The New York Herald Newspaper, April 15, 1868, Page 8

8 ‘NEW YORK HE RJ ALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. Volume xxx AMUSEMENTS ‘HIS EVENING. FRENCH THEATRE.—La BELLE HELENE. NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway.—Tne WHITE Fawn. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway and 18th street.— Sri, Warkns Run Deer. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—WIZARD SKIFF—IRISH- MAN'S HOME—MyY NeiGuon's WIFE, BROADWAY THEATRE, Broadway.—Farry CIRcLE— CUSTOM OF THE COUNTRY. NEW YORK THEATRE, , opposite New York Hotel.— AND HELEN, P. \ obYMPre THEATRE, Broadway.—-Humpry DUMPrTy. Matinee at 13s. acabEuy OF MUSIC, Irving place.—FRA DIAVOLO. NEW fork ciacvs, Fourteenth, street. GYMNASTICS, EQUESTRIANISM, &c. Matinee at 234. a THEATRE COMIQUE, 614 Broadway.—BALLET, FARCE, 0. Matinee at 2), KELLY & LEON'S MINSTRELS. 720 Brondway.—SONGs, ECOENTRICITIES, &c,—GRAND DUTOH “ SAN FRANCISCO MINSTRELS, on Broadway.—ETi10- PIAN ENTERTAINMENTS, 8 DANOING, &€. HOUSE, 201 Bowery.—Com1o STOR'S OPE! TONY PASTOR'S 0! cc Matinee at 2). Vocaism, NEGRO M STEINWAY HALL.. ConorRt, DODWORTH HALL, 86 Broadway.—Mnr. Go. VAN- DENHOFF'S READINGS. MRS. F. B. CONWAY'S PARK THEATRE, Brooklyn.— O'DONNELI'S MISSION. HOOLEY’S OPERA HOUSE. MINSTRELSEY—FOLLIES © 1G: BROOKLYN INSTITUTE. Mus. FRANCES A. KEMBLE'S READINGS. Afternoon at HALL, 954 and 956 Broad) NEW YORK Peek eee OF ANA JATOMY, 618 Broadway.— SCIENCE AND Al QUADRUPLE SHEET. Brooklyn.—-ETIOPIAN PANORAMA OF THE WAR. New York, Wednesday, aust oes sere No OTICE TO ADVERTISERS. Advertisers should bear in mind that, in order to insure the proper classification of their business announcements, all advertisements for insertion in the HeRatp should be left at the counting room by half-past sight °c! otclock P.M. THE auws. CONGRESS. The High Court of Impeachment was opened yes- counsel, then arose and said that Mr. Stanbery sick and asked an adjournment until to-day. granted. Mr. Sumner and Mr. voting no. The Senate then resumed its legislative functions. Mr. Davis gave notice that he would introduce an additional rule in the Impeachment case, providing that two-thirds of the Senate shall be necessary to pass On aby question adverse to the party impeached, ‘The question of printing five thousand extra coptes Of the report of the Impeachment trial was discussed, AD amendment providing for a distribution of the documents among the Senators in proportion to the population each represented called forth some sharp discussion, and was defeated. The resolation was adopted. In the House leaves of absence were granted to several members, and after the transaction of a little unimportant routine business an adjournment took place. ras It was Pomeroy alone THE LEGISLATURE. In the Senate yesterday bills fixing the compensa- tion of coroners in New York city, for the construction of a ratiroad in avenue C and elsewhere and giving railway conductors power to arrest were passed. ‘The Metropolitan Exeise bill was announced from the Assembiy; a motion to refer it to the Committee of the Whole was lost and it was referred to the Committee on Towns and Counties. The Erie Rail- road biil was then discussed in Committee of the Whole all afternoon, no action being taken, A reso- Tutoh vo Attend the funeral of ex-Senator James M. Cook tn a body at Saratoga to-day was adopted and the Senate adjourned. In the Assembly bills relative to the health of emi- grants arriving at the port of New York, to incor- porate the New York and Brooklyn Iron Tubular Company, fi ve establishment of a nautical school te Pilot act were advanced to a third r ito submit the amended constitution to the people providing for the separate submission of the articles on the judictary, the Legis- and to ame lature and sudrage Wes passed. Bills were reported to pert ‘Lait religious services to be held in the streets « w York and fora suspension bridge at the if ls. The bill for a ratiroad in 125th street and other streets was passed, EVROPE. By special telegram from Barcelona, forwarded through the Atlantic cable, we learn that considera- Die disquiet pri * in Spain, and that martial law ved in Catalonia. ~ wt by the Atlantic cable is dated yesterday evening, April 14 A Paris journal states that Napoleon has refused © close alliance with Worth Germany te England and Austria unless ineladed, The writer ridicules the ies of war, Fh to mediate between swig question, * set out for Dublin, were being made Marquis of Salisbury is ue, M. P., his son, is called } Pive-twenties, ‘ 12) 072% in London end 15 in Frankfort. Cotton Ormer at a slight advance; middling up. lands closing at 1244. 4 124d. Breadstums de- clined. Provisions unchange:|. By special correspondence from different points in Perope and Turkey we have very toteresting and im- portant details of our cable despatches to the lust ay at Marcy MISCELLANEOUS. - We have special telegrams from Venezuela, Mayti ™. Dominge end Guadaloupe, Im Venezuela the ational oops bad gained a decisive victory. There a ot) & deadiock in Congress. The finances were very light, and President Falcon was contract- ing for loans WHR & Wealthy Jew. It was supposed that Paieon had fled to Porto Cabello, to be out of anger. The Cacos tn Hayti are reported to have Ulleriy routed (he government troops and retaken saipave Was making @ tour of * The United States steamer Ld ingo, Baez was ex- . Therty prominent refagees of the Cabral party hed taken refuge in the american Consulate. A great tidal wave bad visited Guade loupe, smashing « British veser!, heavily iaten. ‘The Virginia Convention. which had agreed to ad- journ, fescinded the resolution yesterday. An artl ¢ Wee adopted providing ‘ha! an amendmen: to the constitution shall be referred by one Legisiature to the suceeeding one and then to the people. A re- - twas adopted redistricting the State for Cun ven and making one Congressman elective vy «a large. ont Hates, the reconstructing pedestrian, ha wager, undertook to walk through the “ace from Viekwburg to Washington, . fag unfurled and with. eon, arrived in: Wasbington, Crp ens of erday, after a successful | itp. He wast ) President Johnson upon the steps of the White i und warmly welcomed. Me thea prucees. 4 vio, bet, being met by eC — quarter of a million of dollars, Almost @ panic ensued, but owing to the officers of the bank show- ing their willingness to mect all the demands made upon them confidence has been somewhat restored and the apprehensions of the depositors quieted, terday in due form. Mr. Sumner sent an order to the Chair relative to the closing speeches, but Mr. Conness made objection and the Chief Justice decided notwithstanding demurring remarks from Mr. Sum- ner that the order must lie over. Mr. Evarts, of one of the ‘learned Managers” on the part of the House actually asks that the impeachment case may stand still—be pushed aside, in fact— while he stands up before the country and explains his connection with it—while he unbosoms himself and tells with energetic NEW YORK HERALD, rebuffs from the Sergtent®-Arma, he gave up bis plan of plant ng the fag on the dome, and returned with it to his hotel, In the Court of Common Pieas, Chambers, yesterday, Judge Barrett presiding, the Gould contempt (Erie Railroad) case was up on revurn of a motion to show cause, The affidavits of Gould, Harris and others were read, testifying to the fact that no con: | tempt was committed by Gould, bis non- er being accounted for, according to the affidavit, by tl- ness, On hearing the affidavits Judge Barrett dis charged the order as against Mr. Harris and post- poned the return of the one in the case of Gould til Saturday next. ‘The Third avenue Savings Bank of this city for the past few days has been the scene of considerable ex- citement, occasioned by the circulation of @ report in which it was stated that the bank had become involved, by the sudden decline in the stock of At- lantic Mall, to the amount of a little less than a ‘The North American Steamship Company's steamer Santiago de Cuba, Captain Smith, will leave pier No, 29 North river at noon to-day (Wednesday) for San Francisco via Panama Reilroad, connecting with the new steamship Oregonia= at Panama. The Radical Conspiracy at Washington. We publish to-day a special despatch from the national capital setting forth in a strong light the objects and aims of the conspirators who are at the present moment endeavoring to revolutionize the country and to overthrow constitutional government. The disclosures made by our correspondent, who has every opportunity to judge understandingly of the extent of the danger against which he warns the people, cannot be disregarded or lightly considered by prudent and patriotic citizens. The violent action of the radical leaders in Congress, while yet ina minority, has been a source of apprehension to all the advocates of peace and a restored Union, and the brutal course of the Managers of Impeachment since they have succeeded in so far forcing their policy upon their party must have been ap- parent to all. From these facts we may judge of the extremities to which they would be led ia the full fush of triumph and with all oppo- sition swept from their path. We invite the attention of the more moderate men of the Senate—of those who have hitherto maintained a reputation for sound conservative principles, good sense and unselfish patriot- ism—to these startling disclosures, It will not do for them to discredit them on account of the monstrosity of the projects to which they point. The Girondists of France suffered them- selves to be led along in the wake of the Jaco- bins until too late, and their eleventh hour re- pentance accomplished nothing but their own destruction. Let the Girondists of our own Senate take warning and be wise in time, or the impeachment of Johnson may be as fatal to them as was the blood of Louis to their pro- totypes of the French Revolution. The Failure of Impeachment—Thad Stevens Confesyion and the Vote on Sherman’s Testimony. Impeachment is in trouble. Its originators feel that they have no case, as the only boldly honest one of the number, Old Stevens, prac- tically admits in appealing to the Senate to give him an opportunity to justify himself by an exposition of his personal sentiments and motives, aside from the legal points of the case. He says:—‘‘I confess that I feel in that awful condition that I owe it to myself and the country to give the reasons why I insisted, with what is called obstinacy, on having that article introduced.” These words were uttered by Stevens before the Senate on Monday. The article he refers to forms no part of the charges made against the Presi- dent on the trial, and to hear his explana- tion would therefore be to travel far beyond the proper business of the court ; yet he appeals to be heard, to have the opportunity to lay before the country the reasons that moved him in his violence. Here is the fact, then, that honesty how he came to hold the President guilty in his own mind of acts that he now finds it impossible to prove. He strikes his colors; he sees that the persons who are likely to be found guilty on this trial are those who moved it, and anticipating such a result he wishes, for one, to have the opportunity to show that he acted from honest, however erroneous, convictions. That other impeachers feel themselves in an equally “‘awfal condition,” though they do not so honestly declare it, is plain. It is seen in the course of the Senate on General Sherman's testimony. Regarding strictly the rules of evi- dence, it can be seen that this testimony might have been justly ruled out. There is in all the rales of evidence a general spirit of ten- derness toward the accused, and in this spirit the rules exclude all testimony not strictly touching the particular points of the accnsa- tion. Thns, if the prosecution, charging that the President had certain motives in appoint- ing General Thomas, had then proceeded to show by his conversations with General Sher- maa that his purposes were bloody aad violent when he was disposed to appoint this gentle man, the defence could rightly object that his motives in the case of Sherman were not pro- per evidence to show his motives in appointing Thomas. So simple fairness would point ont that the same evidence wonld be equally incompetent in his favor. But there were all reasons why the Senate should not strictly apply these rules; and the Strongest of these reasons is the claim of the prosecution itself and the apparent admission of the Senate that the body trying this case is not a simple court of law—de not bound by the ordinary rules of adinary tribunals of justice—iut stands higher and on broader grounds as a constitutional inquest into the conduct of the national Exeen- tive. Not admitting this to be the true char- acter of the court, still it is notorious that the Restressremey and the Senators who so obviously sympathize with the prosecution claim this; | and making the claim, that they should act upon its obligations, Therefore they should try the ease, not on technical aa but’ upon coca | i | principles of national justice, and on such | principles make the guilt of the accused plain to the natioa, if he be guilty, Such being the necessity of their position, how do they meet it? They charge against the President certain acts that are either crimi- nal or innocent, according to the intent with which they were done. In his intention, then, lies his offence, if he is guilty of any; yet when he endeavors to show by the whole course of his conversations just what his intent was, to give his thoughts so far as is possible, the door is shut against him; he is ruled out on technical points, and people hear the strange declaration that, while the court may from certain facts ‘‘assume” that his intentions were evil, he is not al- lowed to prove that they were honest. Here, then, is anything but national justice, and the Senate for a time persistently votes to this effect. But suddenly it changes its face and votes exactly the other way, Why? Has it suddenly determined to take the broader po- sition and prove guilt, not to the satisfaction of radical foes, but to the satisfaction of the honest masses of the people? No. The change of the Senate by which the testimony so persist- ently ruled out was finally let in has another reason, and that reason points to the fears of the impeachers, There are many in the Senate who do not want to come to a rupture with the radicals and yet do not want to vote for im- peachment. These men stand ready to act against it on any good pretext, and the violent radicals found that they were furnishing this pretext in ruling out testimony that simple justice required should be admitted. It was, therefore, only their fear of the moderates that made them just, and the change in the vote on Sherman's testimony shows the strait that im- peachment is in, while Stevens’ declaration points the humiliating extremity to which it may come. Grant and Louis Napoleon. History keeps repeating itself—an old truth, but forever new in its application. We are des- tined probably to see another illustration of it before long in the United States. The expo- nent, if any exponent there be, will be General Grant ; and our present system of free repre- sentative government, founded on universal suffrage, will be the first sacrifice on the altar of his greatness. We make no charge of am- bitious designs against General Grant—no charge that he is consciously plotting for the overthrow of the government founded by Wash- ington, Jefferson and their associates. But events beyond his control, and apparently be- yond all human control, are hurrying forward this country in the direction of a military dic- tatorship; and if such is to become our next form of government after President Johnson's preordained removal, then it is clear that General Grant has been selected by overruling events as the founder of our new system of national control. That our next President, if Mr. Johnson be removed, must be either a mere tool of Congress, recording its will and depending on its pleasure for his continuance in power, or a tyrant who will seize the helm himself and dominate both Congress and the country, is the clearest fact of the present hour. He must be either tool or tyrant—there can be noalternative ; for the constitutional authority of the President will be stricken down with a mortal blow if the present Jacobin plot for Mr. Johnson's removal shall prove successful. It will be no ignominious place in history that Andrew Johnson will occupy as the last con- stitutional President of the United States— one who fought the good fight, but was de- feated in it; one who had the misfortune to be Chief Magistrate at a time when the American people were resolved upon changing their form of government. The alternative being either tool or tyrant, master or slave of Congress, which horn of the inevitable dilemma may we expect General Grantto adopt? What course did Prince Louis Napoleon take when Cavaignac, Lamartine and the other semi-moderate leaders of the last French Revolution—that in which King Louis Philippe was “impeached” and removed by the people—sought to make use of him fora few years as the figurehead of their bastard re- public? Louis Napoleon was a silent man, almost as silent on political topics as General Grant. He would talk of artillery with any- body, just as General Grant will talk about horses. But in regard to French politics Louis Napoleon, when plotting for the purple, had no more fixed opinions than General Grant avows to-day in regard to the great questions agitating the public mind. It is curious, too, to remember that Louis Napoleon was favored by the conservative and constitu- tional party of France, just as we find General Grant is to-day favored by the leading men and organs of the so-called ‘conservative republicans.” They hope he will use the radi- cals to secure his election, just as Louis Napoleon used the popular vote of France; and that he will, when once in power, still further imitate Louis Napoleon by quietly ignoring or actively suppressing, as may be necessary, the men and principles by which and on whose votes his elgvation wag accom- plished. Both Grant and Louis ‘Napoleon are men of unimpressive appearance and address to the common observer. Both appear to be of slow, phlegmatic natures, not bright by any means, rather dull than otherwise; and both, in their early youth, have been Involved in bad fiascos, which nothing but their subse- quent success could have redeemed from general contempt. Louis Napoleon, with @ tame eagle perched on his wrist, invaded France and got locked up for his pains in the calaboose of Ham. General Grant, shortly after the Mexican war, was courtmartialed on a charge of being too enormously pious, and was by a sentence of cashierment remitted to the shades of private life. What the meditations of his dungeon did for Louis Napoleon, strengthen- ing his character and giving it a fixed aim—a stigma to b2 blotted ont and a success to be reached—the years of his retirement as a Mis- souri farmer would seem to have done for General Grant. Both men have issued stronger from the ordeal. One is already ow ® throne and the other is ona highroad leading very distinctly in the same direction, The men in political life who conbine to create an officer superior to the constitution seldom fail to find their new King Saturn a monarch partial to devouring his own children. The frogs would not have King Log and were never easy until they got King Stork, after which King Stork gave them no case except ' NESDAY, APRIL 15, 1868—QUADRUPLE SHEET. in death. Stanton, Logan, Sumner, Butler | and company are helping General Grant along just at present, and may even imagine they are sing him.” But he is really using them all | the time; and when in power the first neces- | sity of his situation will be to ‘‘use them up.” They have been burly mutineers against Presi- dent Johnson, and mutineers are not the kind of cattle that a dictator of General Grant's military education will be scrupulous to have around him in positions of confidence or power. The Frankenstein of our new system of government will avenge the re- moval of Andrew Johnson and the murder of our old constitutional system by levying war against his creators the moment he is given a chance. His advisers will be found in the ranks of his old army subordinates; and such obedient soldiers as General Sheridan will be the tools most familiar to his grasp. In the first French Revolution the semi-con- servative republicans thought young Captain Bonaparte, just fresh from the siege of Toulon, might be a good instrument to help them in the task of restraining the excesses of the Jacobin Club, and we all know the result. But now it is the Jacobin Club, into which our American Congress has degenerated, that pro- poses to use General Grant as an instrument to shield them from the wrath of an injured people and to perpetuate their power. Let us all wait and see how this experiment will work, Itmay take five years or possibly ten. But as we are a go-ahead people the problem will most likely be solved before half the lesser period shall have expired. Julius Cmsar was assassinated on an imputation that he would like to become Emperor if he could. Augus- tus Cesar, baptized in the blood that fell at the base of Pompey’s statue, and with all the chief legionaries of the army in his favor, both be- came Emperor and reigned as Emperor with- out resistance. In Mr. Lincoln we have had our martyr-of the Cesar line. In General Grant are we destined to behold the Augustus iu whose person the Muse of History will con- clude her last chapter, giving the records of the great American republic and commencing the new volume of our country’s annals under another name? The St. Thomas Treaty. The good people of the little island of St. Thomas, it appears, are beginning to express their disappointment at the non-ratification by the Senate at Washington of the treaty ceding said island to the United States. We appre- hend that these good people will have to give up the idea for an indefinite time to come of annexation to the ‘‘universal Yankee nation.” We suspect that the radical party in power at Washington have come tothe conclusion to postpone indefinitely not only the ratification of the St. Thomas treaty, but the appropriation required by the treaty duly ratified for the pur- chase of Alaska. In view of our approaching Presidential contest this radical party have other uses for the moneys involved in these treaties than the acquisition of new islands and inland territories, however advantageous such acquisitions may be to the naval and com- mercial interests of the United States. Party interests come first, and public interests con- flicting with party interests and schemes must bide their time. ‘‘Manifest destiny” points to the absorption ultimately by the “Great Re- public” of all the countries and colonies on the mainland and all the adjacent islands between the Arctic Circle and the Isthmus of Panama; 3 but on account of the drawbacks indicated the people of St. Thomas, we opine, will have to make up their minds forthe present to pray for the King of Denmark, and, in view of an- nexation to ‘“‘Uncle Sam,” to patiently ‘‘wait a little longer.” The Broadway Underground Project. Mr. Edward S. Jaffray, who is a prominent merchant in Broadway, has addressed a circular to the Chairman of the State Senate Committee on Railroads, in which he gives some powerful reasons against the feasibility and practica- bility of an underground railroad on Broad- way. He says, in the first place, that if the undertaking is commenced the street will be rendered useless for at least five years; secondly, he says it will take from the build- ings on Broadway, without giving any equivalent, the valuable vaults, which have been constructed at great expense and which are indispensable to the business of the street ; thirdly, that nine-tenths of the buildings will be injured by digging below their present founda- tions; and, fourthly, that in operating such an enterprise as the one projected the buildings on the line would be filled with noxious gases and passengers would be in danger of suffoca- tion. There are hundreds of other objections that could be advanced in opposition to this scheme, every one of which ought to be suffi- cient to deter those who are pressing the mat- ter from going any further. We speak disin- terestedly and solely for the benefit of those whose property is likely to be destroyed. The Herap Building would not be injured by any subterranean passage way that might be made on Broadway, as it stands so far off the line of the street and the foundations are so deep that is would met ke Wigiy ©? ais the dig- ging operation. contrary, &n tinder- @round road would be an advantage to our business by opening a passage way, connecting with our press and paper rooms, through which we could receive all our heavy and bulky ma- terial. Tar Vinotwia Reconsraverios Coxven- tiox—A Littte Bresze.—There was the other day a very lively little breeze in the Virginia radical Reconstruction Convention on the school question. The white radicals favored the idea of separate schools for the whites and for tife blacks. Some of the black radicals, on the great dogma of ‘‘human equality,” regardless of kinks and colors, earnestly demanded the concession of the right of the blacks to mix in with the whites in the same schools, and rasped their white radical brethren pretty roughly for their inconsistencies on this subject, and for their narrow prejudices against niggers, or, to be more polite, against their fellow citizens of African descent. This is one of those signs which indicate, in the due course of things, a general break up of the happy accord now prevailing between the white managing radicals from the North and ; Progress of Anarchy in the South—War of Haces. It appears from a communication published in another part of the paper, and by information received from other sources, that the new secret society with the strange name—the Ku Klux Klan—is not a shadowy apparition, but a substantial and widespread organization. Our correspondent, “Gabriel, G. G. T. and V.”— whatever this portentous name of the avenging angel and these cabalistic letters may mean— assures us that the organization nur\bers over seven hundred thousand members, and that it is spread over the whole country, from Maine to the Gulf of Mexico and from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Only white citizens of the United States can become members, and radicals, negroes and infidels cannot. The meaning given tothe term Ku Klux Klan isa ‘‘circle of friends,” and the object of the society is to checkmate and to act as a counterpoise to the radical secret societies of the Loyal League and the Grand Army of the Republic, for the purpose of perpetuating constitutional liberty. 680 says “Gabriel, G. G. T. and V.” Now all this seems moderate and fair enough, looking at the other secret societies named, to which this is established as an offset. But when we look at the tone of this communication in other respects— when “G. G. T. and V.” exclaims: ‘‘Let the tyrants of a mongrel and infamously corrupt party beware!” there appears to be more fire than smoke and a good deal of sulphur. Then, where he tells the wicked, the ungodly and the perjured, (meaning the radical leaders, of course), that they will soon feel the keen edge of the sickle and the invisible boring of the White Ant (which we take to be ominous figura- tive language), there is a strong smell of pur- gatory. It is not at all surprising, then, that Forney quaked and that the knees of radical Congressmen smote together when they re- ceived the other day the terrible Ku Klux missives. They were like the ghost of Banquo to Macbeth. The outrages and murders of their own negro Loyal Leagues started up like ghosts and made them tremble when these mysterious documents, pictured with coffins, skulls and dead men’s bones, met their eyes. But whatever the Ku Klux Klan may be or whatever its object, it is only thé natural offspring of the radical secret societies, and particularly the negro Loyal Leagues of the South. We called attention the other day to the murder of a one-armed ex-Confederate white soldier in Alabama and of the murder of four other white men in the same locality since the war, and to the fact that no one had been arrested for these murders, Indeed, these are only examples of what is occurring everywhere in the South. How can it be otherwise when a brutal and barbarous race has been placed over the white people ? The Jacobin radicals of Congress have disfranchised and humiliated the whites and have made the ignorant blacks the masters of the country. The organization of secret Loyal Leagues among these benighted barbarians, together with the incendiary con- duct of Northern radical emissaries, have made the South a hell upon earth. All secret societies are an evil and dangerous, but if the negroes are organized into Loyal Leagues need we be surprised if the white people have their Ku Klux Klan or any other organization to protect themselves? Whatever may be the consequences—and we apprehend a great deal of trouble—the radicals, and particularly the radicals in Congress, are to blame. They are the authors of the evil. It is evident we are rapidly approaching in the South a state of an- archy and a war of races more dreadful than that which existed in St. Domingo soon after the French revolution commenced. The Jacobinery of “liberty, equality and fraternity” in France, deluged with blood and utterly ruined that magnificent colony, and it is the same cry of our Jacobins that will produce similar or worse results in the South. We are on the eve of a terrible war of races, and in this war the blacks must go to the wall. The negroes in St. Do- mingo were far more numerous than the whites, but in the South the whites are the most nu- merous. Besides, their vast superiority, men- tal and physical, must lead to the sub- jugation and destruction of the negroes. Talk of reducing the expenses of the War Department! Why, it will require a hundred thousand soldiers or more to prevent even wholesale massacres in the South. Two hun- dred thousand would not be able to preserve peace if that war of races which is now threat- ening should commence. This is the legacy of radical legislation which we now have to con- template. The atrocious attempt to subvert the laws of God and nature by establishing the supremacy of a barbarous race over the white people of our own blood can only end in the most frightful scenes. The cost of governing the South will be enormous, and the people of the North will either have to bear a far heavier burden of taxation or repudiate the national debt. This is the alternative we are coming to; and as it is difficult to see how the people can bear a greater weight of taxation, the national creditors would probably be the greatest sufferers, The radical party in power has brought us to this terrible dilemma, and nothing can save the country but its defeat at the polls in the approaching election. Kennedy ‘takes Up the Case. We noticed a few days ago the case of a poor woman who was locked up in a cell of the Eighth precinct station house all night, with her dead infant in her arms, and was brought up before the police judge in the morning and discharged because there was really no charge at all against her. We then cen- sured the police officer to whose peremptory command this inhumanity was attributable. Superintendent Kennedy has now, it appears, preferred charges against Captain Mills, the offending officer, for his conduct on that occa- sion. We are glad to see that Kennedy is waking up to the fact that citizens, both male and female,*have some rights that policemen are bound to respect. It is evident that the whole system of making arrests and of station house incarceration is very loose, to say the least of it. While we have little fault to find with the conduct of the members of the police force generally—for they are apparently dis- posed to do their duty—there are agood many the Southern blacks in this business of recon- | errors inthe aystem yet to be corrected, and we struction. As soon as the poor negroes find out that they are used by these ‘carpet bag- gers” for political purposes, and only to be | look to the Police Commissioners to eet matters right. The case referred to in the Eighth pre- cinet, and gthers of a very cruel nature whict, cheated, the trouble will begin; and that day is | have sinoe ocourred—such, for instance, a% that not far off. of an unfortunate woman having ono of her fin- gers torn from its socket by violence in convey- Ing her to the station house the other night— demand investigation, and we are sure that the police authorities will not fail to afford pro- tection even to the erring and the criminal por- tion of the community where unnecessary cru- elty is practised. The Coming Financial Revulsion. The recent disastrous smash in Atlantic Mail has naturally created a very uneasy feeling in financial circles, and, united with the unsettled condition of the government and the want of confidence in the men who are shaping and controlling affairs at W: it has induced a general desire to get clear of stock operations and an unwillingness to make any further loans upon such collaterals. The belief is that the collapse of this bubble is but the precursor of a series of similar calamities certain soon td fall upon us, and to spread ruin among those who have invested their fortanes in fancy stocks, under the enticing hope of realizing large profits or extraordinary rates of interest. Hardly any more confidence is felt to-day in Pacific Mail than in Atlantic, and the universal bursting up of such rallroad stocks as are used for ‘‘short” sales and ‘‘corners,” and the caving in of all other fancy securities— express, telegraph, mining and the whole liat of kite-flying rubbish—would scarcely take any person by surprise. The fact is that we are about to undergo ia this country the same experience through which the people of France and England have already passed. The Crédit Mobilier, and tho numerous other schemes of inflation started in France after the revolution, served for awhile to excite anticipations of enormous fortunes in the public mind and to render nearly every man a crazy speculator, and ended in bringing upon the country a widespread ruin, from which the Rothschilds and their railroads alone escaped. In England, about two years before Sir Morton Peto made his celebrated excursion to the United States, the people began to feel the pinch and pressure of a financial reaction, fol- lowing undue speculation and inflation. The Peto pilgrimage was in reality a desperate attempt to raise money and to make a rally in the last rounds of the fight with bankruptcy, but it failed; and on the return of the great railroad financier to England there was a general smash up in _ railroad stocks and a panic, from which none escaped uninjured and in which many were wholly ruined. The principal trouble in both France and England arose from the fact that persons with small fortunes and moderate incomes had withdrawn their little capital from the funds and other safe investments that were paying them three or four per cent, and trans< ferred all they possessed to these speculative ventures, which promised them largely in- creased means of living and fabulous ultimate profits. When the storm came there was nothing for these deluded victims to save from the wreck, We are in much the same condition ourselves at the present time. Thousands of persons of limited means have been enticed by the hope of heavy dividends to place their fortunes in railroad, steamship, telegraph or express companies, while the stock they have soughtas an investment has been made the plaything of jobbers on all sides, whose opera- tions, whether ‘‘bulling” here or ‘‘bearing” there, gambling desperately with Pacific Mail or making a corner on Atlantic Mail, have been carried on without any regard to the small fry that have been foolish enough to swim in the track of the Wall street sharks, The speculators and gamblers of the ‘‘street” have found ready allies in their work, both in the national Congress and in the national banks. The former has labored faithfully to help on all bubble schemes and to give legis- lative sanction to swindling and fraud, as has recently been demonstrated by the debates on the Pacific Railroad, when the gag law was 80 effectually applied to Mr. Washburn and all his attempts to stem the tide of corruption were defeated. The latter have used their capital to bolster up stockjobbing operations, and have loaned money on insufficient margins upon almost any fancy securities that may have been offered. If the panic, which is inevitable, should come to-morrow the banks would find them- selves unable to realize more than a fraction of the amounts they have loaned to an enor- mous extent upon stock collaterals, and they would collapse with the bubbles they have helped to inflate. It is by no means certain that the country would not be benefited by the speedy bursting of a financial fester that has been for so long a time gathering to a head. As-a storm in the natural world destroys mischievous insects and purifies the air, soa storm in the financial world sweeps away what is worthless and brings about a more healthful condition of affairs. Such men as the railroad autocrat, Vanderbilt, who have gone on conquering like the first Napoleon, may only find another Moscow, from which they will be driven by the fire and the smoke to retreat, or they may meet their Waterloo in the crisis, But of the whole army of fancy operators and stock jobbing managers, with their ‘‘corners” and their ‘‘calls,” not a vestige will be left. As the crash must assuredly come at last, probably the sooner it occurs the better. It is fortunate that the great majority of our merchanis and traders are beyond the reach of its influence and with ordinary prudence in their banking operations will be able to escape injury. The revival of business among them is seen in our advertising columns, which serve as a barometer to indicate the condition of the trade of the country, and which were never more crowded than at the present time. An unhealthful spirit of speculation and a wild desire to realize rapid fortunes are harmful rather than beneficial toa community. They are not like solid enterprise; they serve to divert energy and capital from useful and genuine pursuits, and all legitimate and steady business and trades will profit by their down- fall. The Whiskey War in Bresktye. The tax imposed upon whiskey by the, Inter- nal Revenue law has proved extremely frksome to those who regard that beverage as one of the necessities of life, and every scheme to escape the payment of such a tax has been re- sorted to by millionaire as well as tenement house distillers. A very serious riot place on Monday ina disreputable quarter o' Grooklyn, in consequence 6f an attompt mada by the revenue officers to seize » number of illicit stills which were there in active opera- tion, A large force of marines and police