The New York Herald Newspaper, April 29, 1868, Page 8

8 NEW YORK HERALD BUOADWAY AND ANN (ey JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. AMCRRERETE 709. THIS EVENING, WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broa: Broadway and 18th street.— Taz HONEYMOON. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—Jaox Sarrranp—Tue Sra@x STRUGK YANKER. BROADWAY. ol ” — vw ADWAT, At ead Broadway.—Roxy O'Mone. NEW YORK THEATRE, opposite New York Hotel. — Panis AND HELEN, OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway.—H . Phe at ig ‘RE, Broadway.—Humpty Duurrr. FRENCH THEATRE.—La BEuL® HELeNr. —Tag Wuira Fawn. _NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadw ACADEMY OF MUSIC, Irving place.—Puarpas, GERMAN STADT THEATRE, 45 and 47 Bowery —Fna Diavo1o, a THEATRE gourave, 514 Broadway.—BaLuer, PARcr, 4). Matinee at KELLY 4 LEON'S MINSTRE! LS, 720 | ‘pala —Sonas, Ecoxntaici71rs, &c.—U aNd Duron * SAN FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, 585 Broadway.—Etit10- PIAN ENTERTAINMENTS, SINGING, DANCING, &c. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, 201 Bowery, Coro Vocauiem, Nz@RO MINSTRELSY, ke. Matinee at 23, STEINWAY HALL. MORNING READINGS. MRS, F. B. CONWAY'S PARK THEATRE, Brooklyn.— FRENCH SP¥—PARENTS AND GUARDIANS, BROOKLYN ACADEMY OF MUSIC.—ROsEDALF, HOOLEY'S OPERA HO! MINSTRELSEY—PANORAMA- HALL, tet and 956 Broadway.—PANOBAMA OF THE WAR. Matinee at 2. NEW YORK ee ge ‘M OF ANATOMY, 618 Broadway.— SCIENOR AND AR Franers A. KEMBLE'S Eve ning—GRAND CONORET, Brooklyn.—ETHIOPIAN GRESS OF AMERICA. QUADRUPLE. SHEET. New ees bid isaac Anes 29, 1868. THH WH w Ss. IMPEACHMENT. | Ta the High Court yesterday Mr. Sumner submitted an amendment to the rules, providing that any ques- tion which may arise in the final deliberation rela- tive to the judgment shall be determined by a major- ity instead of two-thirds of the members present. Mr. Davis objected, and the proposed amendment went over. Mr. Williams, for the prosecution, then resumed, and concluded his argument, after which Mr. Butler made an explanation of his participation in the Alta Vela affair, and was responded to by Mr. Nelson, of the President's counsel. Mr. Evarts, on the part of the defence, then com- menced his argument, and, without concluding, Jlelded to a motion to adjourn. THE LEGISLATURE. In the Senate yesterday messages were received from the Governor vetoing bills for a railroad in 125th street and increasing the fees of sherifls. Bilis to increase the pay of the fire department, rela- tive to the storage of combustible material, for an elevated railway in Broadway, relative to the safety of life on city railroads. to more effectually prevent railroad accidents, and others of local interest, were reported adversely. The General State Appro- priation bill was passed. . The- Metropoli- tan Police Pension Fund bill was returned from the Assembly with amendments increas- ing the salaries of the captains and doormen of the foree, but the amendments were not agreed to, anda committee of conference was appointed, The Con- vict Gabor bill was amended by striking out every- thing except the clause abolishing the printing contract at Sing Sing and thus recommitted. A bill incorporating the New York and Brooklyn Tubular Tunnel Company was passed, and the Arcade Rall- ‘way bill was ordered to a third reading. In the Assembly numerous bills of @ special char- acter were passed. The State Charity bill was re- jected by a vote of 66 to 32. The West Shore Hud- son River Railroad bill was reported adversely, and the report was agreed to. The General Railroad Appropriation bill was lost. ABYSSINIA. Our special correspondent in Abyssinia, dating at Antalon, on the 17th of February furnishes a most vaiuable and highly interesting letter describing Napler’s advance towards the point of British vic- tory, the constituent parts of his army, the dim- culties they had to contend with and the means and ability to overcome them. He also re- ports the extraordinary scene observed at a council in which the general omicers of Queen Victoria met @ powerful chief hostile to Theodorus; the native warrior reposing his head on Colonel Mereweather’s bosom during the conference. Many of the popula- tion openly professed Christianity. English calcula- tions of the profit and cost of the expedition have been made and are embraced in the letter. Tn addition to this special communication we pub- Msh to-day a complete account of the geography and topography of Abyssinia, its water courses, moun- tains, cities and towns, roads, ravines, harbors and climate, with a detail of the military and money Tesourees, government, religion of the African, “Mexico” of Great Britain, The ancestral pedigree of the late King Theodorns, as traced by himeelf, with the names of the Europeans just released at Magdala, also appear in our columns, EUROPE. ‘The news report by the Atlantie cable is dated yes- terday, April 2s, at midnigat. Lord Derby brougit the subject of the Gladstone fesolutions on the Irish Church adversely before the Mouse of Lords, for which he was taken sharply to task by Earl , Who expressed the hope that the Cabinet id not bring the crown into “col- Lsion” with the House of Commons, Messrs. Burke, Casey and Shaw are on trial in London for Fenian treason felony. Burke's applica tion fora mixed jury was denied by the court, the Judge ruling that a United States passport was not suMcient evidence of citizenship. Colonel Nagle, also charged with Fenianism, is to ve placed on trial in Ireland. The Abyssinia war news still imparted an ani- mated tone and upward tendency to the English market. Consols steady at 933¢ 203%. Five-twen- ties 70% in London and 753; in Frankfort. Bourse firmer. “ Cotton dull and lower, with middling uplands at 12%d. Breadstuffs quiet, Provisions active and Blightly upward. By general correspondence and mail report we bave a very animated and attractive account of the landing of the Prince and Princeas of Wales in Ire- fand and their journey from Kingstown to Dublin Castle. The Princess of Wales was evidently the favorite of the people. The speech of the Prince of ‘Wales in reply to the address of the Corporation of the city of Dublin is also given. MISCELLANEOUS. Tm the House of Representatives yesterday the rati- fied constitution of South Carolina was presented ‘wnd referred to the Committee on Reconstruction, Bills to admit North and South Carolina and Louisi- ana to representation were introduced and similarly referred. A resolution to Investigate reported fraudulent sales of iron-clads by the Navy Depart- ment was introduced, and also a joint resolution the President to take measures for the protection of the rights of fisherimen in Canadian waters. Onur spectal correspondence from Panama is dated April 20, General Gutierrez entered upon his duties 48 President of Colombia on the ist of April. Some | trouble bye between Colombia and the Govern. Paris moents of il and England, bnt the latter country had made the amende by withdrawing @ refractory Consul. The Brazilian affair is still agitated, The rebellion in Chirigul had beep suppres: 1 Our Lima, Peru, correspondence is dated April 14 The clostious had passed off without any seriots NEW YORK HERALD, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 29, 1868.—QUADRUPLE SHEET — disturbance, and tt was highly le that Colonel Balta was the successful Rumors are afoat of the organization of a powerful party favor- able to the return of Prado, The yellow fever was still raging. Our ‘Valparaiso, Chile, correspondence is dated April 8, The foreign relations of the little reputyjc were becoming considerably entangled. Trouble is apprehended with Brazil, the Argentine Confedera- tion, Peru, Bolivia, England, and even the United States, General Kilpatrick, our Minister, having laid acomplaint before the government relative to the illegal seizure of our Consul at Coquimbo. Advices fromthe seat of war in Paraguay report the continued success of the Brazilians and the abandonment of Pucn by President Lopez, whose whereabouts 1s at present unknown. In the Canadian Parliament yesterday an addreas of sympathy with Queen Victoria and indignation at the attack on Prince Alfred was agreed upon in answer to a message from the Duke of Buckingham in relation to the affair. Mr. Mitchell, in the Senate, expressed the hope that Fenlanism in the British provinces should be stamped out. ‘The trial of General Cole at Albany was resumed yesterday. John L. Cuyler gave testimony relative to the criminal intimacy between Hiscock and Cole’s wife and the trip to Albany which resulted in the meeting between the prisoner and deceased. ‘The trialof Edwin Kelly charged with the homi- cideof Thomas J. Sharpe on the 11th of December last, in front of the Fifth avenue opera house, was commenced yesterday in the Court of General Ses- sions, Recorder Hackett presiding. The case for the prosecution having been stated several witnesses were examined and the cage adjourned till half-past ten this morning. The Impeachment and the New Departure of the Republican Party. The impeachment of President Johnson, with his removal, will mark a new départure of the republican party. The extreme radi- cals, who have worked their way into the foreground, will rule in every department of the government, and with a clear field before them we may well be somewhat apprehensive of the consequences. What will be the fate of this dominant party we may predict from the lessons of history, which teach us that however strong and compact for a time may be a ruling party which rises into power on the wave ofa great political upheaval, it is resistlessly borne along over all obstructions till shattered among the rocks and sands of the shore or carried back by the rebounding billow and left in scattered fragments adrift on the sea. Meantime, from the lights behind us it may be profitable to in- quire what is the prospect before us, starting from the initial point of Andrew Johnson's removal, The republican party came into power on the great idea of no further extension of slavery. The slaveholding oligarchy of the South took the alarm. They knew that the restriction meant the destruction of slavery and its dominant political faction. The Southern rebellion followed, and, though all men saw that slavery, with the extension of slavery, was the cause, the controlling spirit, the strength and the object of the rebellion, Abraham Lincoln, sticking to the fixed slavery landmarks of the constitution, in his prosecution of the war for the Union, withheld for two tong years his decisive emancipation proclamation. He thonght in 1862 that Fremont in Missouri was too fast, that Hunter in South Carolina was too fast, and he said to the committee of par- to urge that deadly blow against slavery that such a proclamation would “‘be like the Pope’s bullagainst the comet.” his proclamation in 1863 as a war measure, he ox- cepted certain slaveholding States and districts as a compensation for their quasi loyalty. In short, President Lincoln's controlling idea dur- ing the war and at the end of the war was conciliation. Had Jeff Davis, when the end of the war was apparent to all the world, accepted his overtures at Fortress Monroe, an immedi- ote restoration of the rebel States would doubt- less have followed, on the basis of a general amnesty and a qualified negro suffrage. Had Lincoln’s life been spared this settlement would, perhaps, have been consummated within six months from Lee's surrender: Andrew Johnson, as President, started in the footsteps of the generous Lincoln, though Johnson had much to recall in the way of de- nunciations of traitors. He had been a radi- cal, but invested with the mantle of Lincoln he became a conservative. So powerful, too, though rapidly in the opposite course losing sight of the radicals—so powerful, we say, was his body of conservative supporters in the republican camp, that it was not until the sum- mer of 1866 that a definite rupture was pro- claimed between Johnson and the republican party. Upon the constitutional amendment known as Article XIV, carried by the conser- vatives of Congress, Johnson committed his fatal mistake. ‘Had he, instead of opposing thatamendwent, assisted in carrying it through, he might have risen to the control of Congress upon that very thing. In opposing it he drove, with a few profitless exceptions, the conservative republicans over to the radicals as in a common cause against him. Then, relieved of Johnson, we find the radicals of Congress in 1867 cutting loose from that amend- ment, which leaves, under certain conditions, the regulation of suffrage with the several States, and we see them adopting the ultra radical theory of universal negro suffrage in Southern reconstruction. From this point the conservative wing of the republican party in Congress almost entirely disappears, and the whole camp becomes essentially radicalized. Andrew Johnson, however, still in control of the executive department, if he can make no headway against a two-thirds vote in each them; and still in their conflicts with Johnson we observe occasional outcroppings of con- servatism of the old red sandstone group sufli- cient to check the leading radicals. Thus two deliberate attempts at Johnson's impeachment are defeated; but in the third, under @ panic and a hurrah, impeachment is carried in the House by a solid republican vote, and, as “Old Thad Stevens” has it, the Senate also, by the record, stands committed to Johnson's removal. Here, then, the conservative element of the republican party in Congress wholly disappears, and with Johnson's removal such men as Chief Justice Chase and Senators Fessenden, Sher- man, Anthony and their conservative brethren of the House will have to be content with back seats, while such as Wade, Sumner, Chandler, Stevens and Batler come to the front and shape | the policy of the government, the distribution | of the spoils and the nominations, principles and measures of the republican party, This is the new departure depending upon Johnson's removal. | nothin 2 of Lis own interests aad fut ta sons who called upon him at the White House | At last, when he made | tion, we would again submit that Chief Justice Chase, in the matter ‘of his right to a final charge to the Senate as a jury, has the issue of this impeachment in his hands. In defeating it he will defeat the radical programme which, within ten months, under President Wade, may substantially change our whole system of gov- ernment, in merging all the powers of the executive and judicial departments in Con- gress and the Reconstruction Committees of the two houses, Otherwise, from the quiet sub- mission of Mr. Chase to a radical Senate, under the ad interim administration of President Wade in the White House, we may expect such railroad progress in radicalism as will bewilder the country with its delusive prosperity in 1868, to be followed by a reign of such financial chaos and political disorders in 1869 as will be with- out @ parallel save in the combined fanaticism of the pious Puritanical Roundheads of England with the bolder follies and atrocities of the infi- del Jacobins of France. Disraeli on the Abyssinian War. In the British, House of Commons on Mon- day night Premier Disraeli, in reply to a ques- tion put by Mr. Layard, of Ninevah renown, and late Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, made some characteristic remarks on the Abyssinian war. -On such occasions Mr. Disraeli never fails. His speech on the death ofthe great Duke of Wellington was a master- piece which has seldom been approached, and of which few who read it or heard it delivered will ever lose the impression, The success of this Abyssinian expedition furnished the Prime Minister with an opportunity for the display of his peculiar genius, which he was not the man to lose. His sentences, so far as we are able to gather from our cable despatches, seem to have been pregnant with meaning. His eulogy of.the British troops and of General Napier appears to have been well conceived and skilfully and effectively put. The true keynote, however, was struck by him when he said that the conquest of Abyssinia was equalled only in modern history by the ‘‘con- quest of Mexico by Cortez.” Once more Disraeli has given proof to the world that the genius which revealed itself in Moses’ laws, which gave warmth and sweetness to David's songs, and which made the wisdom of Solomon the wonder and admiration of mankind, still lives and manifests itself with undiminished force in the wandering descendants of Israel. The happy termination of the Abyssinian war, considering the glory which it contributes to British arms and the gratification which it will give to the hereditary vanity of the British people, has occurred at a most favorable mo- ment for Mr. Disraeli. The aristocracy of England, backed up by some scholars, such as Gladstone; by some philosophers, such as John Stuart Mill, and by some levellers, such as John Bright, are impatient of Disraeli’s ascen- dancy and are making at the present moment the most vigorous efforts to-oust him from place and power, Unless we greatly deceive ourselves we think we can discover in the meagre outlines of the Premier’s speech the keyaote of the policy by which he intends to outflank his opponents. Abyssinia, it does ap- pear, is to be the pivot on which his political life is to turn. The tory party, which Mr. Dis- racli heads, has always been fond of war. The sound of the trumpet fires the proud old Norman blood. War, too, if it is likely to house of Congress, can baffle and embarrass | Looking to the ends of | » aud the interests of the country, to say | on the interior, intersecting the soil with rail- result in conquest, has always a special charm for the British péople. All this Disraeli sees— sees clearly—and means to turn to account. Abyssinia, with al! its untold resources, now lies at England’s feet. What a magnificent field for enterprise! What a splendid addition to the British empire! Capable of endless de- velopment Abyssinia may yet far outstrip the fabled ‘‘wealth of Ormus and of Ind.” Now, it is absolutely certain that the opponents of Disraeli will insist that Abyssinia be aban- doned. They will do it all the more certainly that they grudge the Jew Premier the honor and glory of the victory. If they do, as it is certain they will do, Disraeli is just as certain to trip them up. The sixty liberated captives” and the miserable crowns and jewels are not tro- phies which will satisfy the ambition of the British people. Mr. Disraeli may well ask—Is all this cost to go for nothing? Was it thus the British empire was built up? If we had pursued such a policy in America, in India, in Australia, what position would we now hold among the nations of the earth? Here isa country secured at a cost of many millions of money, rich in actual and richer still in unde- veloped wealth—a country which, under proper management, might make us independent of the cotton fields of America and of the world; a country which might enrich us at once by its consumption and by its produce—is that country, now our own by the right of conquest, to be left to anarchy and ruin? Are we not only, by a stupid perversion of will, to deprive ourselves of our’ own, but to declare ourselves before the world indiffe- rent to the progress of the age and to the wel- fare of the human species? If anything were wanting to convince us that Disraeli will adopt some such course it is furnished by the fact that many Jews (and many Gentiles, too) be- lieve that the dominant classes in Abyssinia represent the lost tribes of the house of Israel. If this policy is vigorously pursued the Irish Church question will dwindle into insignifi- cance; Pope Pins, who has thanked Mr. Glad- ‘stone, will be declared to have mistaken the situation; the Russell whigs will be fossilized and the deep-thinking Bright and the shallow Gladstone will be nonplussed. If Disraeli does not see his opportunity we shall simply have mistaken our man. In the event of the Promier carrying out his policy we have only one advice more to give him and the British people, It is simply that they concentrate their energies. They have done a good work in America, one por- tion of which is already bringing forth good fruit, and another portion of which is in a hopefal condition. They have also done good work in Australia, but Australia is strong enough to do for itself. Let them at once abandon Canada and Australia, In India they have not yet finished thelr task. Let them collect all their scattered strength and devote it to the development of the wealth of Cen tral Africa, and the future ages of mankind will have geeasiog to bless the energy and en- terprise of the Anglo-Saxon family, Abys- sinia farnishes a magnificent point d'appui. Making it their centre of action, let them act roads and telegraphs and ploughing the waters of the. tropical lakes by the paddlewheel and} the screw. By this means the central regions of Africa will cease to be unknown, the wealth of the world will be increased, the cause of human progress will be advanced, and England and Disraeli will be credited with the result. ‘Trial of Je@® Davig—Its Relation to Im- peachment. ‘Jeff Davis is by the Istest arrangement to be brought to trial on the 2d of May. There is a significance in the date, Bofore the end of the first week in May the radicals expect to thrust from his place the President of the United States. They can hardly suppose that the country will take the event quietly, and many of them, perhaps, believe that it will create an excitement, perhaps a fierce reaction against the destructives. Regarding such @ reaction as one of the possibilities of the fu- ture the radical managers see how handy it will be just as Johnson's trial ends to have Jeff Davis’ trial in such a forward state that it can be rapidly pushed to a close, that the ex- citement over the removal of the President may be smothered and lost in the greater ex- citement that would follow the.condemnation of the Confederate leader. Radicalism, more- over, would particularly like the idea of class- ing ‘‘two great criminals” together. It would jump at the chance to put Johnson in the same category with Davis on any possible pretext, and would lay to its soul some flattering unc- tion in the fancy that it proved to the people the patriotic sincerity of its motives against Johnson if it proceeded against Davis in the same spirit and style immediately thereafter. We have hitherto warned Mr. Davis of the necessity these fellows would presently be under to kill somebody, and have told him how admirable a sacrifice he would make and that he had better give them a wide berth if he can find any plea satisfactory to his conscience, We repeat the warning—if he is in Montreal, let him remember that the summer is coming, and not travel to hot countries. He hasa good enough pretext in the revolutionary course of events, and it would be romantic madness to be nice on points of honor with such customers as Ben Butler. Let Davis consider the point that Butler and Stevens argue with most eager- ness against Mr. Johnson. This point is that to be subject ‘to punishment he need not have committed any act properly known as a crime, but that a political offence is sufficient. In this monstrous doctrine the reign of terror lies thinly hidden. Hitherto our boasted civiliza- tion has had one positive tendency toward the largest liberty of opinion—a tendency to eman- cipate men from the excessive supervision of law. Freedom of movement, action, thought and speech have been gained to the world, and as we have made progress in this direction the number of -acts for which men coald be pun- ished has been by rigorous definition cut down. Society has required that men should only be punished for crimes ; political offences are not held to be such. Recently only Austria dared punish political offences. France exiles, but dares no longer guillotine, the men who offend politically against the public’ peace. Mexico, a country whose civilization is of the sixteenth century, killed that distin- guished political offender Maximilian, and the world shuddered with horror, so abhorrent to the sense of the age was that return to the thought and conduct of barbarous times. What, indeed, is the secret of Davis’ escape to the present time? It is that the country, respeoting in the largest degree this immunity for acts that can be construed as political ones, is unwilling to even seem to violate the pact, and prefers to see the leader of the rebellion escape rather than make an example against a sentiment go largely reflecting the spirit of pro- gress and civilization. For all men can see by the history of nations that if we once punish political offences no man can keep out of the hands of power any longer than the party he acts with is the dominant one, since a political offence is simply a difference of opinion be- tween the offenger and those who have the power to bend the law to their purposes, Stevens and Butlor, therefore, argue that it is not necessary that Johnson should have com- mitted a crime, because they know his offence has been not against society or justice, but against the radical party. They want to pun- ish him for that. If they succeed in this they will have cast down the barrier that pro- tected Davis, and he will be the next victim. His conviction and execution will be the neces- sary logical result of the removal of Mr. John- son, if the Southern leader should be simple enough to put himself in the clutches of the radical fanatics. Whiskey Ii King—The Caso o or Senator Yates. A most astonishing discovery has been made in Washington. There is one honest man there actually sitting in Congress and forming one of the High Court of Impeachment. He represents Illinois in the Senate and his name is Richard Yates. This honest man has writ- ten a letter to the people of his State in which he delicately acknowledges that he has been in the habit of imbibing a larger quantity of bibulous stimulants than his nervous organi: zation can stand, which, in vulgar parlance, means getting ‘dead drunk.” Yielding to temptation after long and exhaustive labors is his main plea for forgiveness, and the honor- able Senator also speaks of suffering unutter- able pangs after one of his imbibing tours around the Capitol. He assures his con- stituents that he has reformed, and that hence- forth “punches,” ‘‘cocktails” and such like insidious beverages will be strangers to him. Now, it is whispered abroad that the repentant | Senator Yates is not the only one in Washing- ton who is prone to alcoholic stimulants, but we are assured that the barrooms of the national capital are principally patronized by our léading public men, and that the executive and legislative departments of the government are greatly afflicted with the same complaint of which the worthy Illinoisan confesses himself to be the victim. This frank confession comes with good grace from Senator Yates. He it was who, in his capacity of Governor of Illinois, gave General Grant his first commission at the comment it of th® war, although after- wards Pi nt Lincoln excused the drinking propensities of that commander by stating that he was very anxious to know what brand 6f whiskey General Grant useg in his campaigns, to that the other generals might profit hy *is suc- ceases, This apology of the IilinoX, Senator is ag well-timed as it is manly ar%j mournful; ; for ho one can contest te r@04,on3 which .he ureos in bis behalf. Qynical philosophers may find fault with him for ever yielding to the syren cup of Bourbon, but reasoning men must give him credit for outspoken confidence in his fellow countrymen. However, we must say that there are many other legislators in Washington who are more culpable than Mr. Yates. When we také into consideration, in connection with this fact, that there are questions @f the most vital importance at present before our legisla- tors we can only regret that there are no other honest men in Congreas besides Senator Rich- ard Yates. The Dickens Dinner in the Country. The country newspapers are positively ex- uberant on the Dickens dinner at Delmonico’s. Some of them report the proceedings in articles of three or four columns dimensions, and nearly all of them give a pictorial account of the feast from the pens of their New York cor- respondents. The latter do not content them- selves with relating the facts that transpired on the occasion—the patronizing speech of Dickens, the ingeniously contrived bill of fare, the special emanation of the genius of Del- monico—but they go minutely into photographic descriptions of the personne of the parties present at the banquet. Not a Bohemian was there who does not find a place in the provincial story of the Dickens farewell dinner dnd who will not recognize his picture drawn by the hand of a brother, if, indeed, he be not the artist himself; for every man his own historian or portrait painter, as the case may be, is the rule of hungry Bohemianism. The country papers, however, evidently do not know what the Dickens dinner meant. They are ina quandary as to wether it was intended for a treaty of peace between Dickens and the slighted honor of the American public—so sen- sitively wounded in the ‘American Notes” and “Martin Chuzzlewit”—or whether it was simply a Bohemian feed, got up to soothe the “‘thou- sand natural ills” which the vacant stomachs of the participants are heir to, and to afford the guest of the evening an opportunity of making the amende honorable in the presence of the representative Bohemian of the age. When Dickens visited this country twenty- five years ago he was received as a type of the well educated and accomplished English gen- tleman—a man who had done something for lit- erature and who had contributed not a little to elevate this poor humanity of ours, which needs so many friends to talk and write in its behalf. It is true that in his own country he was not then regarded as a deity to be worshipped. He was simply recognized asa clever reporter, who had put his experience of human nature to account and transferred his police court studies from the columns of a daily journal to the pages of a serial volume ; and for this he ob- tained all the merit which talent ordinarily commands. But when Mr. Dickens came to America a quarter of a century ago he reception which was never accorded to him in his own country. The first gentlemen and the first ladies of the land were his entertainers. In Boston and Hartford and New York he was entertained at balls and dinners of a superb character, the counterparts of which we have seen at a more regent period in the reception of the Prince of Wales—a demonstration insti- gated by a good-natured bubbling up or effer- vescence of Anglo-Saxon kinsmanship, and so forth—and the partially insane ovations to Kossuth, inspired by the idea that the United States being the refugium peccatorum all sin- ners against despotism were entitled to a hearty welcome and a substantial contribution. Dickens, however, on his second visit did not seem to understand the different position which he occupied here twenty-five years ago, He failed to see that his recent reception was not the spontaneous welcome of the higher classes of society, but rather the toadyism of a few who hoped to make something out of him in the way of reputation by asso- ciating their names with his. In fact, he only got into the hands of the Jefferson Bricks, and made his bed with them and dined with them— a class of men who know so little of the amenities of life as¢o denounce ex-Governor Seymour as ‘‘a liar” and General Grant as ‘“‘a drunkard.” Dickens probably did not know that his hosts were composed of the leading lights of niggerism and copperheadism, who do not represent the press of America, but its Bohemian element, and who attempted to dis- guise the leading representative of this class of discourteous journalists, who deal in such lan- guage as we have quoted, ina decent suit of clothes for the occasion, so nearly approaching the costume ofa gentleman that his friends could hardly recognize him, All this Dickens did not probably comprehend, or if he did we hope that when he arrives at home he will describe in some future volame or appendix the experiences of his two visits to this coun- try—how, on the first occasion, he was re- ceived by the leading members of society here, both gentlemen and ladies, under the impres» sion that he was an English gentleman of culture; how he repaid the hospitality by ridi-. culing his hosts, as no English gentleman would do, as Lord Morpeth and other English tourists who visited this country did not stoop to do, and how, upon his second visit he was entertained, not by the first classes of American society, but by the Jefferson Bricks of the American press, foremost among whom were men who publicly denounced their fellow citizens as “liars” and “drunkards.” Some candid statement of this kind will be required of Dickens when he comes to speak of his re- cent visit to America, Greetey anv “Ory Bex Wapr's” Cant- NEt.—We perceive that the politicians at Wash- ington are patching up a Cabinet for ‘Old Ben Wade,” and that they are leaving Greeley out. This will never answer. ft is Hamlet without the ghost. Under the old political firm of Seward, Weed aud Greeley, poor Greeley found at last that he, “like a Varmount greenhorn,” was doing all the work, while Seward and Weed were getting all the offices and spoils, What, then, did Greeley do? He laid out Seward in 1860 at Chicago as flat asa flounder, and has finally driven off Weed to Tweed and our demo- cratic Corporation ring. So, then, let ‘Old Ben Wade” ignore Greeley and make any other man Postmaster General if he dare. We tell him there will be a fuss in the kitchen and a ‘ash among the crockery if Greeley is left out of his Cabinet, ‘Old Ben” must not flatter himself with the idea that Greeley ‘goes for principles and not for spoils, hat joke will not go down with Greele® Ask Seward or Weed or Tweoa despatch of Mr. Bancroft, our Minister at Ber- lin, to the Secretary of State, which has been communicated to Congress and which we pub- lished yesterday, sets the whole matter at rest and must prove very gratifying to our German fellow citizens. Count Bismarck has shown himself to be a great statesman in this ag in everything else he does. There is no equiyo- cation, no attempt to overreach or at subter- fuge, and no long-winded phraseology or un- necessary words. His explanation of the treaty and the intention of it is clear, direct and business-like. It gave complete satisfaction to the Imperial Diet, to the members of which it was made, and when the question of accepting the treaty was put the whole Diet, with the excep- tion of two or three Poles, who only declined voting, rose to their feet with alacrity and yoted for it. In the words of Mr. Bancroft's despatch, ‘All the proceedings were marked by the disposition to cherish the most friendly relations with the United States.” Hereafter, then, any of our German naturalized citizens who are natives of the North German Confede- ration will be exempt from military duty or. arrest for that purpose should they return to their native country as American citizens and not voluntarily resume their allegiance to the German government. In fact, the right of expatriation and transfer of allegiance is fully and unequivocally recognized by the North German government. Thus a troublesome and an important question is settled, and that mainly through the broad and liberal states- manship of the great man who, under the King, rules North Germany. It is an example for the other nations of Europe to follow, as they will, no doubt, if our government enters at once into negotiations for that purpose. Corporation Rogues and Radical Robbers. The radical press in this city are continually pitching into Tammany and the Corporation, charging them with being fountains of public thievery, robbery, swindling and wholesale corruptions of all sorts. Now, there is no doubt Bismarck Sweeny, the Tammany City Chamberlain, is a great sinner, but he makes a monthly confession in the shape of a few thousands returned to the city treasury by way of interest received on the public funds he has in charge, and he is entitled to absolution to the amount of cash paid in. Tweed has gls¢ been a great sinner, too, probably the fattest of the lot; and perhaps all the members of the Corporation have committed public plunder sins of greater or lesser magnitude. But all these plundering operations, large and emeil,. put together, do not amount to drop in the bucket compared with the mammoth robberies the radicals are daily committing all over the cou'¥-y. Not content with saddling upon tho people a tax of six hundred millions a year, they are stealing all the time. They steal seven to ten millions a year on account of the Freedmen’s Bureau, They steal two or three millions to maintain oppressive military satrap- sies in the South. They rob the national treasury of twenty millions annually to keep up a national bank currency which could be far more satisfactorily supplied gratis by govern- ment legal tenders. They have their whiskey jobs and robberies, their Pacific Railroad jobs and robberies, their public land jobs and robberies, their huge contract jobs and robberies for government supplies, and their interminable jobs and robberies of a minor sort which never meet the-public eye. They have now before Congress schemes for subsidies amounting to the enormous sum of two hun- dred and sixty-eight million dollars and over, which are, in fact, nothing but burglarions assaults upon the public treasury. They are, we repeat, robbing everywhere. If the radical press will examine into these plundering jobs they will find that the sins of Tammany and the Corporation, great as they may be, are but little pools compared with the mighty ocean of radical corruption and rapacity. We are opposed to sins of all sorts, big and little, and hope the day will come when the wickedness and corruptions of all parties shall cease and an era of common honesty dawn upon the now polluted public places. The “Blouted Armaments” of Europe. , Four millions of men are kept armed in Europe, and these the prime of the population, at an annual cost of six hundred millions of dollars in gold. Dr. Larroque, of Paris, the author of a prize essay on the standing arma- ments of Europe, makes the total loss to the public for the maintepance of military estab- lishments about fourteen hundred millions of dollars a year, reckoning the loss of labor in- volved as well as the actual disbursements. The consequence is that nearly all the govern- ments of Europe are unubie to make both ends meet and are continually going further in debt. Though overwhelmed with debt they still con- tinue to increase their debts and to lay heavier burdens on the people. How could it bo otherwise with such enormous and costly armies? The wonder is how the people can bear such tremendous burdens. It is not sur- prising that the mass of the productive classes are reduced to pauperism or to a bare exist- ence. And it is to a simflar frightful con- dition that the radicals in power are bringing this republic. They require a vast military establishment to carry out their infamous legis- lation, and if they continue to rule we shall assuredly follow the nations of Europe in ac- cumulating and perpetuating a crushing debt. AnNoTHER CorPoraTion Jop.—The Tammany politicians at Albany are endeavoring to put through the Legislature a bill to abolish the present Croton Aqueduct Board, consisting of Messrs. Stevens, Darragh and Craven, and to hand over the department to four new commis- sioners to be appointed by the City Comptroller. It is rumored that a bargain has been made among the democratic and republican Senators and Governor Fenton by which this bill is to be suffered to become a law on the considera- tion of a division of the spoils and the confirma- tion of the Governor's appointments by the Senate. The Croton Department is now one of the few city departments honestly and economi- cally administered, and this effort to bargain away the interesta of the people shows that both political parties are equally corrupt, and that there is not a pin to choose between thoim