The New York Herald Newspaper, March 31, 1868, Page 6

5. NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, NEW YORK HERALD BROADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. Velame XXXIII.. AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING. OLYMPIC THEATRE, Broadway.—Humpty Dumrry. NIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway.—Tas Waite Fawn. WALLACK'S TRI id 18th street.— ee THEATRE, Broadway and 14) _BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.Two BEDDED Roon— SHELAH, THE COLLEEN BAWN—BEOWNIE OF THE BEIG, BROADWAY THEATRE, Broadway.—Jox. NEW YORK THEATRE, opposite New York Hotel.— Lieut at Last—No. PRENCH THEATRE. A BELLE HELENE. BANVARD'S OPERA HOUSE AND MUSEUM, Broad- way and Thirticth strect.IDioT oF THE MOUNTAIN, &C. PLYMOUTH CHURCH, Brooklyn.—Oue Buri’s Ghanp Concents. NEW YORK CIRCUS, Fourteenth street.—GYMNASTICS. EQUESTRIANISM, &e, THEATRE CONIQUE, 514 Broadway. —Baturr, Fanon, c. : KELLY & LEON'S MINSTRELS, 720 Broadway: -S0NGa, ECoRNTROIES, ND Duron “S." SAN FRANCISCO PUAN ENTERTAINM. ‘TRELS, 585 Broadway. —ErH10- LNGING, DANOING, ke. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, 201 Bowery. Vooatism, NEGRO MINSTRELSY, &c. Comte BUTLER'S AMERICAN THEATRE, 472 Broadway.— Barery, Favor, PANTOMIME, C. B. CONWAY'S PARK THEATRE, Brooklyn. — HOOLEY'S OP! Brooklyn. —EvHioPtAN MINSTRELSEY ~ ME WILD FAWN. DRAMATIC © GINS PROUR NEW Y SCIRNOR A‘ OLLEGE HALL, No. 800 Broadway. se. MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, 618 Broadway.— Aur Pu New York, Tuesday, Murch 31, 1868. TRIPLE SHEET. THD NBEws. IMPEACHMENT. The Chief Justice took his chair, as presiding oiicer of the High Court of Impeachment in chamber, at half-past twelve o'clock yesterd: noon, and soon after the Managers, the President's counsel and the members of the House entered. The galleries were filled from an early hour with the same elegant and fashionable aud re (hat occu- pied them on the previous days of im hment. Mr. Butler, on behalf of the Managers, opened the case for the pro: ion in a long speech, which he read from printed s!:ps, and which will be found in dull elsewhere in our columns to-day. He discussed the validity of (he Senate acting as « high court, the right of Senator Wade to partici former im- yeachment precedents, and reviewed generally the testimony to be brought forward to sustain the charges. At the conclusion of this speech the Managers pro- eveded, through Mr. Wilson, to offer documentary testimony for the prosecution, the oath of office of Andrew Johnson in succeeding to the Pre ine certificate of Chief Justice Chase to the ¢ aomination of Mr, Stanton as Secretary of War by Mr. Lincoln and his confirmation by the Senate, ‘being presented and read. The message of the Presi- dent to the Senate assigning reasons for his suspen- sion of Mr. Stanton was tien commenced, but in the mudst of the reading the court adjourned until to- «day. CONGRESS. prday the bill to regulate appeals Was amended and postponed until to-day, The bill to relieve Representative RK. Ry Kutler, of Tennessee, from political disabilities was taken up, but again laid aside to admit of consideration on the report of the Committee of Conference on the Tax Exemption bill. The report was ordered to be printed and went over for the present, Mr. Sherman giving notice that everything in the bill objectionable to the Senate had been stricken out and that he would press it to a vote as soon as possible. The Senate soon after resolved tiself into a Court of Impeachment, and on resuming i's functions asa Senate the report of the Conference io the Senate Yo the Court of Ch Vormmittee was again t up aud agreed to. In the House Mr. Churchill introduced a bill requir- ing a new election for President in case an interval of eighteen mouths intervenes between the double vacancies and the ordinary termination of the Presi- dential term, which was reierred to the Committee on the Judiciary, The joint resolution of the New Jersey Legislature, withdrawing its ratification of the proposed constitutional amendment was pre- sented by Mr. Haight, and ifs reading was of the House for r. Washburne, of red to th v Jersey Legis: spectful and scandalous, ‘This motion after a lengthy argument, in which the Speaker of the House took a conspicuous part by reason of answering points of order, was adopted by @ vote of 80 to 17, Messrs, Hill, Halsey and Moore, of the New Jersey delegation, voting for it. THE LEGISLATURE. The Senate was not in session yesterday. In the Assembly a resolution was introduced and adopted requiring the treasurer of the Binghamton Inebriate Asylum to make answer to charges against him of having procured legislation by bribery and corraption, to state, if such is the case, the items of money expended for such purp Two more Managers of Impeachment in Cana! Commissioner Jorn’s case were announced. EUROPE. . ly special telegram dated in Naples yesterday, for. warded through the Atlantic cable, we learn that Adwniral Farragut gives a grand ball on board the Franklin to-day and that the United States feet under Farragut’s command will sail casiward at the close of the week. ‘The news report by the cable, dated in London yesterday evening, March 30, says the political news is meagre and onimportant, Consuls 5 405%. Five-twenties 71 don and 74°, « 76 in Frankfort. Cotton firm, with middling uplands at 1d. a Breadstul quiet and steady. Provisions Produce unchanged. ameship City of Boston brings a mail re} interrupted by the Senat the departure diated to the 19th of Mareh, but its points lav very fully antiefpated by our cable despatches. MISCELLANEOUS. Our special despatches from Havana state that the vishop who fell under the displeasur aptain Gene eral Lusandi had departed for Cadiz, Taking an a‘iress to the clergy in the cathedral at Hava Canada is excited over another Fenian scare, The garrison at Montreal are under arms, and the volun- teers all over the country have received orders to be ready. A quantity of Greek fire or phosphorous has been discovered in the Irish part of Montreal, and the government claims to have news of Fenian preparation at Baialo and St. Albans. The whole move, however, is sald to be for the purpose of press ing a conscription bill through Parliament. In the Board of Councilinen yesterday resolutions fixing the ist of Septemyer, 1809, as the day for com: imencing work on the opening of Church street were presented and latd over. A resolution directing that steps be taken to correct evils comp\ained of on the Weehawken ferryboats or to confiscate the ferry lease was referred to the Committce on Ferries, The Street Cleaning Commission yesterday directed that the monthly bill of the street cleaning com ractor be paid, From January 1 to March 28, it was re. ported, twenty-five hundred loads of snow and ice were carted away from Broadway, Before the Board of Audit yesterday Police Justice Michael Connolly presented a claim for $10,000 against the city for injuries received by being dumped out of his carriage by a street obstruction, from the edtuots of which he became 40 i fuat bia life was despaired of, and his obituary im the papers, Work from office as @ director were served yesterday upon the Vanderbilt faction and upon to that branch of the litigation, The motion before Judge Cardozo to dissolve the injunction in the suit of Bloodgood against the Erie Railway Com- pany has been adjourned until after the hearing of the appeal at General Term. The bill recently passed by the New Jersey Legislature conferring all the privileges on the Erie Railway Company that they possessed in New York was signed by Governor ‘Ward yesterday and has therefore become a law. In the United States District Court yesterday the case of Neill vs. The Steamship Taber came up for trial. The action is brought to recover damages for injuries sustained to @ portion of her cargo, which was consigned to merchants in this city. It is alleged that the damage to the cotton was the result of a conspiracy between the captain and chief engineer of the vessel to sink her off Key West, but which culminated in the ship being waterlogged. Decision reserved, The Brooklyn Board of Aldermen had several im- portant matters before them yesterday afternoon. The special committee of the Board having under consideration the three million loan to the Bridge Company submitted a lengthy report in favor of the proposed grant. A protest against a commission to control the affairs of the Fire Department was adopted, General Grant has promulgated the order assign- ing General Hancock to the command of the new department of the Atlantic, The Mississippi Convention propose to remain in session and draw per diem until the impeachment is safely over. A disastrous riot is reported among the coal miners in McKeesport, Pa. The Hamburg American Packet Company's steam- ship Allemanta, Captain Bardua, Will sail at two o'clock P, M. to-day (Tuesday) for Southampton and Hamburg. The mails for Europe will close at the Post Oitice at twelve o’clock M. ‘The stock market was strong yesterday. Govern- ment securities were firm. Gold closed at 1385. At the National Drove Yards yesterday the market for beef cattle was quite active and prices ruled very firm. ‘The number on sale was moderate, being only 1,100 head. Extras sold at 18igc. @ 19¢.; fair to prime brought 174c. a 18%c. and inferior to ordinary 14c. a 16%c. Milch cows were quiet and heavy at $40 a $110 for common to extra. Receipts increasing. Veal calves were ‘4c. a 1c. per Ib. lower and quiet, at 11%4c. a 12':c. for prime and extra and 9, a lle, for inferior to common, Sheep and lambs, thongh quiet, were steady and in mode- rate supply. We quote prime to extra 8c. a 104c. and inferior to good 63gc. a 8c, Swine were not active and closed heavy, at 93¢c. a 9%c. for fair to prime and 8c. a 9c. forcommon. The total re- ceipts for the week were 5,267 beeves, 175 milch cows, 1,324 veal calves, 15,810 sheep and lambs and 21,489 swine, g The Impeachment Trial—Mr. Batler’s Open- ing. When a cause is weak and bad we cannot feel surprised if its supporters advocate by declamation what they are not able to prove by argument. After a very careful perusal of Mr. Butler's opening speech, de- livered in Washington yesterday, before the High Court of Impeachment, we have failed to discover anything therein which makes a case against President Johnson. Mr. Butler opens his argument with the state- ment that he addresses a Senate and not a court ; the Senate is bound by no law; no judge can aid in its deliberations—in a word, the Chief Justice of the United States is a mere figurehead in this great proceeding. Such is the opinion of the counsel for the prosecution, and it becomes important from the fact that the question of whether the Senate is or is not a court will probably be the subject of much debate before the trial ends. The next thing in order is a very lengthy and tiresome attempt to prove that Mr. Benjamin Wade is entitled to sit as one of the jurors on the trial. Mr. Butler plunges into a sea of precedents, which utterly fail to meet the point at issue. In all of his quotations from the trials of others, before the British House of Lords and the Senate of the United States, it is nowhere shown that any Peer or Senator had a direct interest in the conviction of the accused, We are told that the father and uncle of Anne Boleyn aided in her trial, and adjudged her guilty of infidelity to King Henry the Eighth; but Mr. Butler fails to men- tion that the lives of both of those men de- pended upon their verdict. The precedents drawn from the British House of Lords are ridiculous when applied to a trial in this re- public. Mr. Butler forgets that the British Parliament is almost an absolute power; that it is untrammelled by any written con- stitution; and that the idea of a lord's power rendering him eligible to sit upon a trial where his own interests are in- volved is essentially a monarchical and aristo- cratic one, utterly incompatible with our de- mocratic ideas and institutions. Another point is made that the right of a Senator taking part in the trial (whether interested in the result or not) cannot be challenged, because the number of Senators is limited, and the people must not be deprived of their right to repre- sentation where a case of such momentous gravity is before the Senate. If this doctrine holds good then the trial is not only an egre- gious farce but an outrage upon the ten ex-rebel States, whose Senators are not permitted to represent them in the court. After dwelling at length on Mr. Wade's eligi- bility to aid in making himself President of the United States, Mr. Butler proceeds to dis- cuss the articles of impeachment. At the very opening of his argument (if it can be styled such) he garbles Mr. Johnson's language on the subject of removals, and distorts and falsifies history by asserting that if the Presi- dent be sustained a new right and power will ve given to the Executive, Every Chief Magis- trate of this republic, from Washington to Lincoln, has exercised the right of removing obnoxious officials. If the constitution does not expressly grant the power of removal, its exercise for many years has made it, as it were, a common law—one sanctified by long usage and custom. But Mr. Butler is terribly exercised at the idea of a President removing an official that he or his predecessor appoint- ed. He argues as if the creator should become the creature of his own creation. And here again the counsel for the prose- cution is most unfortunate in his quotations from past legislation, and in attempting to prove that the accused has been guilty of “high crimes” he really defends him. Re- ferring to the power of removal, he admits that the First Congress, when it passed the act creating the office of Secretary of War, implied the power ofremoval. Did the Tenure of Office bill repeal that act? If it did, was not the office of Secretary of War also abolished? was published the attorneys of on the power of removal, but nowhere does Mr. Butler show that any previous Congress questioned the right or power of making such removals. ‘ But perhaps the most astonishing portion of Mr. Butler's speech is that in which he denies that Mr. Johnson is. President in his own right. Weare told that he is but serving out Mr. Lincoln's unexpired term, and that as Mr. Stanton was appointed Secretary of War by the latter his successor is bound by such appointment, and cannot, therefore, take ad- vantage of that portion of the Tenure of Office bill which provides that the Cabinet of each President may be of his own selection. Mr. Stanton is serving under Mr. Lincoln’s term of administration, just as Mr. Johnson is; it was a violation of the law to attempt his re- moval, and consequently a high crime and misdemeanor. Mr. Butler denies the right of the President to question the constitutionality of any law, so that, no matter how glaringly un- constitutional an act of Congress may be, it is the duty of the President to enforce it, although in so doing he violates his oath of office. Tura- ing to the appointment of General Thomas as Secretary of War ad interim, the counsel de- nounces it as a usurpation. The charge of conspiracy {s enlarged upon and has for its main foundation an allegation that General Thomas said he intended to ‘‘kick” Mr. Stanton out of office, The creation of the new military department and the promotion first of General Sherman and afterwards of General George H. Thomas are all declared part of a plot to remove the barnacle of the War Department and take possession, Thechargeof conspiring with General Emory is made the subject of a long sensation story, in which, Mr. Butler proves to his own satisfaction that because the President sent for General Emory and asked him the questions he did at that particular time the purpose was to seduce that officer into a disobedience of the laws. After discussing the various phases of con- spiracy at an almost intolerable length Mr, Butler takes up his own charges that the Presi- dent, in his speeches, had endeavored to bring Congress into disrepute, and that by speaking as he had his remarks tended to bring the Executive office into contempt. Now, we would ask, who commenced this vituperation and denunciative speechmaking? Did not Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, in the House of Repre- sentatives, denounce Mr. Johnson ina fierce and bitter speech long before that gentleman left Washington on his tour to Chicago? During the canvass last year radical Senators and Congressmen delivered political harangues filled with the most violent denunciations and coarse abuse of the President. Even Mr. Colfax, the Speaker of the House, went, so far as to declare that he (Mr. Johnson) would be hanged if he did thus and so. Were not all of these things equally as bad as anything that Mr. Johnson ever said or did? Mr. Butler, in a very melodramatic style, depicts the scenes at St. Louis and Cleveland, where the Presi- dent bandied words with the mob, and shud- ders with virtuous indignation at the “‘ungentle- manlike” position then occupied by the Chief Magistrate of the nation. But Mr. Butler en- tirely forgot to mention another scene which took place in the City Hall Park of New York, in which he was an actor, and a very prominent one, too. He forgot to mention that he, too, bandied words with a mob, and was so undig- nified as to describe the voters of New York as a pack of thieves and robbers, and he would have continued, probably, with other ‘un- dignified remarks had not a partially rotten apple, thrown by a belligerent citizen, struck him on the breast. Washis position then less reprehensible than that of Andrew Johnson, a citizen of Tennessee and President of tho United States ? We have thus hastily reviewed the opening speech of Mr. Johnson's prosecutors. If they have proved anything like “high crimes and misdemeanors” we have failed to discover the proof. The speech has not even the advan- tage of sophistry. Its arguments are lame and beggarly ; its quotations are worthless and can aid the defence only; its charges fall to the ground from their own weakness. Through- out the long pages we have perused we find everything of the partisan and stump orator and nothing of the statesman performing a grave duty. Asa legal argument it scarcely rises above the level of the pettifogger's bal- derdash. There is but one truth to be found in it, and that says that ‘“‘the future political welfare and liberties of all men—in this country we suppose—hang trembling on the decision of the hour.” All true, very true, but not in the sense that Mr. Butler means it; for what- ever be the end of this trial, it will be the deathblow of the radicals as a political entity, and thus will be assured the future liberties of the people of this republic. Daniel Drew Versus Cornelius Vanderbilt. Daniel, in escaping to Jersey, escaped from the lion’s den, and Mr. Drew, in secur- ing a recognition from the Jcraey Legis- lature, is intrenched in his new posi- tion. Jay Gould, of the Drew com- pany, in hurrying westward with a couple of millions to push forward the Erie broad gauge extension, has made a good flank movement against Vanderbilt. Nor is it positively cer- tain that the Drew party will fail in their move- ment before the New York Legislature to secure a recognition of their extra stock, although in their first effort they have been baffled. Onthe other hand, Vanderbilt, they say, has been so actively buying up the Erie stock that, if he does not now, he very soon will hold the stock balance of power, even against Drew's new issue of eight millions. By no means is the battle decided, and with Drew intrenched in Jersey, while Vanderbilt, the attacking belligerent, has to operate from the opposite side of the Hudson, there is no tell- ing how long the siege will last, what it will cost or how it will end. Vanderbilt and Drew are both remarkable men, Vanderbilt is a perfect giant as « prac- tical, go-ahead man of business. Great on steamboats, he is greater on railroads, The Hudson River, the Harlem and the New York Central, before he took them in hand, were somewhat like the armies of the Union before Grant was called to manage them—they were like a balky team, one horse pulling one way and one another, or not pulling at all, and so they were literally doing nothing for the stock- holders and nothing for the public, Vanderbilt has changed all this, and the Harlem, Hudson River and Central stockholders and the public istration of their affairs, Vanderbilt fs a man of the world, and, though a railroad man, he believes in horseflesh. He can talk horse with Grant or trot s horse or two with Bonner on the shortest notice. His spare time in the way of recreation has been devoted to fast horses, end hence he has become equal himself any day to two-forty on a plank road. Daniel Drew is a churchman. He believes in the “stated preaching of the Gospel,” like the model democrat, dead and gone, of Sandy Hill, and in the building and endowment of churches he is perhaps excelled only by Jay Cooke. But if thus far Mr. Drew has given one day to the Gospel according to St. Paul, he has given six in Wall street to the Gospel according to Mammon. In fact, under his stockgambling amusements of bulling Erie one day and bear- ing it the next the broad gauge road has not prospered, and his stock, at his highest fancy fluctuations, has never reached the figure bona Jide it ought to command. Vanderbilt has evidently taken some of this Wall street folly of bulling and bearing out of him and turned his attention to the more practical business of the road itself; and thus learning from the ex- ample of the enemy Drew may be able to make a stubborn, well contested and protracted fight. The Bloomingdale road is certainly a better place of diversion for railway men than Wall street. We care nothing whatever for the Drew party or the Vanderbilt party, so far a8 their selfish interests are concerned, but as we perceive that from this conflict the public interests have not suffered and will probably be promoted, we have only to say, let the battle goon. It puts money into circulation and keeps things lively. Revoh at Washington—A Government Outside the Constitution. Revolution is going on everywhere. Through the whole Continent of Europe there is hardly a form or an institution that is even prox- imately definitive that can be counted upon to remain as it is for ten years to come. Eng- land is especially in the very tumult and uproar of change, and revolution has so successfully shaken the foundation of many ancient facts that it only considers which to try next. But in all the movement is in sympathy with the intellectual tendency of the age and is toward the greater freedom of the people. An ancient aristocracy relinquishes the stand it has ever taken against popular rights. Supreme culture and generous enthusiasm push equally toward the same goal, and too ardent advocates have the reign tightened on them only for fear that their precipitation should lose all and indefi- nitely retard the emancipation of the people from repressive laws. On this side the Atlan- tic the revolutionary ferment is active also; but, strangely enough, the tendency and movement is quite in the other direction. It is not toward the greater freedom of the people, but toward their enslavement—toward the crush- ing out of popular liberty, and the setting up in its place the rule of an oligarchy and despot- ism made manifest in military power. Here, in the very home and birthplace of modern freedom—here, where popular institutions had such success that the result of their working was what first disturbed Europe—here they are already tumbling to ruin, as if to give other nations a timely warning against modelling their institutions on the example of ours. Never had a people such prosperity, such happiness, such absolute personal indepen- dence and command of their own destinies, such positive political freedom as we had. But we were not contént. Not satisfied with being practically free and great, we listened to the gibes of our enemies, who, mad that we had gone so far, taunted us to go further, and pointed us for an ultimate goal to the wild theories of the Declaration of Indepen- dence, Lunatics in New England caught at the fancy, and worked with maniac energy to force it on the nation. Other luna- tics in the South met these half way, and be- tween the two the country was hurried into war. Four years the struggle raged with hor- rors that fortunately can never be recited—a war for greater freedom—and now it ends in the loss of all freedom for the people of ten States; a war originating in a sentimental sympathy with the oppressed, and resulting in the most terrible oppression ever known; a war begun because the negro was not free, and, behold, at its close, the white man is a slave! All that blood and treasure was given for freedom, as we were told, and the life of ten States is blotted out and the terrible precedent of governing the people of the Union by mili- tary despotism remains. And this results from the fact that we are, as Mr. Stevens says, “outside the constitution.” On Saturday, in Congress, this gentleman said:—‘‘I am often reminded by gentlemen around me, some very wise and some otherwise, that I have said more than once that all this is outside the constitution. He is otherwise who thinks that that assertion is not true.” Here is the deliberately repeated declara- tion of the representative man of the repub- lican party—the man who inspires its purpose and declares its will, as to the character, of its acte—this typical republican scorns the puny thinkers who hold that the republican party is not outside the constitution; for he knows that it is, and he is right. It began existence in wild theories and lives in them still, It is outside the constitution, because inside the constitution there is no room for despotism, no way by which the whole people of a sovereign State can be made subject tothe whim and caprice of a dozen demagogues in Congress’; and so we drive on in the full career of revolutionary fury; and since we are in ab- solute fact outside the constitution, since the law is no longer a rule of action, since there is no President of the United States and no Supreme Court, and since a Jacobin club in Washington is all that remains of our govern- ment, who shall say where the revolution will leave us ? We may end anywhere. Thanks to the fact that we are ‘outside the constitu- tion,” we are in that helpless and de- fenceless state when nations fall into the hands of the strongest. Our whole history just now is comprised in the struggle of eccen- tric forces. Throe of these are personal— Johnson, Stevens and Grant stand forward as if with more moral courage and fidelity, each to his own convictions, than all the other men in the country together. Johnson has been called obstinate and a fool; but he pursnes with « MARCH 31, 1868-TRIPLE SHEKY a eee convietions—too sincere to pretend respect for the law when he does not feel it. Grant pur- sues 8 positive course also, from which nothing can swerve him—adherent to his own idea, as he was through the war—with something in bis character of that silent majesty with which fate itself was clothed in the Greek poetry. And aside from these, social and eco- nomical elements strive for supremacy in the fabric of the future, Here are the banks working persistently for the concentration of wealth in few hands; the railroads striving toward the same end by another route; the telegraph, as the absolute master of the inter- change of thought, demanding recognition of its power in tangible shape. Who shall rule, and how shall all come out? The democratic party, that once wielded the power of the people, is rotted away and crumbles at a touch. Popular right has no apparent cham- pion; law is laughed at; the revolution rages, and our future only depends upon how much of the national vitality shall be left when the war of personal leaders shall be closed and government “‘outside the constitution” shall have spent its force. Thurlow Weed on Guano and Some Other ‘Things, Including the Custom House, It is understood that the Hon. Jerry Black withdrew from the President's counsel on the impeachment. because the administration de- clined to send down a ship of war to put cer- tain Baltimore clients of said Black in pos- session of an outlying guano island, from which they had been forcibly ejected by the government of Dominica, and that the special reason for Mr. Black’s course in consequence of this refusal was this: that as his clients had carried up their case to Congress he could not be expected, as their attorney, to prejudice their cause before either house by appearing before the Senate in the President’s defence. Certainly not, when his fee on the impeachment would be only afew paltry thousands, while his contingent interest in this guano island is set down ata million. It has been said, also, in reference to Mr. Seward’s recognition of the claim of Dominica, that it involved the turning over of said guano toa new company and a New York company, including Thurlow Weed as an active or silent partner; and as Mr. Seward and Mr. Weed, since the supposed discovery of the dead body of Morgan, the recanting free- mason, thirty odd yearsago, have stood in their relations to each other as Robinson Crusoe and his good man Friday, and as Mr. Weed’s sub- sequent career as king of the lobby justified the report touching this guano controversy, we adopted it as part of the history of this remarkable case. Another thing in the way of a guano reminiscence, too, operated strongly to confirm this impres- sion. Some years ago Mr. Thurlow Weed was, seen, one pleasent summer day, strolling along the shore of the Jersey high- lands just below Sandy Hook. To the ques- tions put to the third party, “What brings Thurlow Weed down here? what job is up in Jersey?” this was the reply :—‘‘Why, don’t you know? You see that long shanty under the hill there. That is a guano factory. They make guano there. They take the marl out of that hill, and they take these shoals of oily fish called mossbunkers out of the bay, and they grind and mix and ferment them together, and they make a first rate guano by the pro- cess. That guano is what brings Thurlow Weed down here. He is in the speculation.” But Mr. Weed, nevertheless, stoutly denies that he has any interest in this Alta Vela guano, and we will take him at his word for the present. He probably had enough of guano in that Jersey manufacturing experiment. * About o year ago another experiment was tried with those Sandy Hook mossbunkers. An old steamship was anchored in the bay, and for many days there was a great smoke issuing from it, and a smell as if those on board were melting out the blubber of a hundred barrel whale. It was said they were trying out or frying out the oil of the mossbunkers, and were making a good thing of it. But the old ship was missing one morning, and then the facts appeared that it was confiscated, and that all this smoke and smell of fish oil had been used only to disguise a whiskey distillery turning out daily twenty barrels of contraband whiskey. Had any person told us then that Mr. Thurlow Weed was one of this whiskey company we should, perhaps, on the spur of the moment, have believed him, bearing in mind simply the fact of Mr. Weed’s re- markable faculty of scenting out and getting into almost every ‘good spec” in the market. How it has happened that he is not in this New York company working this Alta Vela guano under the claim of Dominica to the island, recognized by Mr. Seward, we cannot un- derstand. If we knew no better, with all his perquisites and pickings from the Albany lobby and the Washington lobby and our corporation rings, in free wool statistics, army jobs, whiskey, steamboats, roving war com- missions to Europe, corporation jobs and what not, we might conclude that Mr. Weed had made up his mind that he has made enough. But we do know better, and we dare say that there is truth in the report that, after getting all that he could out of Andy Johnson, the un- grateful Weed has cast him aside like an ex- hausted orange, and is turning his face to ‘‘Old Ben Wade” as the rising sun; that the facile ‘‘old man” of the lobby is engineering to get Senator Morgan into the Treasury Department under President Wade, so as to secure thereby the dispensation of the spoils of the New York Custom House. We must protest against this movement, however, and insist that the New York member of the Cabinet under ‘‘Old Ben” shall be the indefatigable Greeley, and that, considering his great efforts at reform in the matter of mileage and the franking privilege, and “‘such small deer,” he shall be Postmaster General. And why? Because Weed ought to stand back and Greeley ought to have a chance, and because his savings in mileage, franking, &c., as Postmaster General, may give us a lift, though not much, towards the liqnida- tion of the national debt. Horrman on Looat Expenses.—The Baron von Hoffman is trying the effect of his clo- quence and his well trained mustache on the voters of Connecticut, dn a speech at Stam- ford the other evening he discussed the ox- penses of the national government. ‘‘Why are grand moral heroism his own perception of ; our national expenses—J say nothing of our what his duty demands, Stevens goes forward with vest cnorax, no doubt cacpogt ip hip own « Qf cqurgo the Baxow ‘anys aothing of ous local A 7am local expenses—so large?” asked Hoffinan, | 94 586 670, 678, oa8, abe, o81 a ae expenses,” Tiader his administration be has to run up our ; five or six million dollars has swelled our city tarn‘io® with » megnid- cence that casts the extravagmic? of ges tional government intothe shade?’y, je 1° Just 98 well, therefore, that he should “‘sdy anni of local expenses” to the saving Yankees 0! the nutmeg State. ‘The Western Union Telegraph Company and the Herald, ina Some of the stupid stockjobbing newspapers of this city, incompetent to understand the re- sponsibility and duty of 9 public journalist, and recognizing in the press nothing but an instrument for the promotion of personal inte- rests, are surprised that the HepaLp should expose the disastrous blunders and incompe- tency of the Western Union Telegraph manage- ment when it has a contract with the company as a member of the New York Associated Press and receives its news reports over the Western Union line. It is true that the Heratp is a member of the Associated Press and that we have a contract with the Western Union Telegraph Company for our news re- ports, It is also true that we fulfil all our obligations to the Press Association, that we comply strictly with the terms of our telegraph contract and that we exact a similar compliance from the Western Union people. This is a private affair, of no interest to the public; but there are other matters which are of moment to thousands of persons who have invested their money in Western Union stock. The capital of the Western Union Telegraph corporation consists of four hundred and tex thousand shares, representing at par forty-one million dollars. At the price at which they now sell on the market the whole capital stock of the company would realize but thirteen and a half million dollars, and this, after paying the bonded debt of five millions and the floating | debt of half a million, would only leave for the | stockholders eight million dollars to satisfy e value of forty-one millions. The Western Union Telegraph stock sold in 1857 at 100, in 1859 at 125, in 1860 at 175, in 1861 at 225, in 1863 at 240 250, in 1864 al 120 a 250, in 1865 at 116 a 121, in 1866 at 92, in 1867 at 64 and at the present time it selle at 33. | The working expenses of the line amounted in 1859 to twenty-five per cent of the grosa receipts, in 1863 to thirty-five per cent, in 1864 to thirty-six per cent, in 1865 to forty-eight per cent, in 1866 to fifty-five per cent, and under the present management, in 1867, they swelled up to sixty-five per cent. In 1863 the gross receipts of the Western Union Telegraph were eight hundred and sixty- four thousand dollars, and the company paid # dividend of seven and a half per cent; in 1864 the gross receipts were two million and sixty thousand dollars, which paid a dividend of nine and a half per cent; in 1865 the gross receipte were two million seven hundred thousand dol- | lars, and a dividend of four per cent was paid, leaving a surplus of over half a million dollare on hand; in 1866 the gross receipts were five million and a quarter dollars and the dividend six and a half per cent ; and in 1867, when the gross receipts reached nearly seven million dollars, the last dividend was passed and the stockholders left without a dollar of earnings and with a bonded debt of five millions and a floating debt of nearly half a million on their shoulders, It would be well for the stupid stockjobbing newspapers to study these figures, instead of writing a parcel of trash about the Hera.p’s contracts and endeavouring to bolster up a management that would speedily bring any company to the dogs. NEW YORK LEGISLATURE. Assembly. ALBANY, March 30, 1868. The Supply bill was reported from the Committce on Ways and Means and made the special order for Tuesday morning. BILLS INTRODUCED. By Mr. BRapsTREET—To incorporate the New York Health and Accident Insurance Company. By Mr. C. L. SmiTH—To elect Superintendents of the Poor in Kings county by districts, CHARGES AGAINST THE TREASURER OF THE BING- HAMTON INEBRIATE ASYLUM. Aresolution was introduced by Mr, RANNY that the treasurer of Binghamton Inebriate Asylum re- port tothe Assembly immediately whether he pai Aresburn Birdsall and Peter S, Danforth the sum o! $5,000 for procuring legislation in the year 1867, as charged and sworn to by T. Jefferson Gardiner; and if said money was expended, what were the items of sald expenditure. Adopted, THE CLAIM BILLS. Wednesday evening was set apart for the consid- eration of claim bills. ADDITIONAL MANAGERS IN THE DORN IMPEACHMENT CASE. The SpeaKER announced W. 8S. Clark, of Schoharie, and Mr, Quinn, of New York, as additional managers in the impeachment case of Robert C. Dorn. Adjourned. THE FRENCH FISHERIES. The French fishery on the Grand Bank and on the shores of Newfoundland gives employment to twenty thousand French seamen and to many other per- sons, and is regarded by the French government as @ very important branch of industry. It is carried on at a distance of from two thousand to twenty-five hundred miles from the coast of France, requiring the employment of large and valuable vessels of from one handred and fifty to four hundred tons burden, with expensive outflis, and is subject to onerous conditions. The French government 8 @ bounty of twenty francs per metrical quintal of one hun- dred kilo ‘ans—equal to ten franca per Eng- lish quintal of one hundred and twelve pounds—on all dry codfish, the produce of the French fishery, exported by vessels expressly fitted out from France for the purpose, or by the fishing vessels on the roduction of a French consul’s certificate that the ish had been landed in good order. For this bounty the French government obtains the privil to com- mand the services of every man in its fishing fleet up to the age of fifty-two years for the French navy whenever wanted and wherever he may be. The vessels are required to carry nearly double the num- ber of men and apprentices necessary for the eB cution of the business, and also @ surgeon, and are required to give a bond, under heavy penalties, to po Ag the fisheries and to engage in no other ov- cupation. ‘he quantity of French fish imported in bulk into the United States, principally at Boston, is from twenty-five to thirty thousan juintals per annum, nearly all of which is placed in aed warehouses. A part of this import is sold for consumption in the tditea States, and pays ‘a duty of fifty-six cents per quintal in gold; the balance is sold for exportation— without payment of duties—to the West indies, Be- fore exportation hone! Tang are packed in drums to ure their preservs Raprene tative Butler having called the attention of the Treasury Department to this practice, it has been ‘decided that ‘under the revenue laws of the United States goods entered in bond cannot be chan, fzom one pockage to. another, except to re- ir amagee, din bulk and en- lored in cannot be made up into pockages for exportation without the payment ‘The Collector of has accordin, fied to discontinue the Oey 5 het with to French fish; and, as they canni ex in bulk, the French fishermen will hera- after be under the ae eer of packing their flah in: barrels or drums on their ve Is, or of land. ing them at St. Pierre or Laity to be so packed before entry in bond in the United States. COURT CALENDAR—THIS DAY. UNtrep Starnes Distaiot Count.—Nos. 167, 1, 2, 6, 1, 8, % " SurAeMR CourT—CHAMB..Ra,—Noa. 71, 18%, 231, MARINE CouURT—TRIAL TRRM.—NOs, * 42, 001, 09 696, 701, 703, 704, 709, To tate 3, Ue, ny, Tay, 4