The New York Herald Newspaper, April 24, 1868, Page 3

eee TMPBAGHMEN T < ao ‘ Andtéw Johnson for and Misdemeanors. Argument of Mr. Nelson for the Defence. The President’s Political Course Reviewed. , Status of the Court of Im- peachment. oes SPECIAL TELEGRAM TO THE HERALD. WASHINGTON, April 23, 1868, An hour and a half sufficed to-day for Manager Bonutwell to finish his speech, the longest that has a8 yet been delivered during the impeachment trial. Throughout the closing part of his speech this morn- ing Mr. Boutwell’s style of language and delivery showed a marked improvement on yesterday, and the attention of his audience was equally marked in the much greater interest they exhibited. Arecess was taken after Mr. Boutwell’s speech, and then Mr. Nelson, counsel for the er resi- dent, proceeded with his address, Mr. Nel- son’s style showed little artistic finish, and his argaments were thrown around with a magnificent indifference as to point and arrangement. Some of his rhetorical flights were marvellously giddy, yet sustained without accident. On the whole, his speech, which has not yet been finished, was a great impassioned appeal to defend the President without ‘strict regard to time and place, the rules of logic or ‘the nicer distinctions in grammar and philology. It ‘was the speech of a lifetime friend of the President, and if it were not as courtly, as scholarly and as un- impassioned as it might have been, it had the merit ofbeing the sincere expression of the speaker’s mind. Mr. Nelson will probably occupy two or three hours to-morrow in continuation of his argument commenced to-day in defence of the President. It is now arranged that Mr. Groesbeck will follow ‘Mr. Nelson on tie part of the defence. He will pro- babiy not finish his argument until Saturday, He will be followed by Mr, Williams, of Pennsylvania, who will be succeeded by Thad Stevens, Mr, Evarts and, if his health permits, Mr. Stanbery will then close the defence, and Mr. Bingham, for the prosecu- tion, will compleie the case. It is understood that the Senate will retire for consultation before the final vote is taken, ‘Thad Stevens displays the strongest belief in the Success of conviction. To-day he slated that thirty- eight of the Senators were known to be in favor of conviction. This will be two more than the requisite two-thirds necessary to success from his standpoint. Mr. Stevens fecls so much encouraged by this fact that he even thinks the number will be more than thirty-eight, which he illustrates by that principle in natural philosophy called gravi- tation. He says, “a larger body always attracts the emailer, and by the law of gravitation, the thirty-eight Senators being the larger body, he thinks they will bring to their senses those of the radicals who hang back.” Mr, Stevens never looked in better health during the present session. The prospects of con. “sammating a political necessity which he has so long been pressing seems to act with a remarkably invig- orating iniluence, Mr. Stanbery’s health is reported to be improving fast, and it is thought to-day that he will be well enough to close the argument for the defence. PROCEEDINGS OF THE COURT. Twenty-first Day. UNITED STATES SENATE CHAMBER, WASHINGTON, April 23, 1863, ‘The Senate reassembled at eleven o'clock, and the @ourt was opened in the usual form, Senator GRIMES submitted the following:— Ordered, That hereafter the hour for the meeting of ‘the Senate, sitting for the trial of the impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, shall be twelve o’clock meridian of each day, except Sundays. Senator SuMNER and others objected, and the order ‘was laid over. At twenty minutes past eleven o’clock Mr. Bout- well resuined his address. When Mr, Boutwell had concluded, at five minutes past one o'clock P. M., on motion of Senator JOHNSON the court took a recess for fifteen ininutes, Mr. Nelsen’s Address in Behalf of the De- fence. _ At twenty minutes before two o'clock Mr. Nelson twok the floor in behaif of the President. His open- ing words were rather indistinct, but he spoke sub- stantially as follows:— Mr. Curr Justice AND SENATORS—I have been engaged in the practice of my profession as a lawyer for the last twenty years, ana I have in the course of my somewhat diversified professional life argued cases involving life, liberty, property and character. have prosecuter! and defended every species of crime known to law, from murder in the first degree down to simple assault; but in rising to address you to- day I fee) that all the cases in which I was ever con- cerned sink into comparative insignificance when compared to this one, and a painful sense of the magnitude of the case in which I am now engaged and of my inability to meet and to defend it as it should be defended oppress me as I rise vo address you. But I would humbly Invoke the Great Disposer of Events to give me a mind to conceive, a heart to feel and a tongue to express those words which should be proper and fitting on this great occasion. A would humbly Invoke the assistance which comes trom on high, for when Tlook at the resuits which may follow from this great trial; when I endeavor tw contemplate in imagination how it will affect our country and the world, I stand back, feeling that | am utterly incapable of comprehending its result, and that 1 cannot took into the future and foretell it. I feel, Senators, that it will be neces: sary upon this occasion for me to notice many things which, as I suppose, have but little bearing upon the specific articles of impeacikment which have been presented, and in doing so to fo.low the language of William Wirt npon the trial of Jac Chase. If I follow the argument of the honorable Manager more closely than would seem es to some of the court ft will be remember would seem presu any topic whieh the learned and honorable Managers ave deemed tt Kz vo press upon the consideration of court. has been charged that the President was trifing with the Senate, Scarcely had he entered apon t trial before charges were made against him of seck- ing tmproperly to gain time to effect an unworthy and improper procrastination. 1 dwell but a Moment npon that. We supposed that there was nothing improper im our asking at the hands of the Senate a reasonabie indulgence to prepare in our defence, when the subject of tmpeachment had been before the House of Representatives in «ome form for more than a twelvemonth, and when the honor. able Manavers were armed at all points and ready to contest the case on the one hand, and we, upon the other, were suddenly summoned ‘from one pr sioual pursuits; we, Wio are net politicians but lawyers ‘engaged in the practice of our profession, measure arms with gentien * are skillet tn political aitairs and who are well poster upon aii the subjects (hat may be Involved tn thi discussion, But it is not merely the complaint aa to delaying and trifing with the Senate that it will be- come my duty to notice, A great many things have been said, and among the rest an attempt has been made to stivinatize the President as @ traitor to his party; 8 disgracing the position held 1 most fistrions in the land: aferiminal, but not an ordinary one, and as encour. aging murder, assassination and robbery all over u Southern states, and, finally, by way of proving that there ‘fs but one step between the sublime and the — ridiesious, as bandying ribald epithets with a jeering », y excuse for noticing these charges, witich made here in the progress of this inve that nothing hos | President from te to pay some attent 1 and I prop 1 vestization of the articles of impeachment to pay “ tention to thes» aecnsations whieh liave bec heaped fpon us alr every day from the com mencement of the ¢ nd wiih have been passed unanswered and onnoticed on the part of the Prest. dent of the United Sta 1f it ts true, as is alleged that the President ia ¢ Mf all these things—If he bo guilty of one (ithe of the offences whieh have t imputed to him in the opening argument, and whiel Ihave heen ite tand In the arganer to > monster of such frightfal mien, {' Wi YA NEW YORK HERALD, FRIDAY, APRIL 24, 1868—TRIPLE SHEET. + ‘That to be bated needs but to be seen. ruin that was to follow tn the wake of hun- Hamilton introduced a plan of 1 am willing to admit thatif he was of any | dreds of thousands of soldiers turned loose upon vernment, the ninth section of which pro’ of the charges which have been made st him, a comniry. Seeks wae, no me 0, aa 4 rs and all officers of the he is not only worthy of the censure of Senate, | ment of Congress of the United States. He was | United States should be liable to impeachment for but you should place forced to in construing the powers and duties | malfeasance corrupt conduct, and that on im- STS'RETENE"GNGS ue una, | Suman Si se atm ti sare it | Braue an"Guqaa fon bldg es rine him navy; of se pe he misconceived his duty or his power; if he fell | of trust or profit under the United States, All im- He should be pointed at everywhere as a@ monster to be banished from society, and name should become a word to frighten children with throughout the land, from one end to the other; and when any one should meet him or see him _ Each lar hair to stand Ete duis upon the freiful portcpine. He If he was, then I agree that neither I nor those associated with me can defend him. Mr. Nelson then, sane “Who is Andrew Johnson? proceeded to and the President's early life ‘and career, a Ree encomium on his patri- otism and public services, also to the fact that his neighbors, and those who like himself (Mr. Nelson) knew him best, sus- tained him and believed him innocent. Mr. Nel- son felt he was not addressing merely Senators or politicians, but judges, whom he begged to rise above rejudice or party considerations and do impartial justice, Referring to the immense outside pressure. which it was impossible to conceal unworthy persons and Jouenale: sought to bring to bear upon them, he said he was contident that they would repel it with indignation. If he could believe that the result of the trial was a foregone conclusion, humble indi- vidual that he was, he would scorn to address them. He asked them as far as possil themselves in the President's place, to his feelings and motives and — int privitene accorded to the meanest ‘ontinuing, Mr. Nelson said:—I agree that it requires an almost superhuman effort to do it— to divest yourselves of all reconceived opinions and place yourselves in his condition and place. Then as to his life as a politician—who is the President of the United States? Why, a demo- crat of the strictest sect and the most strict con- struction—an old Jackson-Jeifersonian democrat—a man who proclaimed his democracy in the accept- ance which he wrote at the time when he was nomi- nated for the office of Vice President of the United States; and you and the whole country were told that he was a democrat, and he endeavored to rouse the old democratic party to what he called the pure and correct doctrines of democracy and to stand by the country in the great conilict in which it was engaged, Whep we look at this and ex: records of Congress and the debates, and look at record on every question in which the constitution of the United’ States was involved, where do you find the President? You find him, under all circum- stances, a strict constructionist of the constitution, adhering with strict tenacity to the principles ‘and spirit of the constitution and of that party faith in which he had been trained; and when you look at the great difference between him and the House of Representatives upon the great questions whice agi- tate the country, [ask you, Senators, if he may not. entertain an opinion different from your own With. out blame? Do accord to him something of that freedom of opinion which you accord to every man on trial. Accord to him something of the privilege which is accorded to the meanest criminal. Accord to him the presumption that he is innocent until he is declared guilty, Look at his motives, at the manner in which he has acted, and, if théP has been an unfortunate difference of opinion between him and the Congress of the United States upon great constitutional questions, why, attribute that difference, if you please, to the training, to the edu- cation, to the habits of thought of his whole life, But do not ativibute it, in the absence of proof, to unwortiry, base, dishonorable, mean motives, as you are asked todo upon the other side. I beg leave, Senators, to remind you of the resolution to which | adverted a moment ago, for, in the view which I take of this case, that resolution furnishes a key to the whole conduct of the President in the controversy out of which this unfortunate prosecution has arisen. That resolution, adopted in 1861, declares that Congress, in the prosecution of the war for the sup- pression of the rcbellion, will recoliect only its duty to the whole country, that the war is prosecated in no spirit of revenge, nor for the purpose of overturn- ing any of the existing institutions of the country, but to defend the constitution and all laws made in pursuance thereof, and to preserve the dignity, equality and rights of ail the States impartially, and that as soon as these euds were accomplished the war should cease, There is the chart which has guided the President of the United States in the dis- charge of his oficial duties. There is the platform upon which he has siood, and if he has not viewed it in the light in which others have re- garded it, still IT ask if it is not capable of being regarded ia the light in which he has viewed it? I it ts, then I claim that we shall remove from this prosecution all idea of improper motives, and J deciare that in view of the testimony offered on the other side, in view of all thatis known to the contrary, with the exception of one single instance, the President of the United States has stood up, in letter and iu spirit, to what he believes to be the doc. trine of this resolution, which was adopted with all Dut perfect unanimity by the two houses of Congress in 1861, In the progress of the war he felt it neces- sary for him to yield the question of slavery so jar as he had any influence in the section of coun- try in which he resided, and that he did yield. He went as far as the farthest in 4 Perea emanei tion in the State over which he was placed as Mili- lary Governor, and in other respects he has endeav- ored to carry out that resolution in the spiri: in which it was introduced by the venerable Crittenden, whose memory will ever be respected by those of you who know him; and as long as Aimertca shall have a name, as long as talent, genius, independence, faithfulness and firmness shall be venerated, so | will the name of that reat and good nan behonored in our own and in other lands, who declared in the resolution which he offered that the war was prosecuted, not for the pul of conquest. or subjugation, but thet the di ty and equality and rights of aii the States should be impartially maintained. Do not misunderstand me, Senators, it is not my purpose to enter into any discussion upon the differences of opinion between the President and Congress in regard to the reconstruction policy which has been pursued by them. I oniy advert to it for the purpose of showing that there was a pledre of equatity of rights to be preserved in 1860 and 1861, when the galleries of the Senate Chamber rang with the applause of the multitude, when “fair women and brave men” were not sshamed to express their admiration and gratitude for him who is now on trial before you for the course he then took. If he aivo- cated a doctrine which was exceedingly obnoxious tothe Southern people, what was icf It was that the Congrass of the United States had the power to compel obedience to the constitution and laws of the United States, He denounced the doctrine of secession and denied that any State had the right to withdraw from the Union without the consent of all the State insisted that the great of the government should be brought requisition to keep those States within Union, and when the war was over, when Lee had surrenders, when the government of the United States wes cast upon him suddenly and unexpectedly, in the sudden emergency in which he was called upon to act hastily and specdtiy so as to bring the war to a termination as soon as possible, what did he doy There was no time to call Congress together, na time to assemble the representatives of a nation, and such was the state of the country as to demand immodiate aad prompt action, What did the President of the United States do? The Presi- dent undertock to carry out what he believed to be the policy of his lamented predecessor, He under- took this in good faith. He mantfested no desire to segregate himselt from the party by whom le had been elevated to power. “He endeavored faithfully to carry out the resolution of 1861 to pre- serve the dignity, equality and rights of the States and not impulr thein in the slightest degree, and now the question is, Sappose he is wrong? Suppose the Congress is right? in tie name of all that is great and good, | ask any one of you if he is.a traitor vo his principles or a traitor to the party that elected him? ft is amere difference of opinion, aa unfo: naie difevence, a very unfortunate difference, tween him and the Congress of tie United States: but who can say, in the spirit of candor and trath, that he was not endeavoring and did not try in all his acts to carry ont what he believed to be the policy of the — p hy whom he was elevated to power, and afte had taken his etand he did ail he could to have the policy of the Jamented Lincoln carried out in regard Ww Arkansas and Louisiana, believing that when Mr. Lincoln made his prociamation in regard to the restor- ation of the States he desi; state fo Which they were Task who can say there differ in opinion, you may think he was wrong (un- doubtediy a majority of th Senate velieve jeutiously that he was wrong), but stil do ou believe you can deprive him of the cldim of honesty and integrity? Is a judge to be tried because he misiakes the law in a charge to @ jary? T need not tarn to anthority: I need not read law books to satisty you that any man acting in a judicial capacity, from a simple justice of the peace to the ehiet justice of the highest court in the United States, is protected by the laws while in the faithful and honest exercise of the judgment which is conferred upon lim. You hear a great deal about the doctrine of impiied power, and i shail have occasion to speak Of that further in an- other part of my remarks; but let me put one piai simpic question to this Senate and to the who! coumtry—Can any man pit his finger on any sen. tence or clanse in the constitution which gaye who is to restore the relations of peace im the land when they have been disturbed by a civil wart You have the power to Suppress rebellion, nit (he moment you go beyond the ianguage of the constitution you make use of an imp power, and the moment you admit the doctrine of the implica. “ica then T raatntain that that doctrine ts just as ap+ plicable to the President of the United States as any Senator or Representative, 1 k this question again. I know whom 1 am ad. Hf { know the intelligence and the high re- pec! obility and character of this great tribunal, and | put the question with fearless confidence to every senator, Where does he find the power tn the cousti- col utio pass your reconstruction laws unless under ihe power (o suppress insurrection’ Where, uniess inder those general powers by which the war was carried On and under whieh it is declared government has the inherent right to pro- If aproinat tissetution, and he hame of law ou inaugurate here in this chamber nd inscribe ot loors that are the entrance e Lask you in the jaw and order and justice whee do yo get this power if not from implication » he constitntton t# sitent. It does not say that Con. ‘es shall pass laws to Teconstruct States that have veen in rebetiion; it does not say that the President fthe United States shall do thia. You are obliged rear implication, He ta the Gc manderin-Chief of the Army aud Navy Ne in a "or “opinion? Are 5 to duage in we the spirit that governed the world two hundred years ago? Are we like those who burned heretics stake, to introduce in this nineteenth century such a of judgment, and forget that the spirit of the Gospel has been spread abroad, and that a spirit of iberality is infused Into the minds of the this aT Senators, if the President i tn the spirit of the dark ages, or of the middle ages, or in an enlightened, patriotic and Christian ore ’ Now, I maintain upon this question, tne President,in his ‘ion of the chief’ itive ofticer of the nation, is entitled to the credit of hav- ing acted honestly and being governed by upright and correct motives, And I maintain, also, in this court, or in any court under heaven, honesty and invegriny of motive is a shield and pro- tection ‘im against all tne darts that m be levelled at him from quarter, nig or low. The servant that knew his master’s will, but did it not, was punished, but never the ser- vant who did not know his master’s will, or who erred in an honest exercise of his judgment and Teason. Now, Senators, I maintain that this cursory lance at the history of the country and at the ifference of opinion that exists between Congress and the President is sufficient to show that he was animated by correct and ee motives, and that he ought not to be judged in the spirit in which the honorable Managers ask that he shall be ju . His acts pug not to be taken as an evidence that he intended to act contrary to what he deemed to be his duty under the circumstances, Now, with- so ty for th a genie pases ut merely for the pui of calling the attention of Senators to "The. subject, 1 leave to remind them, as I have already done, that according to Mr. Stanton’s own testimony in another heed evpe, amg a which has been published under the author and sanction of Congress, the President of the United States endeavored to carry out what he believed to be the policy of Mr, Lincoln, I will refer you to some few (es and "circumstances connection with this, and I shall then pass from it without under- taking to discuss the merits or differences of opinion between the Senate aad President, 1 do so for the purpose of relieving him from the charge of being @ usurper, a traitor, a tyrant and a man guilty gf every crime knowa under heaven, How Mr. Lin- coln in his proclamation of the sth of July, 1864, stat- ed that while he had failed to upprove the first Reconstruction biil passed by Congress yet he al eee, an unwillingness to set aside the con- stitutions of Arkansas and Louisiana, and in his emancipation proglamatign of 1363 he invited the rebel States to form new constitutions, to be adopted by not less than one-tenth in number of the votes cast in each State at the Presidential election of 1880, each baving taken the oath prescribed by his procla- mation. Mr. Johnson, as you know, when he came into power recognized Governor Pierpoint as the Governor of West Virginia, which the Congress of the United States thought (and rightly) was suiM- ciently well organized to justify them in consenting to the formation of a new State. Sena- tors will pardon me if [ fall into errors on these subjects, becanse | am no politician, and it is like carrying coals to N astie for any of us to argue these questions before Senators and the House of Rep: ntatives, who are more familiar with them than we are; and if I fall into errors they are errors of ignorance and not of design. I know the great superiority that the honorable Managers have in this respect over us, and I acknowledge it; because each member of the House of Representatives aud every Senaior, in reference to these subjects, h concerned In them. But still, Senators, £ by to remind you that Mr. Johnson her Governor. That State was 1 a State under an election the people, Under that formed tito a new Sta am not misinformed, tion being passed by the Congre: States. Now when the President ne into power, When he saw that the Congress of the United States had recognized and accepted West Virginia as a State, was he not justified in the belief that he was pursuing not only the policy of Mr. Lincoin and the pasty that elevated hiin to power, but the policy of the Senate and the House of Representa- tives of the United States? And if he cominitted an error, I repeat, it was an error of the head and not of the heart, and it ought not to be made a matter fo accusation against him. Let me now call your at- tention to the fact that between the 29th of Muy and the 13th of July, 1865, he appointed provisional Goy- ernors for North Carolina, Mississippi, Georgia, Texas, Alabama, South Carolina and Florida, Now, let me pause a Moment and ask you a question here. Up to the time of the assembling of the Congress of the United States in December, 1865, who was there in all this broad land, from one end of it to the other, that dared to point the slow, unmoving finger of scorn at Andrew Johnson and say that he ‘had be- trayed any trust that had been reposed in him, or that he was a traitor? He was faithfully carrying out what he believed to be the policy of Congress and his redecessor, Who was anxious that the Union should restored. He was anxious to ee oil on the troubled waters” and to “heal the living wound” of his distracted aud divided country; and if he erred it was un crror which was intended to restore peace and harmony to our bleeding country; it was an error which designed to banish the recollection of war, and which was intended to bring into a frater- nal embrace the brother and sister, te husband and wife, who had been separated during the awful ca- lamity which overshadowed our country in that ter- rible civil war that drenched the land in human gore. Tsay if he conimitted an error in these things it is not an errort that should be imputed to crime, however you may diifer with him. If you pro- nounce on his comluct that judgment ‘which 1 invoke elevated judges to prouounce; if you will pronounce that cool, dispassionate judgement which must be ercised by ev ae of you who intends: r ledge which he has made think, Senators, that you it has been made ught and I lenve On the 20th August, 1x68, ted States proclaimed the rebellion at an end, a the 2d of Mareh, 1967, an act was approved enritied nact to provide for a temporary increase of the pay of officers in the army of the United States and for other purposes.” By the second section of that act it is enacted “that section one of the act entitled ‘An act to increase the pay of Soidiers in the United States Army and tor other purposes,’ approved Jrne 20, 186%, be, and the same is hereby continued in fall force and fect for three years from and after the close of the rebellion as announced by the President of the United States by proclumation bearing date the 20th day of August, 1886.7 ‘There is « legislative recognition of the fact that the war is at an end; there is recognition of the President's power to pro- claim, and without discussing these questions—for 1 have said Twill not enter upon the discussion of these topics—! advert to it, and my reason for alluding to it is by the remarks, fright say the r peated remarks, tiat have been made by the hone able Managers, ‘ognized held as by election West. Virginia was and all this was done, if 1 without any act of reconsiry of the United against him, this branch of the subjec the President of the of the President's prociamat: fon of the civil war and t cognition of the fact hern States were not out of the Union, clove it goes far to extenuate, if not the view which the President took | 6 to the restoration of these States | parmouious rela country to seme te ig With the government And now, Senators, having disposed but not entiraly of these personal the President, and having re- perfectly somerhing of his per- History, L invite you to look brek upon the record of his Whole life, and tn hit name # ask you, ask the couutry to-cay to remember his ve anpea! with proud confidence to the Whole country to attest the purity and integrity of his motives, and while we do not claim that his judg- ment ts infallible, or that he may not have commit- ted error (and who in his position may not commit great and grievons errors’), while we claim noe such attributes as these, we do claim, be- fore this Senate. and before the world, that he is an honest man, that he is a man of integrity, of pure and upright motives, and, notwithstanding the clamor that has been raised against him, he appeals to the judgment of this Senate and of the world to. vindicate him. iaving thus endervored to dispose of the charges of usurpation, &c., based on the Presi- dent's conduct in former years, Mr. Nelson said he would consider the Important question whether or | not this body is a court. He denied that authority or precedent was to be found for its guidance In Pari ment, except In the same way that history was to be cansulte Continuing, he eaid:—Ido say this, that upon some subjects it 18 perfectly right and proper vo go to English history and English law books, with a view to the interpretation of those phrases arid terms known to English law which have been incorpo into our constitution ; bat it er will afford a clue to this investigation or throw any light on subject. Wy? Becanse this tribunal las no exem- plar in the history of the world ; it is tribunal of the American constitution, and we must look to the language of that constitntion In order to aacertal what it means. Task, and TL hope the Chief Justice will not take offence at my phraseology, whether it was the intention of the framers of ihe conatitu- tion that the Chief Justice ofthe United States should be called down from the most elevated tribunal on the face of the earth to preside over your delibera- itons. and when he comes here that he shall have no more power than an ordinary hae of an ordinary house of rept at ) and hardivy so much— & machine through which (the votes of the Senate are to pass to the records of the country. IT insist that there was a igh object and purpose intended by the framers of the constitation when they called the f Justice from his elevated position to preside the deliberations of the Senaie, There was an nd w Purpose sich a4 never Was attained in 4 an object such as was unknown to ish constitution, end I contend, therefore, that 1t was not intended by the framers of the con. stitution that the Chief Justice was to be a mere cypher in this trial, [hey Jeave to remind you of poackesenin ware-to be triad by « conte, to consist of chief or senior judge of the supreme court of law in each State; provided that Care igs held during good behavior had @ That plan was introduced the 1sth of Ji 1787, and is to be found in the first yolume of Elliott's “Debates on the Federal Constitution”? (| 108). Mr. Randolph had a plan of government, the thirteenth pI n of which was that the jurisdiction of the judiciary should extend to cases of im- poacnaseth of any national officer and to questions volving the nat 1 peace and harmony. ‘This was withdrawn on the 19th of June, 1787, and is set out in 1st Elliott's Debates (page 182), In Mr, Charles Pinckney’s plan, introduced on the 1st of May, 1787, it was provided that the Jurisdiction of the court termed the Supreme Court should extend to the trial or imy ‘hment of oiticers of the United States. Mr. Madison preferred the Supreme Court for the trial of im) hinent, or rather a tribunal of which that cot should form a part. Mr, Jefferson, in his letter of the 22d of February, 1798, to Mr. Madi- son, alludes to an attempt to have a jury trial of im- peachments. (Fourth volume Jetferson’s Works, 215.) And Mr. Hamilton, in the “Federalist,” No. 65, page 355, asks whether it would have been an improve- ment in the plan to have united the Supreme Court to the Senate in the form of a Court of Impeachment. He says:—‘“It would certainly have been attended with certain advantages;” but he asks “whether they would ert cong They Serene b he alaaaeaue. tages arising from the same judges having again try the defendant, in case of ‘a double prosecution,” He adds, “That to a certain extent the benefits of that union would be obtained by making the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court President of the Court of Impeachment,” as was proposed, Madison, Mason, Morris, Pinckney, Williamson and Shermar discussed the impeachment question. A committee on style and arrangement was appointed, consisting of Johnson, Hamilton, Morris and King. On Wednesday, the 12th of September, 1787, Dr. Johnson reported a digest of the plan, and on Mon- || day, the 17th of September, 1787, the engrossed con- stitution was read and signed. So far as we have examined this question it does not appear when or how the words, “When the President of the United States is tried the Chief Justice shail preside,’ were inserted in the constitution. No doubt you are much better informed on the subject than myself, 1 have read and seen it stated that they must have been introduced by a conference committee, and that that fact is shown by Mr. Madison's writings, but in the searches which I have been able to make in the short time during which this investigation has been ing on i have not beea able to ascertain whether fiat i880 or not, So faras 1 do comprehend or un- derstand it I maintain the following proposition, to which | respectfully ask the attention of the Chief Justice himself, and also the attention of the Senate. I shall not dwell upon it at any great length, but leave it to you, Senators, and to the Chief Justice, to judge for yourselves whether it is founded in sound reasoning, First, L hold that the law of Parlia- ment Tifnishes no satisfactory explanation of the ‘union of the Chief Justice with the Senate on an impeachment trial. — That. explanation must be found in the circumstances un- der which the constitution was formed. 1 think it is one of the most important considerations in the investigation of this great question. You have seen that one of the plans was to have impeachments States; another plan was to have them tried by the Supreme Court of the United States; another plan was to have the Supreme Court tried by a court composed of judges from each of the of the’ United States associated with the Senate in the trial. Every one of these plans you will p looked to Judicial aid and assist in the the case, and when it ly determined that the Chief Ju side T imagiy that It was determine at he should come here as a jndge; that he oui come here clothed in his robes of office; that he should declare the law and pronoune upon every question arising in the case, know tha it is for your * for yoursell What cot 1do not Hi ex it—for 1 is my t nce to decide and « speetfully insist, before the Senate and bi world, that I have the right, a3 one of the counsel for the President, to call, as Ff do call, upon the venerable Chief Justice who presides over your deliSerations for an expression of his judgment and opinion on any qnestion of law that may arise, Mr. Nelson argued this polat, and then went on as fol- lows:—We all Know, Senators, that this is the first case under the American constitution in which the Senate has been called upon as a Court of Linpeach- ment to try the Chief Magistrate of the land. The precedent which you are to forta in this e, if our governinent survives the throes of revolution and undhninished and unimpaired to remote , sone which will last for a thousand rs. made now. is one which will qnoie after years and will be of the very highest importau I maintain, therefore, that in the view which has been presented we have a right to call upon the Chief Justice to act, not merely a8 a presiding officer, but to act as judge on the conduct and manngement of this trial. [have already noticed some starting and exireordinary propositions made by the Mauagers. Mr. Manager Bingham says that “you area rule and a law unto re the go forward, and again that the honor- acting for all ine people ciithe tors, before I close my remark, but shal po of that for the present. ‘The honor- told that “the public pulse beats rturbedly, that Hy pauses when you pause and an rou go forward, ou have fold time and ine again that the people ont ot joors are anxious for the conviction of the President the United States. Permit me, Senators, to be guilty of the indecorum almost of saying one word about myself, and T am only doing so by ay stating my nt. In the whole course of my professional career, from the time I came first a'young man to o practice law until the Bren pi anes sige af Sur aoa any presumption to a case in which I was concerned. My arguments be- fore him have always been madein court, I have had suficient respect for the independence of the ages before whom I had the honor to practise my Profession to take it for granted that they were men of honor, men of intelligence, and that they would not hear any remark which I should make to them out of doors and not in the presence of my ad- versary. But the doctrine here is that ‘the public pulse beats.” Ah! have we come to that? Is this case to be tried before the greatest court in Christen- dom, not ape the law, not upon the evidence, not under the instructions of the Chief Justice of the Uuited States, but to be tried on common rumor ? And is it to become interesting or to cease to be in- teresting just according to the beating of the i pulse?) Why, Senators, if it were not at I do not intend to say one word d ed to be offensive to any gentleman on the other side of the Senate, I would say that I almost Tegard this as an insulting argument. But ldo not make use of that expression. It is not my intention in anything that Ihave said or may say to wound the sensibilities of any one or give just cause of offence to anybody connected with the case. But you are told that you are to try the case accordiig to the public pulse. What an argu- ment to advance to the American Senate! What an argument to put forward in the American nation! Why, all histo1 teems with exainples of gross, outrageous injustice which has been done in criminal trials, trials in Parliament and trials in courts of justice; ay, and our own country has not been exempt from some notable instances of it, where public clamor was allowed to influence the judgment of the judges. Those instances that are recorded in history, those instances of blood, and of murder, fand = of outrage and wrong perpetrated in the name of justice are an admonition to us that the public pulse should have nothing to do with this trial, Senators, regarding every man whom Laddress as a judge—as a sworn judge—allow me for one moment to call your atten- tion to one great trial in this country. r. Nelson then referred to the trial of Burr, and spoke in high terms of Judge Marshall, who presided. He hoped that the Senators would imitate the example of that illustrious jurist, and went on saying, I trust, Senators, that the result will be such as to command the approbation not only of your own consciences, not only of the. States which you have the honor to represent, but the approbation of Him who is a greater Judge than you are, and the appro- bation of posterity. A most excellent rule of inter- retation was adverted to by Chief Justice Marshall in the trial to which I have referred. (Burr's trial.) Speaking of the words “levying war,’ as used in the constitution, he said that it was a technical term, and that it must be | considered as being employed in the constitution as | it was employed in England, unless the contrary was | roved by the context, or unless it was incompa le with other parts of the constitution. He held that it was used in the same sense in which it was used in England in the statute of Edward the Third, from which it was borrowe ow, the words . “bribery,” “crimes” and “misdemean- ors,” were words just as familiar to the framers of the constitution as they are to us. One of the honorable Managers made an argument here to show that be: cause Dr. nklin was in London at the time of th Warren Hastings trial, tuat lad a good deal to do | with the proper mode of construing the American constitution on the subject of the power of the Chick | Justice. . These words were almost as familiar to the lawyers at the time of the forma- tion of constitution as they were to the 1 and judges of the present day. In one of Burke he says that crimes and pymous words; but in another and further exposition be undertakes to show and does show that the word “crime” is used in the sense of charges, such as usually fall within the denomination of felony; und that the word “misdem ris used in the seuse of those trivial and lighter offences which are not punishable with death, bat with fine or impeachment, or | both, Now what is the rule of interpretation? 1t is not necessary for me to turn to authorities on the subject. Words are to be construed in the connec- tion in which they are used, and in the sense of those being of the same kind. If | correetly apprehend the | power after O'Donnell’s brief OBITUARY. Marshal Ramon Maria Narvaez, of Spain. Don Ramon Maria Narvaez y Campos, Duke of Valencia and Marshal in the Spanish army, whose death is announced by telegram, was born at Loja,’ Andalusia, August 4, 1800, and was consequently in the sixty-elghth year of his age, After the return of Ferdinand VII. he entered the army as a cadet in the Walloon Guards, In 1822 he joined the liberal party, and, under the command of General Mina, he Made the campaign of Catalonia against the guerritleros, He took Castle Follit by blowing up one of the forts, Here he was wounded, and in Presence of the French army was forced to seek Tetirement at Loja. There he remained until the death of Ferdinand VII, in 1932, Two years afters wards he took rank as a captain in the army sent against the Carlists in the Basque provinces. In 1836 he had risen to the rank of brigadier under spartero, Having been commissioned to pursue the Carlist & General Gomez, who had hitherto eluded al! pursuit,, Narvaez came up’ with him November 25, 1836, on the plains of Majaceite, near Arcos, and routed him. From that time Narvaez became so popular that he was regarded by politicians as a rival of Espartero. He next spent three months in rooting ont the bri; from La Mancha, when he was nade Cap. tain General of Old Castile, then Commander-i Chief of the army of reserve, destined to counte balance the army of the North and the party of Hs- rtero, This move was foiled by ad General Alaix raised to the Cabiuet, been elected to the Cortés as member for + on the formation in that city of a revolutionary junta by Cordova, he repaired thither to aid that genera! in his movements against Espartero, between whom and himseif there existed a strong feeling of jeal but the insurrection was suppressed and was compelled to seek refuge in France in 1840, was joined there by the Queen Mother Obristir In 1843 he placed himself at the head of the C! tinos, landed at Valencia, defeated General at Torrejon de Ardoz, July 22, 1843, 3 entry into Madrid, thereby overthrowing Fs] Next year he became priine minister und wos eve- ated fleld marshal, Count de Cafadas Altas and Duke de Valencia, ‘The admmistration of Narvara Was, a reaction against the liberals, He reeaticd Marta Christina and revised the constitution of 189 The reform of 1845 blotied ont the principle of t! popular sovereignty, established a limited fran- chise, egnferred on royalty the power ‘o appoint Senators, restricted the tiberty of the press and the freedom of municipalities, Ricts “th mence, but the tron hand of Narvae put tem do lowever, his imperious ways irritaten li's o anda palace intrigue upset his power 1846, Alter having been ambascadorat Par recalled to power in 1847, but his «q Maria Christina resulted again in his On October 20, 1849, he was once more confirmed in power in 1850 hy the si majority of the people. The att foreign Powers began to assy under the administration of N. the British government's fere in Spanish irs with to the withdrawal of the Pristtsh Min rer, and the interruption of diptor til. a reconciliation ¥ by Kiag Leop Belgium. His great in: in the government length provoked the § sy of the iT exused lim to tender his resignatt 1851, to become ambassador to Vi Hionary moye’ 1858 allowed But just acec ‘ly a gained ont of Espartero, so the popute vaez, Who appointed to the ame evident, Thus it happen ter revolution of July Li, 1 t ity 0 mbas 88 utter the ¢ Narvaez \\ reign. Nu ever, did not figure in principal 7!e, ques de Pidal Was selected chief of the Cal concordat of 1851 with the Holy See, whi modi on various occasions, Was restored to its original character tr fately afi ihe advent of Navvaez to power, October 15, 1955. Antong tie members of this new Cablnet was t nt Cap- 2 wb Once tain General of Cuba, Lersundl, set to work to restore royal p traces of the revoluiton of J ministration, impose gi. rity, blot out purify the a {otions on the i red all press, and algo the imped) tie action of the commnnes and p ex. The outbreak at M 1, November 16, was put down by fore ‘ to the Cariist rebels omulratod April 8, 1857. Narvaez now tmpatred popularity hy strengthening the influence of the crown in the Senate, making the diguity of the Seaator het imitting as inembers to tt dignitaries: and State. He also caused «tringent laws to be enacted agatnst the liberty of t vess and ins troduced laws for the administration of mantel law at the date of forming the constitution, treason by the law of Engiand was a felony punishable with death, Bribery was a misdemeanor, not punishabie with death, but punishable with fine and imprison. ment, When the words “crimes,” therefore is, used in the constitution tt is to be construed in the same sense as the word “treason.” It is to be under- stood as a felonious offence, an offence punish- able with death or imprisonment in the peni- tentiary. The word “misdemeanors” has reference to other offences. It does not mean a simple as: ts for the expression, In the constitution is “high crimes and misdemeanors,” high crimes referring, of course, to such crimes as are punishable with ath, and high misdemeanors referring to such mis- demeanors as are punisiabie by fine and imprison- yourselves.” Mr. Manager Butler claims that as a constitutional tribunal you are bound by noe law, either statute or common, He states further that common fume and current history may be relied pon to prove facts; that Ix, to prove the ai dent's course of adininisiration, and further that momentous question is raised whether the Presi- ential ofice ought in fect to exist, Senators, in the whole course of Anierican hisiory 1 have vever heard or seen three such starting propositions as those which are insisted upon by the honora agers, They are dangerous to liberty. dangerou the prosperity of the American constt tution and of the American government, They would overthrow every principle of justice and of ivilized world if they sh the hohor- insist upon, 1 Hever thought that in this land of liberty—tuis law—this land where we have @ pstitation—such doctri would be as- serted her If 1 do not misund used, the learned Managers thik that las the power to set aside tH itvelf. Many of the most eminent snd ned writers in England and in our or dreamed le: soUuntey, when treating on the subject of the distribution of Powers between the ative, legislative and judt- dal branches of government, have sounded the nove of warving thal the danger is not to be expeeted frum the executive, not to be apprehended from the judicial department, but is to be appretrended from the excroachmeuts of the Howse of Commons, of the popular branch of the goverament; and now we hear earned anlable and distinguisued leaders of the House of Rep iatives, the chief men of this tm- peachment trial, argeing that the Senate has the right to judge aud determMhe for itself whether the provisions of the siitution shall be maintained, ators, (his is not in conformity with the healthful rine of the Aimerican constitution, ‘The sov- reignty of the land is notin you. It is not im the resident. Itis notin the Chief Justice. It is the wand they only can alter their con- American peopk Senate, no Touse of Representati stitution. 4 can alter the Ameri during the trial that of the witnesses spoke of the the United States saying that gai « That vener instrament, established by wisdom of some of the bravest and most distin. guished men the World ever saw, that noble instru purchased on trampled w mebody dares to mention it J srence of ancient times it exettes sinlles derision and laughter, God vrant that @ more heaitifal sentiment may animate and inspire the hearts of the American peo- ple, and that we will return, now that ihe war has passed away, back to something of the veneration and respect for the American constitution, and that we will teach our children whe are to come after us to love and ver * and respect it as the popular afeguard of the y, which is not to be treated with anything *hort ot that respect and veneration and high renve with which we have been accus- tomed to regard if, But you are told that you are to act in common fame. ix it possible that we have come to tint? Is It possible that this great impea ment trial has reached so lame and impotent “a con mu a8 that the honorable Managers are dri to the necessity of insisiing berore you that common fame is to be regarded as evidence by wwtors’ Thope it will not grate harshly on your are when I repeat the old and familiar adage ‘that “common fame is common Har”? Are Senators of the United States to try ihe Chief Executive Magis- trate on runor, the most vague, the most uncertain, the most unrellable? The glory and boast of Eugiisit Jaw and of tie American constitution ave that we lave certain fixed principles of law, fixed principles of evidence, which are to guide and govern a trial in tigation of cases, and one of the boasts of erican jurisprudence and one of ita { perfections is this, that when you of justice there ts nothing taken of There sits the judge, there the jur nesses; they are calied on to testify; they are not | allowed to give im evidence any rumor; they are ompellod to speak of frets within therr own know- ledge case is investigated slowly, cautiously and deliberately; the trath is arrived at not by any hasty conclusions, bUt Upon solemn trial and upon paticnt and futhful investigation, aud when the result is found it commands the confidence of the country; it secures (he approbation of the world and it is ac- ment, and not to such simple misdemeanors as an assault. What, then, ts the argument upon that? What is the true meaning of the words “crimes and misdemeanors” aa embodied in the constitu. e United States? One set of construction- held that you are not to look at the mmon law to ascertain the meaning of the words “crimes and misdemeanors,” but that you are to look at the pariiamentary law to ascertain tt, And 0 far asThave any knowledge of it, the par- tary law does not define and did never under- take (o define what is the meaning of “crimes and Misdemeanors.” What did the parliamentary iaw undertake to do? ft undertook to punish, not ouly its members, but citizens for offences which were regarded as offences against the government; after, without turning the offender over to the courts, the Parliament impeached him, or proceeded against him in a manner similar to impeachment: but there was no definition, so far as I know, of “erlines and misdemeanors.” Parliament was, to use the langnage of the honorable Manager, “ina great part a law unto Itseif;” but when the framers of the coustitution Incorporated those words in our charter did they borrow them from parliamentary law or «tt they get them from Blackstone and Hall, and froin other writers on the criminal law in Engiand? They got them from the common taw of England and not from the law of Parliament. Then what propostsion follows as a corollary from the premises I have laid down If the premises be cor- rect? Why, it follows inevitably that the words “crimes and milsdemeanors” are received in the sense in which they are wt by. writers on criminal law in England. doubt whether the Congress of the United States lias, within =the — meani. of, the = American nstitution, a right to create a new crime and a new misdemeanor from something which wAS not known as acrime or a misdemeauor at the date of the adoption of the American constitution. I think it is a matter of great doubt, to say the least of it. {6 is, Mr. Chief Justice, on these and kindred ques- tions, that I respectfully submit that we have a right respectfully to demand at the hands of your Honor a jndicial exposition of the meaning of the constitution, It will be for you, under your own sense of duty, under your own construction of the powers conferred upon you by the constitution of our common country, to decide for yourselves whether this respectful question will be answered or not. Senator YaTres at four o'clock suggested that if the counsel desired it the court misht adjourn, Mr. NELSON intimated that he did feel somewhat fatigued, but would proceed i tie court did not now desire to adjourn. The Senators submitted court thereupon On motiou of ) up the bill to provid expenses, Ac. and cone i ments. The bill was then pussed adjourned, | AN IMPORTANT AND TIMELY SCRAP OF HISTORY. ie Presidents Property Attainment by the ties as an Alien OMY. om the Knoxville (Tenn.) Press and Herald} : following is a correct transcript from the records of the District Court for the Confederate States in this district, The books are on file in the clerk's office of the District Court of the United States ot Knoxville, and this entry can be authenticated at any tim D PORMEER 10, 1842, The Ketote of AnArovw oe ree» District In UTA 4 the ee district of ndrew y } lon enemy to the Confederate Matos of Amerion, ‘ourt direct that the matter be subraitted to a7 who had heen aunmonnd wily, wi aad ed and sworn to Teter, and ertintnal, nthe vend orn fn rt, to wit:—Robert Craven h— foe Bowilng, John i. ie 4 Carve ty Win. 8. Rennes: to. B. Siit! And J. G. Blackwell; and the. vil timony and the charge of the eourt, me to nt the ald Andre Johoaon igan therefore ordered by the Gourt that the raid helene (eet alien enemy, and all Ld + perty, rights and ere:tiis belongte to him, either at law or ine yulty, are ee inestrated under th acts of Conran, and the Receli er for thie district ie directed to proceed to dispose of the same us provided by law. For h's unswerving devotion to the Union under the constitution Andrew Johnson, now President of the question and the ou and the ‘The Confiecation of # in peswee and J ) Receiver ninessee, and moved that wal md at hi Ww. Maral A the t the United States, was in 1862 attainted hy the revel authorities a8 ap alien enemy, and his property ordered to be confiscated. For his continucd devo- tion to the constitution and his official ¢ Jeavors to quieseod in; if tt be im the highest court i+ passes into history and law and goes down to posterity as a precedent to be followed in all time to come. And here, Senators, is the greatest of the liberties of the American peop!e. Mr. Nelson pursed this theme at length, and continaing, said:—Another question, Mr. Ohiet Justice, and it is & question Of very considerable tuterest, is as to some facts re ating fo the history of tits subject, and 1 do not constder tn doing so to bring in the volumes and road page after page to yon, Lake itfor granted hat the Senators are a great deal better informed upon tt than fam, All that { deei, it important or material £0: t #10 refresh your reeotleetion ti on te at with rporation ©: what are crimes and misdemeanors wnder the constt- tntion, I desire to remind the Senate and Ohief Jns- tee of a proposition which was aaserted at an early potion in this trial by one of the learned Managers. regretted at the moment that f had not answered it, bat ft is in the record, and ft ts not too late to give a passing remark to it now. The honorable Manager lugde use of (he eXpression that ‘the grea’ pulse of the preserve tho Union under that e Sought to be attainted and rem whom? By the man who ina vo tines for Jefferson Davis in the Charl Drivers fon, and by every means in hia power forwarlell secession and the establishment ofthe Southern con: federacy, Unless the radical revolution js checked — since a little more than five years have shown ts the spectacle of one of the ehier supporters of the const{- tuvon segritioed on the Srl ere Ss oe ee to the suprame jaw—ar ec not look In the ne Pa atitntion he is now by Avett Xt five years to seo Nutler, Phillins and Sumner fall beneath the avenging sword o Grant, NOW their tool, but egon to be Hieiw maatery | y and provincial affairs after the French inode}. alienated from him the sympathies of a considerable portion of the conservative party. Ue at length ten- dered his resignation, Nove:aber i, 1867, and his Cabinet was followed by that of > ea Armero and Mon, November 15, 1857. April 26, 1868, the unsol@ Church property was returned fo the Church, Since then the places occupied by Narvecs need only be enumerated, as the events accompanying (hem are fresh in the memories of our vlera, Me Buc. ceeded the Marques «de Miraflores as ident of the Council and head of anew ministry in September, 1864; sigpulize! his return to power by putting @ stop to the invasion of St. Domingo in January, 1865; ye made way for General O'Donnell in June, 1966, only to return to power in 1866, The characteristics of Narvaez’s policy were essen- O'Donnell was proue to follow in international poilcy, EBsaper- arviles Was exclusive, aad would better suited an American or non-inter- ‘y. His influence in Spain ts cee oak ha proper reguid_ for the pecullur habits and om like panish, that importaut and the Frenne! tero the Eng’ ideas of can easily be wrested from the in! Furopead diplomats. Narvaez was Iusive in his poitcy, wror eadet ti some th xt proud and nobie inthe main, The polfey of Pug. land and France in the general polity of the world ill-accorded with the ideas of a hidaigo like Narvaez. Sooner than allow Spain to play second Addie to Engiand and France, the Duke of Valencia would be partner with a free and independent piicy like Urat of the United States. Hence his mouvr, though now under a vel! in this country, will proba re. ceive justice at the hands of A memory of the present veneration. Tit SPANISH FRIGATE GERORA. Whether King Neptune Issued a mandate 0) equ subjects should create heavy winds anc ter seas, interposing barriers in the routes resentatives of the nations of t 4 ¢, tating such a detour from their re whether other circumstances 4, transpired; but really Som” mfp; have been in vozue to “ent yo war to our port Wil ina few dave, ns vf the naval h, necessi- Maney must fy foreign inen-of- The test atdt- tion to he. stranger — feat in frigate tierand, Of Tek Malasts(s ey Quota “lgabells, of Spat, tha’ frrived in one” harbor yosus "diy inorniity, dropping anchor o ‘ite plier No, 0 ar About noon. This Weanel, rogintered aaa mee oe, Bl of the line | the Spantsh navy, by her formidaple appearance attracted the attent! — vicinity. guampermoadass le Gerona was constructed at C Mediterranean port, durt the your sesh eros the 22d of March of the latter year was Wholly com- pleteld. She ts of oak, &c., in“hu!!, with fine’ arehie tectura! lines, denoting with her motive power great speed. Her length on deck is 267 feet; breadth of beam, 49 feet: depth of hold, 20 feet; tonnage, 3,000 tons, Helght above line 1 lotation is about 29 depth below, 21 feet; distance from surface of the water to the lowest battery, elglt main section of the vessel in the water is 2 not yo the whole volume of if 12,820 square feet; displacement of hull, vk square feet, Her motive power consists of two trunk engines, butit | Wm, Penn, Loudon, having two cylinders, each forty inch ameter hy three feet six inches stroke of piston, with a nominit power of 600 horses. ‘These are supplicd by four tabular huil~ ers, having © natural draught. Her propeller fs eigh- = Boal in te vessel Jeft Cadiz, during the month of Angus’ 1806, and salted direct to Hav ah, where she ns beet cruising nntll the Leth instant, when she left for @ run at sea, but because of dry weather and a dcsire to effect certain repairs came to Uils port. Her arma- ment in position on the npper ant ingin decks con- sists of 48 guns of vartows calitree, divided ag fol- lows:—94 guns, each ea of throwing a bal! Inches tn diameter: 3 of rifle bor 3 inches in dl- ameter, of Fe des these the are § smaltier ins of 7.94 In ameter of ball, exclusively for the boats, 7 After nearly three years’ uninterrupted ser. vice, this frigaie seems In excellent condition, and her interior denotes a high degree of discipline, Fivery rope is in its appropri: pince, aud every. brass shines with pecatiar brightness. The ofccrs of the Gerona are as follows:—Commander, Don of vessel feet; the F cisco Navarro; Captain, fo Joe; Lienter ants, Rufiro Gonzales Miva: neon de mation, Antor ory, Pnrique F Emilio Mol, José de Traola, ff 1. the Prince Alberto Monaco; Capt of Artillery, Franc! Captetn of arines, José Manresa Mauricio Mentero; Shirgeons, Juan Varq. cisco Elvira; Chaplain, Fa: Feriantien. These with one hundred 8 and the. uren_ before a of fifteen ja hundred and six persons, Her oMicers during a sojourn of few days in our harbor unticipate passing wany pleasant hours tn the environs of the city, As this 1s the frignte’s rst, visit here, i is hoped that her docks May be the scene of many genial and pleasaut pr a in Which prominent New Yorkers may be « feature. TME OCEAN STEAMER RACE. A steamer which arriv or two ago reports Meeting the steamers City of Paris and Cuva, whiter were said to be racing acroas the Athratic, and also the St, -Lanrent, of che Frenc linc, whiten Imag steamer ha ead, although ireve was not RweNty minutes diference between them. 4 Wast SIVTY-SEVENTH STARRTOAL neat K last evening a fraogentred 'n a fumes nod and ocenpiod ‘ Fire ts ven oO" Isent. eo. the nsured,