by Benjamin F. | a general o} among th considerate the 9th of March, 1868. Butler. Below the signature “1 concur in the o) fon above expressed by Mr. Butler, Below that are the words “A. Logan.” Jobn A, Garfield.” letter, ex opt Senator Ma, NELSoN—The recisely the same handwriting as the address, }OHNSON—IB the same as the ture There is no other date on that | form of government Ze ee Ae ingot wean | Bee catty ia, Me W] lor ? NZ the retirement the writing and the date are in | rather that his 4 of the letter above the ig in a different handwriting. March, a 1868, letter to the President, stating ree, Mr. Evarts was the means of attracting this | the copy of the letter w! in order that the Senate may ‘The Cuigr Justicé cautioned Mr. NELSON—If your Honor pk plain the matter without explaining tl not trying to make any counsel should be permitted to of Manager Butler. this cisely like th John A. Gar cur,” siguea 1 One, Mr. NELSON—I cannot bears the additional si; those papers which | have read. me to explain the date, of the letter; and you will & Senator Tirton—I move that the ed, cgnee signed The APRYL 30, 1868—TRIPLE SHEET. aa 3 ground for punishment. Mr. EvarTs con- | gle forthe maintenance of the mastery against the the Mnued:—I may as conmentenaty at this point Cements, how wretched is the condition of that we Peggy ba soe ¥ ammeiear sear he oA Le ond A et "1 ‘oe Soeennee are embarked in that slilp of | and not strength to encroach upon or overthrow the honorable Manager (Mr. Boutwell) thinks Protection js there for the presi- | others, Much has been said about Congress being id be | dential officer but these two-third rantees of the the positary » Wi applied to this novel case of impeachment. | Cicero, | constitution and the Supreme placed there to | Congress ‘must be entrusted, with all the strings ot 1 , itis who says that @ lawyer should kgow | determine the lines of ‘of duty and } power, and, the effort of the constitution Srerythung, ay sooner or later there is no 4 of power, uader the tion, between | was to curb and restrain the exercise of that power pen 'Y, in sclence, or in human knowledge, that | the and the President? Under | by Congress, and go you find that all the additions to U spot come into bis argument, Profoundly | the roe peapones and rejected, the effort | the constitution are upon Congress rest penal 4 of may lauorance, being devoted toa profes- | of the was, when the two-thirds | it trom exercising power over the people, or over He admire wits enryng the guperig now | ile sta for fh Baprose Contact at | sno" ete crite, branches of the go en N cage evinced by the honorable’ Mauager. | then the Legislature coming in, by its special juris: | ute" tnd werent” denar ct “muthority nevertheless, while some of his col- | diction of im ents, tntercepts his efforts and | in Con, It ts left master of the whole. were pay afitentien to an gnopcapleg brings his within the mere grits of Con- | To what purpose Is it to provide that judges of the Ne Tne ton tae Sartane 7 where the rule teequalt Mnetteetual | Supreme Court shall hold thelr offices for life, and a age) , more am ous, as een the to the coni This is a | that their salartes shall not be diminished daring discovered an untenanted and unappropr! region | matter in the skies—(laughter)—reserved, he ‘would have us | ig to iy e think, in the final counsels of the see as & | evidences of of we considerati ‘ot history one of the deter grea i t controversy; for, great as is place’ of punishment for convicted ani the question in the teats of tie dinacenre oat ot American idents. Now, at fret I thought that ourselves, and in the public intelligence of the his mind had become so enlar; that it was not ople as to how great the wer shall ahi nanan to observe that nad | Be on one side or the other, with .Congress mit , panlshimeas, Laughter.) But on reflec- | or with the President, that question sinks into ab- tion I saw he was as and logical as he was | solute insi col with the greater ambiguous and astronomical, forthe constitution has | higher uestio! question which has been rane said oe ofice,”” and has put no limit to | minas of omcers and publicista and statesmen since Damme. Temoval, (Great laughter.) So, without | our constitution was founded, whether—it was in the shedding a drop of his blood or penny of his | power of a written constitution to draw lines of yd is limbs, ‘he ie sentenced tO | separation and to. put buttresses of defence between hana eee ving, amd if the | co-ordinate branches of the it. With that {Lana a e great undertaking, and if the | question settled adversely, with the determination learned Manager can cals ae over the obstacle of dae we can devour and, having the the laws of nature the constitution won't stand in his Power, will devour the other, then the balances i think of no method Dut | of the American constitution are lont and lost for. ae a e monks, Project | ever. Nobody can reinstate in r whal once ™ woes Pe cent to this infinitely distant spaces | heen struck down tn fact, Mankind is governed b; en alt rire ce 20,vast am energy and 80 | instances not by resolutions. Then there 18 plac AR. ors Hom shat | before the le of the country an attempt to es- eon Ae map low sl tabligh new balances of power, by which the powers. 7 en ve ae nobody | of the different departments being more f ‘ox i OWS ype rod ng me the Heep eert n One can be safe against the other, but who can be oan ' ent of the court. Let it, ean be wiser than our fathers, who greater, who juster than they; who more considernte and more disinterested than they; and if their descendants had not the vir- provided that, in case of your sentence of deposition tue to maintain what they so wisely and so nobly and removal from office, the honorable, the astro- as I take it, | in act, in er and in conduct, is a r shal take into his own hands the ‘sam On” the 16th ol travention of a statute. I will hot say how erimini execution of the senteuce, the President made See Fae oan ese, Bann hpoansante Wine Mr. Chauncey 8. Black ad that may be. 1 will not say whether absolute, in- | fast to his broad and strong shoulders, and, | gstablishment for their ‘posterity? Now, tora, I ae he i flexible, personal obedience to every law of the land | having essayed the fight by imaginal urge upon you to consider ace de you Will not re- hich Isjust adverted te, and | may not be exacted under penaity of death from | better ‘prepared to execute it in form, taking coil from settling so tremendous a subject under 80 understand jt, You | ¢ Doty Molding pase station. at is @ matter | advantage of ladders as far as ladders would go, special, so disadvant 80 disastrous clroum- will observe that the copy 1s, as I believe, identical | for the i Now, when you consider that | tothe top of this h p cant and spurning the stances as I have portrayed to you. A strong ex- with the original letter which I have produced here. | this new law really reverses the whole action of the | with ni at ae Goddess of Liberty let him set out | ecutive, an absolute veto with & longer term, wil Senator Hows objected to any argument, and repent that, in the language of Senators and | upon et t—(laughter)—while the house of Con- | more Permanent possession and control. o “ie ‘the counsel. epresentatives, who spoke in its behalf, it revolu- | gress and all the people of the United States shall clal patro will be necessai the wise 1 cannot ox. | tionlzes the practice of the government, ‘and when | shout ‘sic {tar ad astra.” (Laughter long and con. | ¢ia) Paironage will be mecessary if the | fact—I am pha consider that the only person in the United | tinued.) Here an oppressive doubt strikes me. How ancestors shall t be ari to i hs ument. tates whom that law in relation to the holders of | will Managers eet back? How, when he gets | iuagments: or tf thi tbe dist tetas Winae Fen Senator HeNpricks—My motion was that the | oftices was intended to affect or could by ity terms | beyond the power of gravitation to restore him, will Peewene: then A 6 eae q eceptable, Fead so much as | affect, was the President of the United States; when | he get back? and’ so ambitious wing as be could | tence of Congress and tetera Ye out ee) omnipo- would show the date; not to go further, except so | you consider that n was subjected to it, that it | never stoop to a downward ht. No doubt as he ment of the Coutedoratimn a tnt Ges exploded experi- far as may be in direct explanation to the argument | Was made a rule, a control, a restraint, a mandate, a passes through mee panse thal famous question of | tiveand legisiative all at once The Wa execu- direction to nobody else in the United States except | Carlisle, by Which he points out the lttleness of neral topfe which on: ere 18 one other t explain about the date of | the President, just as distinctly as if it had said in its | human ‘affairs, “What thinks of them as he | fount of the very serione fengheset an oticed on ac- this copy unless 1 tell you the difference between | terms If the President shall remove from oftce, he | leads his hunting dogs over the zenith in thelr | {°U ittioal, “¢2, Nerv pape jon it brings upon itis impossible for | shall be punished, by fines and imprisonment, and | leash of sideréal “re,” will occur, to the | preghorn ou fivaHoly aud which forms a staple of All that I can say is that | When you knoe phot ie was claimed that the Prest- Man err. Whgt, jndeed, would Bootes thin ot th a ‘oh the of the Manigers, I mapa copy bears the same date as the original, and | dent undor constitution had a right to remoy his hew constellation (laughter) looming throug) ee gmp allar | political situation of tl atures of Messrs. Koont office, you at once See that by necesuiy 4 space beyond the power of Congress to send for per; ‘ty itself, The suppréssion of the armed Stevens, Moorhead, Blaine and Bingham, and thal aston and conclfstéh It Was 4 act pol ih {tg | genus and papers? (Laughter) Wh petued.; Tebelllon and the reduction %f the revolted there is'no other date to this )etter exceptthe caption | nature, and that its ye atioi suppor aud how decide in the contest the ec in this | States vo speparen vipa se pity el iy that the copy is pre- | of and in obedience a higher obiiga- | héw Constellation thus sploplebent Who shall de- as great ‘ae mnt Va arman afairs 58 Wine VO} origina} down to the words “and 1, | tion ” of | the titution should bring no | cide which x the 8U\ aud which is the moon? Who | Presented Ran CL AY SON amNGI RY \t.) Afid then came the Words “Icon: | such consequen até attempted to de sutigted | shall determing thd “only sclentite “test, which | Work of pa iAchtlon after so great a struggle, where is by Messrs. Koontz, Stevens, Moorhead, | here. Now, whenever anybouy pits hypselt in Al i i bardesl upon the other? (Laughter). forge? ayn had Cas . aniroversed Blalve dud Bivgham, and on that paper there is no | positleg tt’cannot be made @ erie : m ta ba | Wish % draw your attention no to what | 8m Ascobcor tp cae ype wp eoeesg ip og gto gy Ps an, Uegment, or in the jtidicial determination of the 8ey- | 1 regard a8 an’ important part of my argu- | ment tryst rary tt eee ape bee ace gentleman be pe | tence and measures. Mr. Evarts then briciy consid- | ment, a mater of great concerament and | foucurred with Ita special circumstance, which by | Mr. Evarts, will j and panying remark. peachment, shall | menchug at cight | ing eluded. Mr. Bornes senate, understanding. tary, rr, bis argument. tors, | answer that question. mitted to proceed for one hour. The Ciixv sone ne. counsel for the President, roveed. . Mr, Butler ‘walking over to the desk of the Presi- dent’g counsel) extended his hand for the letters, ir. Nelson, after saying something in an inaudi- ble tone, handed them to him upon turned away, seemingly i ir Senator CaMERon offered the following order:— Ordered, that the Senate, siti preatter hold night sessions, com- ‘tock P. M. to-day, and continu- until eleven o'clock, anti! the arguments of the counsel for the President and the Managers on the part of the House of Representatives shail be con-- Senator JOHNSON objected and the order went over. Mr. President, which have been read be placed on the record? The Caikr Jusrice—The Chief Justice is unable to He takes it for granted that no argument can be made without the consent of the Mr. Netson—All that I desired to do was this:—I told the honorable Manager he could have them, provided he returned the originals to me. Tectly willing that he should take them with that The counse! then sent the letters to Mr, Butler by a ye. pair, Bor.er (drawing back indignantly Mr. NkLsoN—! will deposit them wit! sir, for the present. Bur_er—Let the originals go on file. Mr. Evarts then took the floor in continuation of He said:—Mr. Chief Justice and Senn- , indeed, we have arrived at a settled conclu- sion that this isa court, that itis governed by the law, that it ts to confine its attention to the facia ap- licable to the law and re facta to be einbraced within the testimony of neases or documents produced in court, we have mude some progress in separating, at least from your irded solely as op pecs wit- ered the question of what was meant by ynconstitu- tional law, and said it was @ paradox, It can be ho | offence Lo violate the provisions of auch a mere piece of paper. Continulug, Mp, arts said:—l claim that the President has ng ter right in relation toa law which operates uy im in bis public duty, and upon him exclusively, to raise a question under the constitution to determine What bis right and what. his duty 1s, than every citizen bas in his private capacity when 4 law iniringes upon his constitutional rights. 1 say that Congress has no right to pass uncon- stitutlonal laws, and to say that everybody ts to obey them just as ifthey were constitutional, and to be pre- vented frou raising the question whether they are constitutfonal Is, of course, trampling the constitu- tion and those who obey it in the dust. Who will obey the constitution as against an act of Congress which invades it, if the act of Congress with its sword of justice can cat oif his head, and the constitution has no power to save him, and there can be nothing: but debate hereailer, whether he was Properly punished or not, gentiemen, neglect the first and pecessary constitutional government of this bation? But again, the form of the alleged infraction of this jaw, whether it 18 constitutional or not, is not but Mr. Butler there- ritated by the accom- as a Court of Im- shall these orders lofuence for all statesmen and all lovers of the constitutiop, to the particular circumstances un- der which the two departments of the government now brotight in controversy are placed. I speak not of persons, but of the actual constitutional division of the two policies. Now, the office of President of the United Siates, tn the view of the framers of the constitution, In the experience of our vational hig- tory and in theestimation of the people, is an office of great trust and power. It is not dependent on any tenure of office, because the tenure of office isa source of original cominissiun; yet it is and is intended to be, an oimce of grea authority, and the constitution in its co-ordinate de- partments cannot be sustained without maintainin; all the authority that the constitution has tntendes for the Executive oilce, But it depends for its place in the constitution upon the “acts that its authority is commitied to the sudrage of the people, and that whea this Ane is exerted it is not by individual purpose or will. Why? The mere strength that a single individual can oppose to the corrective power pain I mean the emancipation of the slaves, which had thrown four million of men, not by the process of peace, but by the sudden blow of war, into the possession of their freedom, which had laced at once and against their will all the rest of he population under those who bad been their slave. Now the process of adaptation of society ‘and of law to 80 (An @ social change as that, even when accomplished in peace and not disturbed b: the processes of war and by the discontent of a su; pressed rebellion, was so much as any courage ¢ any prosperity as is given to governments | can expect to carry through successfully. When these two great political fact oncur and press upon a government, how vast, how diMeult, how tm- | practicable and unmanageable seems the position of aifairs! But this does not represent the measure, | or even the principal featuré of the difficulty. When i the government, whose arms had triumphed and | suppressed resistance, is itself, by the theory and | action of the constitution, the government which by | ositive law Is to maintain its authority, the process | such as to bring any person within any imputation. 1 will not say of any formal infraction of the law, but of any violent, wilful resistence to or contempt of the law. Nothing was done whatever, except wo issue a r and have it delivered, which ts the posiure of the thing in‘ this condition and nothing else. The constitution says, We will sup; that the President has @ right to remove the Secretary of War. The act of Con- gress says that the P; lem shall not remove the becretary of War. The President says, ‘1 will issue an oficial order which will raise the same question between my conduct and the statute that the statate raises between itself and the constitution.” As there 1s, and can be, and ever should be, a reference of a law to the revision and de- termination of the Supreme Court or me other court, so when the constitution and Yhe law are, or are supposed to be, at variance 1 am per- No, sir. the seere- Jurther consideration, much that mn pressed | Or inconsistent, everybody upon whose rights follow Mr. should the weather prove favor- | Ypon your attention heretofore, - If the id@mot power | this Inconsistency intrudes haa'a right, under the Od) to his outnext Friday. Manager Bingham | and will is driven from this assembly, if the Presi- | usual condition of conduct, to put himself in a post- will dove chse and will occupy two deys, Be authoritauvely denied that Senator Hender- » Of Missoori, has received threatening letters from his State, with a view to forcing him to vote either way in the pending trial of the President. This sory appears to have originated in the imagina- tion of some parties who would wish themselves 10 ‘be conaldered in the confidence of certain Senators. PROCEEDINGS OF THE COURT. ‘Twenty-sixth Day. UNITED STATES SENATE CHAMBER, WASHINGTON, April 29. 1868. } The court was opened in due form. In spite of the von pecan weather the desire to hear Mr. Evarts filed the galleries at an earlier hour tpan usual. ‘+ Genator Sumner submitted an order, recking that , Nelson, of counsel for the President, having used jonierly words qirectod to one of the Mandgers— hhamiely,—“‘So far 4s any question that the gentleman eatres to of apersongl character with me ir , this is not the place to make it; let him elsewhere, fhe desires to do t};” and that fe by disctéditable to these proceedings, 1 pone a iptended to provoke a duel, therefore thas —— fastly deserves the disapprobation of pms } Mr. NELGON—Mr. Chief Justice aud Senators— Senator SoioveR—) must object, unless it is m Girect explanation. Mr. NBLsON—-All I Gesire to say this morning— Senator SEERMAN—I object to the consideration of the order, IgL20N—All that I desire to do is to read the ‘bs I suggested to the Senate yesterday. Ouree Justice—The order offered by the Sena- onapachtnetee is not before the Senate if eR—I trust 80 far as I am concerned that that arose yesterday from any language Bi? farther action will be taken. As to the letters, 1 object to them until they NSON-—I move to lay the resolation of- the Senator from Massachusetts on the fored “hie ‘$e Icstice— pate, . N again ittention of the Sets Senator ERI must object to an; BOR pro: pees Td Who Ras used the language in on entleman. ‘The t 18 not before the § eayored to get the tits 18 joubtedly give leaye to the counsel to see Tan; tion is made the be submitted to ti ate. ee cece what has occurred, ai f ving been received from the Mana- T think it ie proper that the counsel should also to 6a statement in explanation, move that ve leave. J wish to understand the motion from Ulinols. Is it that the explain bis language of yea- is not the , eave it JOBNEON— order. es FP J UBT debate is in order. ft TaUMBULLMy motion is that he have leave to make his re inasmuch as 7 Lxore hae made ‘explanation. bain " otion Waa decided in the aMirmative withont My. Chief Jystice and Senators, 1 n A ahiow me, before f max explanation to on, a single word in answer the resolution of the a remarks Were made in the heat of what mn to be very Lee. Wer teak Linfnded 66 to the Benate in what | said, and if ang- ig be done with the wil ion. An the lution I trust the permit me to defend myself against ts noele r desires that thing shou! ne Wi ‘80 far as jonoraple Ma! ore, howevet, I meet {t in the ncernéd I have no’ ing ature. will read thi janation. ‘Ohler J f thi er ice is of tho hot ext to the read- (es te Mowon tne ff a sat ‘UsTToOR—The *Chief Justice thinks the has been urged said in this Sen that it is canses law. ob common fame. i able for trial. ignored and peaching 107 to 57, for me to sa, authority, the “ pabil dept Is here uo lo same principle that men claim to and harpoon the whale, then, indeed, much that has been said by the honorable upon your attention from so many quarters, fads harmiess in your midst. 1t cannot be te, Fertur numerts leges solutis, by numbers and unrestrained by ht here 1s life and power, and you are, as its servants in this invesugation, here, It follows from this that the President is to be tried on charges witich are produced here, and not On the contrary, Least of all hirew out wil the inflammatory address of the jouse of our judgment, as he bas beev arraigned, hour after jour, upon charges which the tu es in the House of Representatives deliberately threw out as unworthy of impeachment and unsuit- ‘We, at least, when we have an in- dictment brought into court and another indictment thrown out, be on the former and not onthe latter, and if, on thi 9th of December last, the House of Representatives, with which, by the constitution, rests the sole hin- wer under this government, by @ vote of bg wed which make up the janagers, it is enough that, for reasons satisfactory to that Representatives,” those oharges Were thrown out. So, too, If this be a trial on a prosecution, and with the ends of public justice alone ih View, the ordinary rules for the restraint of prosecuting authorities apply here, biaitate to say that this trial, to ost conspicuous iD our history, to be scrutinized by more professional eyes, by the attention of more scholars at home and abroad, more libraries, to be judged of criterion forever, Unexampled spectacle of a prosecution which overreaches judgment ning, aud invades, impugus stage the vicWin which it pursues, constraint upon @ prosecuting authority under a ursuing onl: qui @ national government of law scarcely less severe t w exclude evi ‘th i is tending cltenta. wensic discussion. th peta, sounding of the neighvorhood of | watohed for. with invective. blood were made mixture, sion, and, 1d hom after t from public justice ts | nee very much to what is but a law level ef that which resis upon the | Ilustration and of argument. ut day after day it has oe pressed upou you that a formal visitation that it bears upon the | of a statute, although made under claim of # consti- Judge himself, to select evidence that is not pertinent, nee, knowing iry; to restrict evidence, knowing that the fleid us closed against the trae point of justice, is no part of a prosecuting attorney’s duty or power, whatever may be permitied in the contesta of the forum and the zeal of contending lawyers for con- There i8 no such authority, n0 | such duty, no such permission for a public prosé- cutor, much less when the } kept narrowed. When the ¢} ~ ng are thus precise | had caught a pheasant in the wires, which the game- and technical is it permissible for a prosecut- | keeper took possession of—the wire and the dead ing attorney to enlarge the avea of declama- | pheasant. The poacher Cg eg him with threats tion and invective’ juch less ia it suitable | Of force and violence and took from him the wires for ® public prosecutor to inspire in the | and the dead pheasant, The poacher was arrested minds of the court prejudice and extravagant | and tried for robbery. Vaughn Baron says:—“If the Jurisdiction. Now it has usually beeu supposed that | prisoner demanded the wires under the honest con- on an actual trial involving serious cousequences | Viction that he hada right to them, though he may forensie discussion was the true method of dealing | be lable for trespass in setting them, it with the subject aud we lawyers ap) srt Bag the | is not robbery. the mekeeper had a President being, a¢ Mr. Manager Butler been | right to take them, and when so taken olitic enough to to say, “attorneys whose practice | they never could have been recovered in the law has sharpened but not en) their in- | from him the prisoner. Yet, still, if the tellect, ” have confined ourselves to th But we have learned here t ere i# another method of forensic controversy which may be called the method of concussion. Now 1 understand the method of concussion to be to make a demonstration object of attack, whereas ie method of discussion is | to penetrate the position, and if successfui, capture it.” The Cuinese method of warfare is the method of concussion, and com it ne oppost this rolls away and the air ts freer the effect is to be But it has been reserved to us in our | modern warfare, as illustrated here in the rebellion, to present a wore singular and notable instance of the method of warfare by concussion than has been known before—a fort impregnable by the methods of discussion—that of penetrating and capturing it— has been on large scale attempt the method of concussion, tons of gunpowder, placed of the fort, have been made the means to the cou- clusion of this vast ex) that trial and its results the honorable opened this case seems to have repeated the experi- Ment in the vicinity of*the Senate. While the air wae filed with epithet the dome shook Wretchedness, taisery, suffering and the means of this explosive and here we are surviving concus- reduced to the humble ttorney nope endl yes been sharper e¥§ Whose intel a not ni by the pr of Ww.) (Genel r. exposed te attacks on the Mani and oppresses at every roofs have been thus houts and shrieks in and some hundreds of 4 vessel near the walls ‘riment. ton to act under the constituiion and not under the law.’ The President of the United States has it all on paper thus far. The constitution is on paper. ‘The law 18 on paper, and he issued an order on paper, which is an assertion of the constitution and a denial of the law. * That paper has legal validity if the constitution sustains It, and is illegal, invalid and ineffectual—a mere wnvelle teluin— the law prohibits it and if the law is conformed to the constitution. ‘Therefore, it appears that nothing was done but the mere course and process in the exercise of right claimed under the constitution, without force, without violence, and making nothing but the attitude of assertion which, if questioned, might raise the point of judicial determipation. Now, Senators, you are not, you cannot be unfamiliar with the principles of ‘our criminal law, the good sense and common justice of which, although it sometimes is pushed to extremes, approves itself to every honest mind, and that is, that crimimal punishments under any form of statu- tory definition of crime shall never be made to Operate updn a class, even of force and violence, which are, or probably may be, believed to be done under claim of right. It 1s for that purpose that the animus, the intent, the animus farandi in cases of larceny, the malice prepense in cases of murder, are made the substance of the crime. And nothing is felt to be more approvise, nothing has fewer pre- cedents in the history of our legislation or of our judicial decisions than any attempt to coerce the assertion of peaceful and civil claims of right hy penal enactments. It is for that reason that our communities and our lawgivers have always frowned upon uny attempt to coerce the right of appeal under any restrictions or any penalties or courts. Civil rights are rights available and practical, just according as the ple can avail themseives of men, and the moment you attach a punishment to the assertion of a cjaimed Hight you infringe upon one of the necessary liberties of the people. Now, | ask your attention, although I confess that 1 qo it with reluctance and contrary to my own taste and wunt the lion re aud much that is he to be tried in ching authori- are to tried and I do not be in our annals the to be preserved in as & national trait, presents the the very begin- iow, the duty of tutional right and duty, pa, felt by the Preal- dent, 1s, nevertheless, a ground of impeachment not to ve impeded or prevented by any of those consider- ate luducements. 1 ask your attention to what is but an illustration of the great principle that penal jawe shall not be enforced in reiereuce to an intent. governed by a claim of Utle. A poacter had set his wires within the domain of the lord of a mauor and prisoner acted | under the honest belief that the pro- perty in them continued tn himseif, [think it 1s not arobbery. If, however, he used it simply as a pre- tence It would be robbery. The question for the Jury is whether the prisoner did honestly believe that the method of of “the Congress of the United States, It is | P ' rT? , 7 eir | is simpk ut under our complex government the earage eave raion Pine Maint to seu ' restored constitution surrenders thelr domestic affairs lace are behind hin, holding up his hands, speak- @t once to local governments of the people fos With his voice, sustaining hit in hig high duties, | Who have been tn rebellion; and then arises what has | formed the staple of our politica for the last four years—what has tried the wisdom, the courage ang the patriotisin of all, The question is how far, under that the President has his place under the constitu- tion, its great power is safe then, tothe people, for | the reasons I have stated, and it is safe to the Presi- dent, because the people are behind him and have ; the constitution as it stands, the eral government exhibited their confdence in him by. thelr suffrage, | Can exercise absolute control in the transition period But when orte is lifted tothe Presidential office who | between war and peace how much found ce, and to be thus manageable should be committed to the changes in the constitution, when we understand that the great controversy’in the formation of the constitution itself was how far the gencral govern- ment shall be entrusted with ‘the domestic has not received the suffrage of the people for that office, then at once discord, disioca- tion, deficiency. begin; then at once the powers of the office which are consonant with a free their term of service, if Congress may omit or refuse to appropriate a dollar for the salary of that particu- lar judge, Nevertheless government is to be ad- ministered by men, and in an elective government the trust ts ‘that the agents of the people will be faithful to their interests, But simple as is the constitation of the judiciary, when you come to the executive authority then comes the problem which has Puzzled and which will puzzle all framers of government, having no sources or ideas of authority except ‘what springs from the people. Under the British constitution there is no difmiculty tn bracing up the authority of Parliament ° Provided you leave standing the authority and Majesty of the Barons, But here the problem is:—How without the support of the nobles ou can make an executive strong enough to main- in itself. By adjusting the balance as it 1s found in the constitution, our ancestors disposed of the peor It has served us till this time, Sometimes the heat of party the Executive has seemed too strong; sometimes in the heat of party Congress has seemed too strong; yet every danger passes away, and the averemene is esr gente controlled and great supertor lominant interest tha power, of the peonie emselves, The es- sence of the constitution is that there is no period of eer nag ae by.it in the six years term to the Senate, in the four years term to the House of Representatives, that cannot be lived through in pat subordinate and obedient to the constitusiun, it was said in the debate in the ular topic of impeachment, there will be no fay when a four years recurring election restores to col ion master of Congress and the Executive the trust d in them. In connection with this of his argu Ww ters and the ef Bo fen itor Conkling, ebster, ai en, ON Mo} a qi the Court, and ithmedistely. Merentter the Senate adjourned till two o’clock to-morrow. THE NEW LEDGER BUILDING. Description of the EdificeRemoval of the Ledger to Its New Quarters. A second marble palace has been added to the list of buildings occupted by leading New York journals and journalists in the large marble edifice at the cor- ner of Spruce and William streets, which was yes- terday occupted by the New York Ledger’, a biogra- hy of which wonld be tn its main features a biog- | Taphy of New York periodical literature. The ground upon which the new Ledger building has been erected is in the form of a camplete lot, with half a lot in addition, making the space of one and @ half city lots, in the gore shape, the peculiar form of it giving a front of twenty-dve feet on Willlam street, a front of about one hundred feet on Spruce street, and arear depth, measured from Spruce street, of forty-eight feet. The building has a front of twenty-four feet on the former of these streets and an expansive front of ninety-seven feet on the latter, with a rear width of forty-seven fect. It has an elevation of seventy feet above the level of the walk, and ts divided Into stories as follows:—Basement, sixteen fect, and below the level of the sidewalk occupied asa press- room; first story, fourteen feet six inches in height, partitioned inte three stores for rent; second story, twelve feet six inches in height, bee by the editorial and mailing rooms; third story, eleven feet six inches in height, partitioned into apartments suitable for ofices for rent; fourth story, also partionedJnto offices for rent; fifth story, New York Ledger composing rooms. The edifice is of iain Rennaissance in style—just as it should be for Yo situation and bapwe-.aif the walls are of un- ubnal thickness, the marble veneering, or exterior, convention on @ constitution and with the popular will owe the breath of life to the continuing favor of the people. Then it is that In the criticisms of the press, in the views of the people, these great powers strictly within the constitution seem to be despotic and personal. And then you are subj to another difficulty that our vicious system of politics has introduced, and that is in our nominations for the two oftices, selecting al- concerns and that the le of the States were not willing to entrust the general government with their domestic interests, we see at once how wide, how deranged, how difficult the arena of the controversy of constitution, of law and of differ- ences of opinion, as to what was or is constitu- tionality, and as to what change should be or ought ways tle true leader of the ular sentiment of the | to be made in the constitution to meet the practi- time for the place of Presiden We 100k about for | cal situation. When you add to this that as @ candidate for the Vice Presidency to attract | the people are vided on those questions, and the minority, and to assuage difficulty and to | #8 the parties offforce on one side and on the bring in inconsistent supporters. Coupled with | Other are the loyhl masses and the rebel iass, this phase, when the Vice President becomes | #nd whoever divides from bis es from President of the United States, not only is he in the | Dis associate, from his party ercnts 10 vt for tbe | thie line of constitutional opinion and in this line of ot having | governmental action, which seems to press the least changes on the constitution and the least contro! on the masses eer in rebellion will be suspected and charged #8 an ally of traitors and rebels, you have at once disclosed how the names of traitor and of rebel, which belon, to the war, have been made current phrases political discussion, I do not question the rectitude, nor do I question the wis- dom, of any positions that have been taken as matter of argument, as matter of faith, or as matter of ac- ties here, bat all the .public meu, all the ambidous | tion in the disposition of this pécullar situa- men engaged in the public service and in thecarry- | tion. [I only attract your attention to the ing on of the government, in their own views and | necessities and the dangers of the situation the interest and duties of the party. All have | itself; both in reference to public order and in yefer- framed their views and established their rejationy | ence to the changed condition of the slave we’were with the President who has disappeared, md they | urged stare super vias antiquas. It 1s not the ques- then are not in the attitude of support, personal or | tion of standing upon ancient ways, for we have now political, that should properly be maintained among | before us the very problem of the situation, as it the leaders of @ party. ‘then it is that ambitious | Was then law to get on the ancient ways from those men, who had formed their pu both for the nog which disorder and violence and rebellion present and the future upon the faith of Presidential | had forced us into, And here it was that the domination find their calculations diéturbed. Then | exasperations of oe came up, mingled with it is that prudence ana wisdom find that terrible eviis | ch: of infidelity to party apd of moral and threaten the conduct of the government and the na- | pol treason jo the State. How many theories tion. This we all know by looking back at the party did we have in this Senate? If! am not mistaken, differences in.times past, a8 in the time of the Presi- | an influential, able and eloquent Senator was dis- dency of Mr. Tyler, when an impeachment was ig to take the Declaration of Independence into moved against him In the House of Representatives ie working forces of our constitution as a sort of and had more than one hundred supporters, and | pre-constitution. In the other House a great leader when it was found after it was all over that there was | Was dis) to treat it on the transconstitutional nothing in the conduct of Mr. Tyler to justify | necessities ich the situation itselfimposed. And it. So, tov, a similar imputation will be remembered | thus it was that minds trained in the-ol on the conduct of Mr. Fillmore. ‘Then the Opposition | attached to the constitution, were unable, as seized upon the opportunity, entered into the contro- | orators and as reasoners, to adopt these versy, Ul ou the quarrel, but did not espouse it; | Jearned phrases. And now, let me urge it, that and thug it ended in the President being left without | all this is within the province of Lo greeny od free the support of the guarantees of authority which un- | governments Re RS i en Ae thelr freedom it if ti chosen attitude of not having. the Mae d rane great powers of the constitution, but of the authoritative support for the fidelity and main- tenance of his authority. Then, adhering to the original opinion, to the Very opinions and poiiticai altitudes which form the argument for piacing him in the second place, he is denounced as a traltor to his party, and is watched = and criticised by all the leaders of that party. 1 speak not particalarly m= reference to the present ipcumbent and the actual condition of par- derlie and vivify the constitution of the United | and could not public servants, Statee—namely, the favor of the people; and so cir public men, their servants, were not when this unfortunate, this irregular condition of | abie to draw the distinction between legal constitu. the Executive office, concurs with @ tine of | Honal offences and odious and abominable faults, national copjointure, then at once you have | When passions and struggles of force in any form of at work the special or aliar operation of forces | violence or-of im} pene, a8 ap engine of power upon the executive office, Which the constitution | come into play, a om has become license left unprotected and undefended, without the full | and then party has become faction. I hold tn my measure of sapport which every department of the | hand an article from the Written tn refer- government sould have in order to resist the others. | ence to this trial, and put with great force and skill 1 do not pepe to read it; J bring it here to show, and to say that it is an excellent series of articles ol impeachment against the President of the United States, within the forum of politics, for political re- Passing on to dangers which may shake and bring down the very plilars of the constitution itseif, | sug- gest then to you as wise men that you understand how, out of circumstances for which & man is respon- sible, attributable to the Workings of Lhe constitution poeseece and obstruction, and aa an evidence that itself, there is a weakness, and a special weakness, he technical and formal crimes imputed the in the Presidency of the United States, which is as it | articles before this court are of but paltry were an undefended fort; and to see to it that an in- | consideration. Now that an excejlent vasion is not urged and made successful by thetemp- | article of impeachment for the forum of tation that is offered, Thit exceptional weakness of Hitics-and for discnasion at the hustin; There the President under we constitution is accompanied in the present state of afaire by the extraordinary development of party strength tn Congress. There are in the constitution but three barriers against the will of a majority in Congress. One is that it re- aires a two-thirds vote to expel a member of either ouse, another fs that a two-thirds vote ts necessary to pase a law over the tions of the President, and the third Is that a two thirds vote of the Senate, sitting as @ court of iin it, ie necessary for it belongs; there it must be taken. But this being a court we are to be tried fof that of which we are not charged. [low wretched the condition of him who ts to be oppressed by vague, uncertain shadows which he cannot resist. Our honorable Managers must go back to the source OF thelg authority tf they would obtain what was once denied to them, @ general and open political charge. It must, { know, be main' ible in law and must be main- tainable in fact; but then it would be brought here, the vicinity of the | property was himself or not.” Thus does the crimi- nal law of a people distingaish between technical and actoal faults, What mean the guarantees of the constitation? What mean the practice and habits of English liberty, which will not allow anybody en): dng that liberty to be drawn into question crim nally upon any technical or formal view o! law? yhat mean those fundamental principles of our liberty that no man shall be put on trial for accusation of crime, though formally committed, unless the Grand Jury shall choose to bring him under jnculpation, and that when thus brought under inculpation he shall not be condemned by any judge or magistrate, but by the condemnation of his re. Certainly, we have not so far forgotten our at blowing of trum- ing force. When all to be captured by conviction, And now pew last two protections | it would be written down, It mission would be of the executive omfice have disappeared from the | known and upderstood, ité welght would be estima constitution in its pi val bes by the condi- | ted, ita anawér could be made then at your leisure tion of = parties, whic! a ven to one | and that of the nation; occupied the firm possessfon, by three-fou I think, | with hearing witnesses ahout I jim. in both houses of Congress and the control | culties and questioia . # tical _ of the government of each of the other branches of | pauce and political obstrac he side the the governinent. Reflect upon this. | don’t touch | President, we should be heard in his defence In that upon the particular clroumstance that the non-resto- | political trial, and would, at least, have the opportu. ration of the States has left members in both houses | nity of reduciny the force of the testimon: bringing opposing and controve! “4 “Then, if you would have a trial, there 1 do not cal on whether that absence increases | at least, would be something substantial to work a But less than ier might under other circumstances be. e proportion that there would be in or diminishes iverties and on what they rest that we should bri, @ President of the United States under the forma apparatus of iron oppression, which by necessity, if you set it agot wall, without crime, without fault, without tu » Without the moral fault even of violating a statute which he belfeved to be binding upon him, bring about those mon- strous consequences—monstrous tn their condemna- tlon—of depriving him of his office and the people of the country of an executive head, ,On reassembling, at thirty-five minutes past two o'clock P. M., Mr. BYARTS expressed his surprise at the Managers’ denunciation of those who peacefully resisted Jaws which they deemed unconstitutional. Dissatisfied with x who Laughter.) ion Which belongs to ned but "I } and | It was the duty ofevery ministerial officer to raise a gon oul 4 Mr. Evatts then considered | question in favor of the constitution, and tn the high: ir, Boutwe definition of impeachablé ogences, | est degree it was the duty of the special defender of and argued at length that no action could be fo cen: | the constitution, He referred to the of Newell gtrued which did not Procges, my {ualice and oh egainst the Auditor of the State of New York, bich atention, ting, tus view by quotations trots | thé intter successrully res & lpag he records Of the Humphrey trial, and also by the | of six millions of doun ork Ta) language of Burke, tn pec ing Warren Haat ings, | im) 4 ici r when he expressly ited that the aseer- cht ‘Void by Uni 4 tions and of evil intent were {ndispensabie. | Court; and To the Setioh of ir. Lalnco} . Mr. Evarts held that the best way to ine the | ing the habeas ; iD e patare ofoftences which may Ye deemed high oftmes Arrest of the Mary re, and 8 nt its | ml 'Y commissions in or Gi aa in ett | aay ln ae ways dud da forsibis versmy 4 ) Mndrassion of jaw wad wh te JSit A. parties. Perhaps theif presence woule even aggra- | the idea that the President of United es is to vate the ue majority which overrules practi. | be brought into the procedure of this court by a lim- cally all the calculations of the President's protection | ited accusation and be found not y under that; by ‘the guarantee of constitution. What] but be convicted under an indic Which the did the two-thirds mean? It meant that in a jouse refused to sustain, Or under that wider in free country where intelli is diffused it was | dictment of the newspaper and without iinpossible to a that there would not be a | an Cg wal to brin ars) to wake ar- somewhat equal division of parties. It was impos- | gument on the subject seme to us too sible to Do ga) that thé excitement and zeai of party | monstrous for bd intel within or would call allthe members of it into any extrava- | without this political art) this omega ee Ido not cal them extravagancies inany | of controversy, to maintal for & moment. sense Oo wae 1 merely speak as to the extreme My hope has been briefly to drawW four attention to measnres Which partiés may isposed to adupt. | what lies at the basis of the discussion of the power Certainly, then, there is ground to reflect, before | and authority that may be rightfully exercised or bringing to the determination this re struggle | reasonably assumed to be exercised by the Rresident between the co-ordinate branches of the govern- | between these two branches of the government. The ment, Whether the co-ordination in the consti- | co-ordspation of the powers of the government 1s not utioh can ar or whether it is better } only tl peeytae rh} framing of a paper con- 0 wee @ test Which may rate pe the frame- | stitution, but I think it must be oo: led that ae it work °F the cot ition and upon its future, unat- ss the main Hon of the ei tion {teelf nded Ay 6} of @ peculiar nature, which | so it regard: all cofape- verng the acti tion. Ab! that Is thé tnteery tent C a at home an to u reeses come when the | been m 0 com to receive them, Itlamisery | by th Talners i] sar Laoene ni fi rade when heath te dé | if you Will 100K 8 sin ‘ron wil Oud presed gnc tay ¥o" vongiituli TS Teale | eyond tet Th hal belongs to th fare at tbe 7 "y government ert to tbe Hertios 6 rises and W ip to re 4 e people, ahd ween W is wo foo} tebe it bong should be accor bo the fs) government an wi bee the good ship what should he meatio eovernmenk ry and the tates, the eobatituy a | . being one foot thick (un excess of one-fourth over the usual thickness), with a lining of brick of consider- ble weight. Taken all in all, the structure 1s, EF: aps, more nearly fire proof than any ever erected in this ‘city, besides being by far the most solid and compact. The window casings are of aon ad the brick fabric of the floors is Sepported by 1 iron girders of one foot in width—the tirst in! - tion of heams more than three-fourths of one foot in | wiath, though this feature has since been introduced into the Park Bank pe —and these beams are set at lesser intervals than {s usually the case—four being used for the ordinary space of three. ‘The roof 1s constructed upon the same arncine as the foors, viz., with massive iron beams intersticed with brick set en suc—a feature which, it 1s believed, bas | never before been carried into practical execution, though it has been before suggested and argued; and midway of the depth of each story the ceiling is supported by massfve tron pillars of the plain skele- | ton column pattern. No pains have been spared, nor has any device been negiccted to render th structure the most absolutcly fire proof in the cit, and, probably, not another can be specified in whic! fo great & weight of tron has been used. The en- | trance to the editorial rooms is on William street, | upon the second story, corner of which is Mr. Bon- | ner’s office. In the rear of this are the read- ers’ rooms and the counting room; and still in | the rear, and acon a Space of nbout 47 by 60 by 83 by 5¥, is the malilng room and general storcroom of back numbers, with tts four walls «ll pigeon- holed into a thousand or two of receptacles # foot square by about au equal depth, and a partition near the middie line of the room fitted up in the same manner. The corner office, occupled by the Mieeenan of poets and romancers—the autocrat, in most re- spects, of American periodical literature, and cer- tatnly its most successful ploneer—ta neatly, but in no wise Crseced ph gent or gaudily furnished. Some few fine portraits of peqple whose reputations are world- wide, some few engravings of blooded trotters of equal celebrity, and a few other ornaments so dot the walls as to prevent any uncomfortable sensation of barencss; but in general there is none of that overloading with vencering which Is one of the great faults of New York taste. - Occupying in many respect’ the position of a pio- neer in periodical literature, the New York yer was developed out of an old commercial paper of similar name, which was bought by Mr. Bonner in 1851—the buyer even J served his apprenticeship a8 a practical proof reader with Morris & Willis, of the Zvening Mirror, and a3 @ practical printer in the. office of the Hartford Courant. The New York Ledger, a8 a Mterary periodigal, was begun in 1854, with Fanny Fern as the star writer, and about that time was begun that system of extensive adver- tising which has given the paper (conjoined to ster- ling merit) the widest celebrity ever gained by any Americay weekly, and probubly the largest ge tion list. The '$ bills for advertising hate often run as hi as ae per week, and ‘casion, posters Includea, the bills were 98, ape 09 $27, This was in connection with @rs. South- worth’s ‘Island Princess.” ‘The first quad- sheet ever printed by any daily New was rinted by the . 1868, and Was occasioned by a dewand on dys of Mr. Bonner for a space equal to the usual double sheet, Su eight Lie io vy! for a@ iB. purposes—which was probably the largest single Oe ment ever inserted in a New York dutiy, 44 he iy of the new Ledger building is pro- bably the finest for t Purpose ever constructed in this city. It is furnished w: a eo drum cylinder presses—four of Hoe’s and four of Taylor’s—and an Andrews engine. A huge Harrison boiler, leviathan- lke, has crawled away under the sidewatk, into a sort of excavated Frock and these, with minor de talls, complete the furnishings of the pressroom. BOOK NOTICE. Jonny Mivton and His Times, Max Ring. Trane lated from the German by Jordan, Published by Appleton & Co. This’ work 18 somewhat of the Lonisa Muhibach order—~a historical novel—treating the life of the great poet in a fanciful and sensational style. It may he read with interest by all who admire fiction of thia kind. The translation is very much tofertor, aa a Matter of course, to the original German, but the Pict is ch deyised and well carried ‘out. To who ddinire Mubibach's novels this book mnat. Provo Interesting. It is very handsomely got ap, and ite general appearance, independent of Ita Jite- Tary merits, must be attractive. INTERNAL REVENUE. Stoppege of Distilicrics—Summary Action by Collector & It is understood that from information received, nd baving regard to the price at Which Whiskef can be bought in the market, Collector Smith, of tha Eighth district, bas arrived at the conclusion that 4 fair trade cannot be conducted under the circam- stance. that whiskey is bought and sold dally in New York at a price less than two dollars a gallon, the ta: provided by law. Under this impression, fee At present advised, it is stated on the best authority ivr 00 ou a8 the pee af rin te arte of whiske; leas thas u Buty im; 4 7,