The New York Herald Newspaper, August 30, 1866, Page 4

4 THE RADICAL RAGE | Gen. Butler and Wendell Phil- lips on the President. ‘What the Bottled Hero of the War Claims that He Captured. The Theory Under Which He Governed New Orleans. The South to be Kept Out of the Union Until the Heavens Melt with Fervent Heat. ‘Wendell Phillips’ Opinion of the Philadelphia Convention. It Will Cause 4 Desperate Con- flivt in 1868. More Blood, and Even the Block and the Axe the Measures Demanded by These Radical Apostles. Songress Denounced for Not Insisting Upon Negro Suffrage. ¥he Republican Party “Has No Principle Whatever.” Reckless and Unparalleled Abuse of the President. &e. &. &o. B. F. Butler’s Speech at Gloucester, Mass. Mr. Cnasnman, MY FRIENDS AND Neiounors;—Allow me in the first place to thank you for the opportiinity which ou have ev courteously afforded me of speaking upon he issues of the day, They are very simp! they are ‘unchanged, they are the same now that they were in Bei they’ are perhaps being followed out in a different wid, but they are to complete the issues then lefyuntin- ished. event eleven insurgent States, aided by some others, ain their in the Congross ef the United States for the pore of destroying this government. AndI am oue of those who believe that they desire now to pera to candidly, In 1861 the Representatives in Congress of the Rheir seats for a like purpose, Let us calmly, Gustly reason together upon this matter, and it upon th ‘whole we are convinced that the issuo is such as I hay Andicated, then the plain duty of every loyal man, of gevory true lover of his country, is seen in the coming litical contest, as it was seen in the great contest armies which has just been concluded. We fFemember, and we have by far too many reminders to forget, that for the purpose of making a@ great slave sepia and for the purpose of holding political power, hioh the great growth of industry and cuterprise of the forth waa feat away from rg with a wheked- 008 Unparalleled, without any posdible cause except the Sounituttonal election of a President—the choice of the bedy of the people—these ren insurgent States 6 Union went out of the Union, Now let no man galsunderstand me. When I use the torm, went out of ee ae aet by their acts they altered © tl J the United States, or over any citisen of the Dnied slates, Ali remain in spite of secession, in spite of rebellion, in spite of treason, all remain under the gov- ernment of the United States, subject to its laws, amena- Je to Ite tribunal, and holding it by the power of Us ame, jut these insurgents going (orward, organized them- i into communities bound by the old boundaries of the States. They passed ordinances of secession, mado themselves a constitution, repudiated ail (heir Constitutional obligations, elected for themselves a g°u- eral and different form of government, making the Cornersione from slavery, and declared themselves for- ever free trom all political obligations to the United tes, or any rights under its constituti Smenities to its lawe, They enacted laws for t ner raised armies and went forward to an wie word, they fought forfour years with a dvtermin: 4 bravery which, in @ good cause, would h sn worthy the admiration of the world, and With @ ferocity and cruelty to their opponents and risoners of war whom they captured from the mited States unparalleled in the ‘history of wi hese men were subjects of the United tutes, it no less subjects because they were traitors, anc jo less traitors because they were enemies. With jeried fortune, at some time seeming s0 dark, at a convention assembled at Chicago and ce jared the war a failure; at some time so dark that ten good and loyal men, putting their trust in tue ood God, who bad cuided their fathers and would pro i thelr sous, doubted the existence of a control ing power, but by the bravery of our soldiers, by the pa triotism of our people, and by the stability of our insti tutions, we, in ihe spring of 1865, were enabled to con quer and capt re every foot of territory and every army of the rebeliiun. My friends, wha did we capt ore, with fhe eaoplin of men? What were these men in the judg ent and unanimous opinion of the Supreme Cour the United States’ They were public enemies, capt ri fm war, surre dered by the surrender of the armies which thy had raved to vproot the government of the Unied Blales, and whn we captured them we captured cvery/hing Dey had. We captured men and propery, teir wavs taeir rights, constifutwnai and otherwie. “All wore con ered—and, indeed, one general of the United =taiee ad occasion to dofine what rights were left to captoret Kebets, and ibat definition never Nas been disputed, and I od bet ay thet in the Jodgment of one general Cann disputed, (hat the ony right left to captured rebels vor right thing. (Applause.) If they received any = ‘elgo It was (rom clemency and mercy and no! fr 0. (Loud applause) At the moment when quering armies of the United otates were sweeping er the land irresistibly, and when the power of the ‘onnfederacy was being fractured, and when their ros: gent was fleetng and pursued’ by the cavalry o: U nited States, at that monient, in the spirit that rrarved od prisoners at Libby, Belie Isie and Andy I oy raised the agaaasin haud of Booth against «i good Lincola—the last crowning infamy ud that raised the Vice President of the U vt Into power; and while I propose to deal with allo”) pela and opinions with that respect due to avy inane Yet be necessary ty oxuinin cle and opinions. should made odiour that deo'ars He then de lured ‘aKoD and mid be punished. ‘ery commities from every State that B 6d not tell this audience how that dec ery loyal heart. Every man said, “Weil, if wn Toot Lincoln, we have gut Jounson, and the robelaw fare worse with bim than with Ligcoln.” He } ap ee for a reward for the prin: ipal con: to refused to sanction the terms of surrender man to Johnston, aud it will be quite material / + moment (0 consider what (hose terms were bb rman, anxious, as he said, to paciticate hi greed with General Jolin: that if be would ew “r, the people of the Confederat) States eb ored to all thetr rights, etvil and pol.tical, w! nyoyed before the war. That was oue of tbe ferme of the surrender, Whea that surronter wae Known at Washington, and the « On Conaderod Mt was at once repudiaied by every loyal man Wik faa Mt that we had been tighling for? What hac we ined if these terms were alluwed Andrew Joho Bon taeued an order requiring thal these terme of Burrendor should be set aside, Why? Because it re Btored these rebois to those rights which lead (o @ part fin the governinent of the United Staves, and thus ren ered niigatory the war in whieh we have been engage: Mark this, because we want (o soe if, after all, the pre nt policy of the Philadeipnia Convention is to be car led Out, we have not enacted ‘he same ierms of turrender Kovernment of ihe Uniied States had the rgb to me the term upen which the South ehould be re mitted to the Union, and they would have bean tr ly and eagerly su! fbed to, “had they been fo bard and severe. President Job: mM takes & power for which there is no warrant in the consticuron thers Bate ehould come bark un'tl it passwd the consticationa: amendment aeeat slavery, and until 1 agreed to onal and make void it ordinances of seco howe States, as Ix How claimed, liad all tue t rightes. Mho Union, that te wo say, if South Carolina had | it as Mamsachusetts, and If in oxhibiting th faranobusetta men and South Carolina meu © march arm in atm for an exhibition anyw id the President ondertake to pul a cow louthern States of Georgia, Alabama, Missivsipn other rebellious States? I was paying that i ai ¢ Wo mont that President Johnson teeued bis or be Those States shoaid not be allowed to have ayy «the then @ military government until they passet cor Weis one Of which was to nullify the ordinance cos 0, and another & adopt the constitutional amen’ the abolishing slavery—if at that time it war compe fer for me to make that order, I should put i that Statee had been in rebellion—their rights hed be ‘, and it was for the United States t« = pon terms they would take them back. Nowbere In nevcution, Team safely challenge any coustita lawyer in the country to put hie Mager upon « ight patea,® anywhere which gives the President «rg! y ‘0 @ State in the Union, do thia or do that, or don’t do (ho or do that, adopt this proposition of that proposl tion. President Johnson em Ordere ae ther oe oo , ve Tecognized that those Staion ‘ bod a different position in the covnrty froy luy@ Stason, Jak moe repos tae bpeause wpe ae NEW YORK HERALD, THURSDAY, AUGUST 30, 1866.~TRIPLE SHEET, << tho estion. 1 if, theas revolted, | chief of potice, whow I had conden eat refuoue Souda D Btates hate nover lost any of thelr | for the turder of & Woion wey Pf fd rights by the war, or their past acta, if they have the trains rom = naORTug «Tn rea the act same rights that they bad before tho war, then po mag has a right to keep out thet, rep) njall¥* F to imp at 28 pon umm, and therefore when gen’ mith say to me “Congress haa no right to say what Mas sachusetts shall do,’ t DT angen Congress uor the President bas any right to say what Massachusetts shall do, or Penmsylvania, or New York—or omit to do. But when Maasachuseits rebels against the government and takes arms, and after four years or four = is aes cued, after she bas to surrer " e caunol ig! longer, and Ifes bound band aed Paar ube power of the United States, I will say that Massachusetts then has lost her rights, and that she has to come under the law of the gonquerer, and can come back ta the Wen only when in the judgment of tho loyal States it shail be for the bevefit of the whole country to receive her back. Congress came together in December, and for the first time the President enunciated the doctrine that these States bad a right to representation hy loyal repre- sentatives, it 8 seemed to me that there was a fal- lacy ip that statement, that 't was sophistry, and I have seen very many good, bonest, loyal meu that were stumbled by this argument, “Why won't Congress ad- mit the loyal representatives into the Union? Is tt not wrong for Congress to keep out loyal men? Sup- pose the South is digloyal aod sends loyal representa- tives, why should mot they be admitted?” pose, my friend, you who ha’ question—su the loyal s toyal men to the Cot of the United States, wl you admit the di fal representative? No, because he misrepresents his constituency, and he ought not to be admitted. Suppose a disloyal con- stituency sends a loyal representative, should he bo admitted? No, Wy Because Le misrepresents his constituency. Is !€ not perfectly an answer—a perfect one, aud not to be overcome by io By dap cntpincad the right of representation is not the right of the represen- tatives, but of the constituency? If the constituency is loyal then it wil! hardly do to inquire into the loyalty of the representative, and, therefore, we all applaud the answer of John Randolphg When asked if ho was old enough to come w Congress, he sald, ‘Ask my consti- tuents."’ J assume that President Jobnson believed that they were loyal, and that they had surrendered in good faith. What is surrendering in good faith? I suppose that a horse thief, when he gets in State prison, aur- renders the right of Horse stealing in good faith. Ho doesn't mean to steal any more until he gets out. (Laughter.) They surrendered, not because they wanted to, .but because they were obliged to; nov from love of country, but from fear; they surrendered becayse they were whipped, and soundly whipped, too. 1 thiuk I do no discrodit to Presi- dent Johnzon to say that I think he was mistaken. These men said we have surrendered in good faith; we have agreed to take up our reiatious in the United States: und in 1865, in May, June and July, that was their feeling. They were lke the convicted sinner, ready to say, “Lord, Lord, what wiil you have us to do?” But the difloulty was, they found nat they first obtained pardons; and second, that they were sustained by the President; and third, that the North was far too Ienjent and forgiving; an@ then arose this most mons- trons theory that they had all the rights which they for- merly bad under the constitution; that the terms which Sherman gave to Jobuston, and which the President of thp United States rejected, were the true terms on which they surrendered. When did they get these terms? I undersiand that Alexander HH. Stephens, one of their ablest meu, claims that they are not résponeThTs Tor What "= done in tpeir apsoncgi that those rebels who left thelr seats have tho right to come back and vote upon the question whether men and money should be furnished to put down the rebel- lion, And the answer of Mr. Stepheus before the Com- mittee of Reconstruction is, thai the South are not bound by anything done in their absence; and the bounties of our soldiers are not binding upon them; pensions of our widows and orpbans are not binding upon them, because they were unfortunately absent when they were voied. (Applause.) In the spring of 1865 they wer ready to accept any terms, but they went on claiming right alter right until at last’the question came between the Presi- dent and Congress. President claimed the right to gay when they were ina tit condition to become a por. on of the Union, and bagel claimed that it was the right of the whole law making power, including the House Representatives and the President, to say when these men were fit to como back, and this is the struggle, The issne is now made, When we talk with anybody who clams to support the policy of President Johnson, he immediately tells us about the constitution and the m of oUF fathers, and that he ts content to do as our fathers did. So am f, What did our fathers do? I won't cito Massa- chusetts, for she was always thought to be rabid, but I will take the State of North Carolina; and at the end of the Revolution what law did she ? She gave the tory amnesty for all his past jemeanois, protection for hie life, liberty and property; but never—forever— should he have rt in the government of the State, T go back to the wisdom of the fathers, and every State {nthe Union at that Soy noes the same or similar orders, except South Carolina, and she let the tory pack take purtin her government; and the consequence is that she has never hada republican government to this day, It svems that heretofore, under the constitution of the States, the President hay never before undertaken to way a Siate wi the law of Congress Stat territory come in by laws of Con; purcbase of Lonigiana nobody doubted that it was the P.gbt of Congress to recognize the right of taking States in the Union by purchase or otherwise, We see that the igene now turns upon another question. Are these men fit to come back? What isthe evidence on that point? Whether the right of Congress or of tho President, let us pugs it—to the second re they ready to come back? On that point we have lately bad some tnstruc- tion, There assembled at Philadeiphia on the 14th of thie month those inenin convention as delegates—if men can be called delegates who geveraily went ou their own hook—s convention of men assembled and under- took ¢o tell us by prociamation what our political rivbts and doties were, and how we are to scttie this war— Which they did ‘not favor, did not fight [speak with great earnestness and interest on this pos. Let me At the time when you bad Virginia =were seon in the conntenances it would ad when t New Or- would you not seo the sane men saying, ve that telegram ye shall bear the true account in a few days.’ ‘That isthe class of men sent as dele to Philadelphia, Where they underike to you on yourdaties, you shoud ask them did vou night for our side—did you favor it? No, they say, hut We Want to settle it now, Much obliged, bul we vant to sottle it ourselves; we fought it in the etd, and wo will aettle it here, The delegates of South Carolina ond Maseachueetts walk arm and arm to that Conven- not su tion, and therefore the whole matter is {iaternized, (he whole country is fraternized. You remember wuat is | the cables of Souch Carolina—the ratcesnke, And | whon the rattlesnake and copperhead twine and twine, it con't seem to make much difference (o the rest of (he | beasts of the field Therefore, if you will ailow me to back ® moment to the language of my proiessiwn, “I © these men instructing me In my political } duly. And these men come together representing uei- | thersection, We know that the men who went {roi hore do not represent Massachusetts, There 48 no man © bind, co ebild co foolsh, who cannot see that these web ave pot the reprerentatives of Mascachusetis. Take our old fel the hii demar” { Mr. Winthrop, for Whom personally I lave } regard everybody knows tha’ he bas not for | tea ollel anybody's vote but bis own. Take } that vers respectable law f, Judge Curtis, an adinirable judge anda profound scholar; tt was only in 1661 hat he published an opmon that ceriain coalitions were an tw j@ offence, and since then we lave uot ard a wort ‘rom ‘him untit this Philadelphia Com vontion. T will only say this, gentlemen, that whee slavery, you clo:hes on his nt repre- you Mind any body from this - iate support will find that he only carries wi T have #aid to you that sent the North, and in (his respect that coaveniton was the most memorable lant way ever beld, Not arpeech aliowed from Southern mon and nol a represeniative sthern mon there, Mr. Orr was shorn of his power, {ehows you that he don’t represant the people of 4 out Would be Governor Couch tte Wade Hampton, the rebel uieflain, bad to beg and pray that they world not vote for han, ond wonld vote tor Orr, of he wotid have been Agaiv, Governar Perry was chosen by President \ Decaure bo had beea iabooed during the war by volee of the South, and he ciatuied w be a there, Do they represent they do? They passed ten re. rishould inake 4 mistake I broe and I will give you 9 eynopsis of wu * : . ne the ontire almnoet (ho only Unton the South f idence of the Philadelph wwe to teach Us oUF the South was ready to fi show that grieved more than I wonld like have ever had kindiy personal rela vere (because b | with the Presi- | deut of the United States), when I beard of Lie saying to the commitice—to Reverdy Johason, a man who, whea Twos in Baltimore, stood on the fence for more than a month not knowing which way to leap ontil be found bat We ware Cound: the strongest on Federal Hill, sur guns polaed towarts his honse—I was grieved, Teay, to bear the Prosident say that a portion of Cun- rome, not tae whote ¢ “8, Were atompiing to uaarp power have stood bebtud him and wall: That tsa portion of Con- by @ portion of the States; but preetely tue same persons nly @ portion of a President ? ting ®@ to be tried over to States come ine Con. thin matter right, and bring Congress, bada't you, being of the people, beiter resign t elected On Lhat isa, I should like + are yor i say thie aud the reat of in order to set yal States into oiseted by only 4 portion your plnce? And then, if you {think you will be allowed to do pretty much #* you please. thee He knows, and you know, and T know tunt cloven Stetey would have benged bim to quck boginning of the war that he would not have Lad » 0 Drea hee prayer, We see by the fue of | papers (Hal (hese people are mot ready for reconstruc o There te a roan of overwhelming evidence upon 10 not believe that avy portion of Mis country te Fea participate in the government of etry ualll any man of any part of the country e joel rights with every other man. And a@ntil that » don very portion o€ the United States, that viy ty be admitted as a portion of the © Southern man, whether arrived of man OF not, knows that part of the North and speak his sen end I do not want any part of th you and 1 can go ernment Wiihout » vile oF pistol, or of being turdered by a when men ark me Rew long J would keep there . os t ey, bed = eo unc! the mee gr eye ha fer ‘at, wntti they allow mpeeeh ane res prowl their land, And df CS mbenns “n tuis gore ration we will mwear owr tone to keep them out Hill they coome ft for a republican form of government, 1 now yemember ® man who came to me among the very frat at New Orfoans aud took m: by the hand, and with tears id, “Lthank God that you bave come; I * your fag waves over me again, the aym- And protection of my country," ead yet I | Lareeeon that mae wurdered in ovid blood by he houk le46 berOro my arrival, aud J doubted my authority co execute him, That imu oman was ne, the best and purest Uniod mau that ever tod the soil of Louisiaua, for ho peritied bis life when he had po hope, in defence of the tag, I speak with fooltog, for he wasone of Lest aral slanchest advivers, sie me by all means in his power. long as T hada 4 mand the flag eheltered him and eveFy other wan within my ternory. And that that mi Id be murdered with that flag flying over him—noi im an emblem of power and prolection—and we be told that these mep are our brothers, (Appliause.) The rattlesnake may be @ brother of the copperuead, but not mine—not mine! And what was his offence? He undertook to assemble with the Convention and discuss thelr rights as we are assembled here to night—a right guaranteed by the con- stitution of the United States, aod under the provection of the flag; and I should like to say to my old friend, Gon- eral ye do said “When any one attempts to pull down the United States flag shoot him on the ;? but now whenever & man raises an American want some thug (o shoot bim on the spot, And you, Geveral Dix, go to Phiiadelphia and talk about your brethren! They are no brethren of mine. Ether their heartsor mine must change before I can give them the right Land of fellowship. Major General Sheridan ts not eno republican; he is a brave soldier; before the war ocrat; remains so now for aught I know; certainly joes not give any outward man! 0 of change of He makes a representation to General Grant I will read to you; aad, by the by, I seo that three of the Johnson papers do not btn this telegram, for no reason that I can see, en) hat he don’t agree with the eighth article in the Philadelphia resolutions, (The speaker then read General Sheridan's despatches.) Now, my friends, I have read to you, as you sve, the testimony unwillingly drawn out in’ answer, giving a gloss over the tenor of the despatch. The President's despatch asked for as kindly a as possible of tue affair. 1 bave read to you the testimony of one who is opposed to the republican party, but whose loonie to the country is unquestioned, wherein he tells you that this was a massacre and a murdor, that the police shot down men even while prisoners, They aro but thugs and murderers, and they aro Johnson men in good standing for coming back into the Union. When the President asks General Sheridan if the civil power is sufficient to take care of these men, he auawers, ‘1 should say emphatically they are not.” ‘This is after the President has issued his proclamation of the 18th of August that peace reigned and civil authority is sufficient protection for ail citizens. I am sorry to see thavin face of the facts that Horton the fi a Dostio the pure patriot, Hyer and others are |, and wounded men are coming North, with the — testimouy of all these unavenged, with Northera people unprotected so that they are obliged to leave New Orleans, that the President has issued his prociama tion that peace has obtained throughout all the iad and the civil courts are ample.to protect lite and berty. And in face of General Shoridan’s emphatic disavowal of the abilty of the civil authorities to protect ine citizens, the President on the 18th of August turns over every Union man in the South to the mercies of the thugs—assassins and murderers of Lincoln and Dostie. ‘Are you ready to say that these mep shall sit in Con- gress, make jaws for yoo, have poWor to say whother your d bts shall be paid or go unpaid, whether bounties Shall betpaid to your soldiers, pensions to your widows, or whether the flag of the United States shall be upheld? ‘To have u portion of the country in governmental rala- Joys ty the country whore no loyal man can speak -and ae loyal men can assemble? Ihave had some private documents frum another portion of the Union. It was because Texas had couciuded to come into tho Union that this proclamation of pence was is- sud. A gentleman, born in @ town in this county, formerly serving upon my staff, was seut upon an inspection tour to Texas, and he made his report, and was forthwith ordered home, because he reported what he saw aud in what condition he saw things, Whit is the difference between the President and Congress or between the Philadelphia Convention and Congress t— because I believe now we are to look to thatas an ex- ponent of his} feeling. Congress says these men shall not come back until they pass the constitutional amend- ment, And what is thore in the constitutional amend- ment that fauit should be found with it? The first sec- tion (and I thought it was in the constitution aiready) is that every citizen of every State shall have the Tight of every citizen of every State—in other words, that any one here shall walk in peace tm South Carolina, as @ citizen of South Carolina can now walk in Massachusetts—as Couch and Orr walked arm in arm at Philadelphia, The second section provides that the United States débt shall never be repudiated. That is where the con- vention agree with us, only we want Southern men to it iton paper. And that tho confederate debt shall be forever repudiated, because Mr. Alexander H. Stephens says they are not bound by what was donoin their absence, and fore they are not bound by the con- federate debt, and the moment they ete, we shall have a motion not to pay interest om national but @ movement to pay the coniederate debt—and sic- ceeding, under these circumstances, what would your seven thirties be worth? The next section is that repre sentation at the South shall be in proportion to the popu- lation, precisely aa it is at the North, not counting those persons who are not allowed to vote, Under our consti- tution the negro was counted ag three-fifths, and the muster was allowed to represent bis slaves—throe-fifths: gol rd of slavery, hey Claims to represent thom not oalt joy claim nt them not on 5 ‘hhree-fifths, bat as a whole; and that leaves the ‘south with about two-thirds as many votes in a propertionately equal een 1 do not mean to giv yp rion exactly, but it is about that. Now we you shall not have your population counted until you allow them to vote, and yea may bave them counted just as we doatthe North. Is not that fair and just, not only fair and just, but magnanimous? Come back, on! don’t ank ‘tor’ mare pater than you bad UO Fe next proposition on the part of Cor is, that when- ever they will allow all porsons to vote then they shall be counted—a direct offer to the South in favor of giving all pereons the right to ¥« without regard to color or race. I prepese to deal with very great franknes with you, my heighbors and friends. I'am not in javor of that prop rition of Congress for this reason: the negro cither is qualified in having @ right to vote or he fs not. He ought tov or ho ought not. No taza- tion without rep tation, we settied in the be- ginning of this evening, If he has the right to vote, and Congress offers to the people the constitutional am: ndment to fix the great rights of ctizens, then I say 1 wont offer a bribe to anybody to give the right. de shail have the right directly, and in so many words; thoro- foro I am against it, for it’ don’t go as far as 1 would go; it stops short. Don’t let any man say, are you in favor of indiscriminate suffrage? 1 arm in favor of anybody's voting that is now fit to vote, and 1 don’t think the question of color enters into the question of fitness. Fix your standard of qualification, and when any man comes here fit to vote, lot him voto. Let Congress Ox it; Jot thes people fix it, and then ask them to come back into the Union. Let usall fix i by the constitutional amendment, We call upon the negro to fight our battles, and now we wont allow him to aid in govern- ing the Stee he aided in defending. can- not understand why Congress did not go for- ward, It was weil enough, as far as they went, to offer to the South the gift of power, if they would let the negro vote, I would say to the South, gentlemen, we fought you four years, we captured your armies, we captured you, and you are all ours, and we will give you so many rights, so much representation, and you may make such laws. I never go to for indi- reetnesa. IT mean what I say, ry out what I say as weilasTecan. 1 give everybody fair notice that shalt try to get, whenever and wherever I have the opportunity, impartial suffrage for every man in my command, ‘And anybody that don't ikke that I don't Want Lita to go with me, Weare too afraid of this fear about negro equelity, And are you going to make the negro your equal? “I am not going to make him any- thing. ng to leave Lim to make himeelf. hot going to be 80 poor and contemptible as to build my- wif up by crowding him down. beat me fairly, beat me I am willing he should, Any man who talks about being afraid of the negro bas a litte doubt in his own mind whether tue negro is not the better man of the two. Tho first question 18 ove ot great concorument. If I have any Coubt it is about this convention to elect delegates: to Congress, and to override the North, and forming a conjunction with them in the North, we would have all our work to do over again. And Mr. Blair tells you that unlees they get control of the government im the man- ner proposed, and the whole south ts admitted, civil war must rage again. Governor Prowniow, of Tennessee, telis you that there is now an attempt in Tennessee to get hold of that government, and t» overthrow the con- stitation of Tennessee, wiich disfranchises rebel, so that they may elect disloyal representatives to the next Congress, Therefore it becomes the duty of every man so sustain Congress, tustaining @rst the Civil Rights bull which gives to everybody their rights in every State, ond sustain Congress in ble Protection to the negro, ‘0 holding there “tatew where toy are, and insisting that free speech, @ free press, civil and religious liberty, shall be guaranteed until a change can be made, Sustain the loyal men of the South. sustain them, though but ten hohest men can be found in a State; for ten men would bave saved Sodom, and these States are hot mech worse than Sodom, aud Jet those ten righteous men save them. Let us have a repablican party in the South, Let us have a party where free speech can bo beard, and when @ loyal representative of a loyal vou stituency comes to the doors of Conzresa we will ediait him, Born in a democratic State and reared a democrat tnoght it ‘rom my Fery youth up, felt myself obliged to upoold the South tn all its claims and all ita exactiona, so lony ag it shonld remain under the constitution. To do that [ racrificed everything that I had of political preferment; L stood almost io a very small minorny with my fellow citizens, because the constitution of the fathers seemed to me to give them certain rights, and I therefore stood by those rights of the South up to the hour Mat they repadiated their obligations under tr constitution abd attempted to secede frou the Unie And when they set le the constitution that releared me from my obligations to them. bey became my orules mn War, Qud my frieods in peace wien they re- turn to the true principles of republican liberty and law Tuerefore my fwends, my old democratic friends, be not afraid of any idea that you will be charged with any Coane of your parties, fe have fought twgetber in old democratte party for many years—we will tight iov years more if necessary to eave the trae democrat c go eroment where every nan shall have a right to eq ia every Stato. who ewerves from that principle, awervos from it because he has not seen the course of nia, The true democratic principle is equal rigits to every man, and there is no such thing as having an ex. ception in favor of or against the pegro—equal righis to nil men. And one of the most remarkable events in po- litieas life whieh bas struck my observation, is th of our democratic Irish friends. They come from down and join a party that seeks to crash down the gto? Is that true democracy? 1s that the liberty woich we dosite to @stablish for Ireiand—that one man a |iitie lower than another ehell be kept under still? That is the berty that Ireland now enjoys. Therefore, my democratie frieods, 1 to to you As an old democrat, ewerved (rom the path—who tof every jt ‘ho stay ant demands equal joetice for all, not deceived by party ties, Thereore, come back to the true principies @ juakoe for all—equal rishia for all men, Amon uur i aa the highest, | | ee tae | along opposite Battls it Is God's Phis ts a white man’s government ; biack mon or Fovernmont, Lt js made for white men, gray mmen—all fén, asd atl me sil pestect aguallig: an? Aly man who claims $9 fe serlbo 3 that, or he cleims hae etait Xi sav. stance. Bo not dittdent, but come up to the true stand- dard of the country, Stand by the country; stand by the ; Stand by the principles of the fathers, and seo to at that this thing shall be sottied, that every man, from Malne to Texas, upon every part of American soil, fat ic free to A ye his seniiments, and be protected iu life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, and then wo slal, indeed, have s free, united and glorious country. Wendell Phillips’ Opinipy of the Philadelphia *Convention, From the Anti-Slavery Standard, Augdst 25. The! great rebel convention has met and 4 Some mon despise it as a failare, sure to have no impor- tant results, We regard itdiilereatly. Hven f its imme diale results are unit int—which ts by no means cer- ta'n—it will probally p: @ way for c desperate omflict in 1868. Newspaper critics make themselves merry over the insignificance of one or another of the actors in this convention, but should do well to remenber that many of {is members are men thoroughly used to political man- ment, accustomed to wi great States—oun- ning men, unscrupulous, and backed by the whole patronage of the it. Some men are fond of corm} this assembly to the Democratip Convention, which nominated McClellan at Chicago. “But there are (wo great difierences. It was war time then and the groernment was against Chicago, Now ts om the side of the rebels, and beside:, te have fallen the enthusiasm of war to the vapor: and dark by- Of politics, We aro free to confess that wo see great reason to fear the effect of such aconvention as that of Philadelphia. Not that the party will be able to carry many elections thie fall, On the contrary, everything bids fair for the great republican success, But what is tho meaning of a republican suc- cess? To what is the party pledged? Of wha! principle does their success guarantee the triumph? Of neprege whatever, They are to nothing vital. publican orators contiavally tell us to be of good courag’—the party succeed. Grant it; what help does give to the negro? What promise doos it huld out of claiming for him his rights? ‘They do not enter the canvass @.en claiming for bim the ballot; is it likely they will come out from it ready to do for him more ass sna ees Is thero such a on in our party history? Congross, the proper represent lve ‘ofthe repnblican party, has yielded the Gibraitar of the queation of suffrage. It 'iays before the country the proposed constitutional amendment, the plan of which is to punish—weaken—the States, while they refuse the negro lis bailot, Not four weeks ago republicaus de- nounced ue for doubting the assertions of Congress that ‘even the adoption of tuose amendments weuld not secure the admission of che rebel States; that (Sngress ald still insixt Op Impartial suffrage as a condition of admis- sion; that the amendment was only part of its poilcy, &e, &o, Bot read the speeches of Mr. Senator Wilson at Natick and at Boston, and yeu will see that he parades these amendments as the *poticy” of Con- gress—n8 lis answer to Johnaon’s “policy ;’’ and both speeches allow that those amendments once adopted she staves will be allowed to return. Congress therefore surrenders the veal question at isue, Suppose, therefore, that the fall elections do sustain the republican party, then, if theamendinent is adopted, tie rebel States take their places injCongressat once, Once there, and wield- ing their present representation (based on counting taree-lifths stave basis), which they must do till a new apportionment ts made, bow much miachief may not be consummated in those few months? But even after a new apportionment, every credible witnoss asaura us the South will prefer, years to come, the compact strength of areduced white basis to the democratic reality of ne- suffrase. But suppose, aftor republican success this , Congress meets and finds the amendmenis rejected? ‘That same syren voice, expediency, which dictated giving up the question of negro audtuge, will jugtify and demand they shail sur- render the idea embodied in the amendment, and, falling still lower, nd some basis or theory on which they and the rebels can meet and unite in a joint Con- gress. We sec, fure, no bo on the mere success of the republican party th with the canvass ae- Gording to preen. avnoals. The South fights to avert negro suffruge. Having failed to sustain slavery by war, she now plans to como as near as possibio toward effect- ing the same thing by political intrigue, There is no political party in the North that needs ber on this issue, is the danger. The people are wise enough, mean well enough, but lack concentration, nization aud jow, in such circumstances, plt concoct- ed at is to be feared. Wily men, corrupt men, willing to use any means—their ability doubled by theit utter § necrupulonsness—wividing wealth and pat- Tonage, men bearing the prestige of many a success hitherto; such men are a power! Men of moderate capacity, when they act uniettered by apy sonse of right and wrong, equal thomselves to great minds for a while. This explains Napoleon IIL When the devil made bim up he took — not to mee piss wp any. gut bas a and hence this jockey, r' without we! tanced many a com| ys ioe aihee; but burdened with a conscience. One valuable confession we wrench from fake the ‘principles, tasy "see it" wise to. profees, y 808 Tae cat’ cuatt hypocrisy ‘compels thous 0 as: sume, us what, in their opinion, is ee ca tat ia Ueis jusgmase 188 ‘people Jong Tor, and wi in nt long for, an will har alos balked. This list is:—No slavery, pay- j it the uation’ no of and fession that. If even the rebels confess #0 much, if bo} con! what is probably the real heart of the ‘Does it not claim equal oS also? The address of this Con- vention informs us of ite standpoint in the frst Ii “Since the meeting of the last ional Convent! Ly ed Cg eng there bas been no nation since Surety there bevo been conventions enough pro- fonsing to represent all the Joyal States; but you in their view there has not been, because there could not be without the rebels any National Convention since 1860. The argument against the constitutional @mendoient is based on the same ; and, if valid, covers the antisiavery amendment of 1864, ren that also null and void. Do the Southern members this Convention intend to warn us that they reserve the right to test that when a favorable opportunity vccurs? We know not. All we do know is that the South organized her forces at that Convention. She de- ployed them into line. Her t rests on Philadelphia, under Weed, Seward, Vall jham and Garrett Davis. Her left is eacam; at New Me with Mayor Monroe and bis butchers for general and . The headquarters are at the White Houge, and the next move will be on the Cupitol, hoiding Senate and House of nta- tives. Our duty is to put there men who will, at every hazard, save the nation, remembering that they stond where the Long Parliament swod in 1649; and though the block and aze in fron of the palace muy be no filing measure now, they are bound t sind and use some measure fit and efficient to secure their purpose, the deposition of the perjured and wurping (traitor, But alas! the courage and “thoroughness” witch would make that possible, would at the game Lime make it vecessary. In the presence of a united Norih, led by courageous men, there would be Dow, As in 186%, no rebel democratic party worth count- fog.” Some foresee coup d’etzt in the literal eenso—a violent move against Congress, We hardiy expect that, That is too good to be true. The cunning traitors at Philadelphia do not intend to give the North any such advantave. They see their mista! et Burter, aud have no intent to repeat it. urnt child dreads # painted fire,” says the proverb, Thoroughly whipped iu that method, the South will mever rise provoking an- other 1861, of & can pusilly te avoided, The move uyen Congress—upon what this traitor Accident dares to describe as ‘a body cailed, or which assumes to be, the Congress of the United States"—will be made under legal forms. The trick will be so covered that it Will bear a specious argument of constitution: Seward belongs to the Barnum, not to the Cromwell class, But whether a blow come from Jeferson Davis’ Land, or a trick from the brain of Wim. H. Seward, either will Twi in the end. We bave no fears for the final result, Justice will triumph. We have God's promise for that The Jew in Egypt, burdened and crusued, never doubted be should see Canaan. God bad promised but whetoer im four years or in forty, or through what perils, none could teil. We, too, shall reach our a. But whether in four years or forty—through what perile—wheiher as one pation or two—whether all athered round the temple at Jerusalem, or with one ing there, another in Sawaria—none ue Sui WENDELL PHILLIPS. m THE NEGRO MURDER IN BROOKLYN. Conclusion of the Coroner’s Inquest—Verdict of the Jury. The inquest in the case of Rodgers, the negro who was kilied by some young roughs while om a “lark” on Sat- urday night last, was continued before Coroner Smith at the County Court House, Brooklyn, yesterday. Richard Gear, colored, sworn, testified to his having seen a party coming down the street on the night in question, when a tail man among them said, “I can lick any damn biack son of a b—;"’ after the party had passed Rodgers ane out of a house opposite and said, “Them feiiows run a knife in me,” and asked Chester to go with him to the doctor's; witness did not 800 any row; did not think he knew any of the partios; the tall man with a light coat seemed to be intoxicated; he said some colored men bad bit him, and he would ron a kaife into or shoot any one who interfered with him; there were five or six other white men with the tall one at the time; he did not see or hear amy disturb. = bape hr ng occurred, ae di jary J Gear, colored, deposed os tased by ihe tall twan, bai did not vee Rod rr Sho, hovever, pointed out Kelly to the police otlicer as the man who orwnated the muss at that time. Thouus Fields, a colored testified that (Rodgers told bim that it was the big tall fellow with the light coat siadbed him. Ano Maria Koen, ard gave Posed that between gine and eleven o'clock he waa in company with C Quirk, dames kennedy nd row, Krily, dimes Tully, Micuael George Lampon, a8 tuey went along a colored up and eruck Charles Kelly twice in the neck; he dit not see <elly or any of the party surike back again; bad drank bit one giaas; witness saw nothing more of the dificulty; saw no knife with any of the party, The ccroner then read the ante-mortem deposition of the deceived, Charles Rodgers, and the case was given to jury. Alteran absence of a little more than aa hour the jury retarned with the following verdict find that the said Charles H. Rodgera came to hin death by a stab wit a knife or some sharp instrument in the bande of Charws Kelly, in askirmish, on tue night of Setur- aay, Avjurt 2, 1806," , olly “eplied in answor to the usual questions fol Jows:—‘Wy name in Charles @, Kelly; 1 twenty was vorn New York and live at No, 92 ~~ Of age; forth Stond street; am a horse-auoer by occupation, 1 decline & answer apy question in relation to the ohm against ne. Keily, who had herewfore preverved a cool beaing, broke into tears at this junolure ant cred like a ctiid, He was committed to await the action of Ored Jury, other prigoners were die bared. THE MAINE ELECTION. See ee aed Opening of the Grear Fall Campaign. The Issues Before the Pine Tree State, ViGOROUS CONTEST IN Pi. OGRESS, HELP NEEDED FROM NEW YORK. The Radicals Impute Treason to the President and Time Serving to Grant. Speeches of Montgomery Bialr, N. and Senator Wilson. &ee ko ae. OUR PORTLAND CORRESPONDENCE. Poxtiann, Me., August 27, 1866. Maine opens the fall campaign, The elections take place on the tenth of September next, less than a fort night from now. This circumstance alone gives the ap- proaching contest peculiar Interest, whilat the efforts be- ing put forth by both politica! parties—by the radicals and by the upholders of the Philadelphia Convention— give to the struggle incroased significance, ‘As Maine g0e8 80 goes the Union” is an axiom that has held tree pretty often, and may prove reliable in this instance, es- peciaily if, as seems far from improbable, the tide of radicalism, which for the last five years or more has swept over the country, receives here its first check. If Maing, tho State that gave 0.0, Howard to the Freedmen’s Burean, that sent Col. Whittlesey into North Cordlina to sanction the atrocities of the Rev. Wirz Fritz and estab- lish a régime of bureau planting and extortion under the guise of philanthropy; if Maine, that still is half inclined to regard these men in the light of sanctifed martyrs, and that never since 1856, except in one solitary instance, and then by the barest majority, baa returned other than the blackest republicans to Congress; if Maine voers round in the direction of constitutionallsm and conser. vatism, the elections in the other States are fc ne conclusions. The radicals feel this, and have opened the campaign with extraordinary vigor. The Johnson repub- beans and the war democrats begin to appreciate the im- portance of the crisis also, and are waking up to earnest action, “THE CHANCES of a hard, cloee fight in two if not three of the Con- donal districts are good; but the democrats bave mn so long excluded from power that their arms have grown ruety and their joints stiff. The effects of ten years ot radical rule cannot be effacedinaday. They need help from abroad. Their wealthiest city bas been di A by a fire the extent of which none but those who visit the ruins can understand They need men to stump the State, money to circulate information, and they ask for ch: we and countenance from other States, especially from New York. ‘THE GREAT DIFFICULTY of the conservatives isto devise moans of placing the true issues before the people. In the country districts the old farmers, buried in their piney w have swallowed Horace Grecley, hat and all, and are still in a iaily comatose state in consequence. It was a idablo undertaking, but they did it. As Joe Gargery observes, ‘‘Such a big boit as that, Pip, I never did see. And when, a8 in tails instance, the “bolt” has been washed down by big drinks of diluted Tiltonism, admin- istered in every lit Sunday house, the state of the pationt is rendered much worse, and nothing but a powerful emetic will ever kee him to. These mdants of the Puritans live within themselves, seidom crerig. 4 with the outside world They have a hazy idea that war is over, that Lincoln is dead, and that it must be-somewhere about election time; but of the importance and real nature of the prin- ciples involved in the contest they have never heard. They will vote as their weekly paper tells them te unless somebody can get at shake them up shout in thoir ears the true state of thecase, romethi 4s being attempted in this di but much more wil sons, of Alabama, and tna Biair are stum; ior caveuen, starts to-day on a similar mission. Chamberlain, an ex college professor, republican, Pills have to be done before the election if there is to be any some portions of the ‘THR CANDIDATES FOR GOVERNOR bury has challenged Chamberlain to ® public discussion, bat Chamberlain « a 4 great change inade. Senator Doolittle, Governor a ry F. Pillsbury, the democratic candidate are Eben F. Pilisbury, demvorat, ana General Joshua L. in doesn’t seem to see it. ‘THE CONGRESSIONAL CANDIDATES, To the First ney district, which takes in the cities and towns of Portland, Saco, Biddeford and Brans- wick, as well as the Kittery Navy Yard, the member, John SS has pated the radi and L. BH. M. Sweat, who in the Thirty- eighth Congress, and was defeated by Mr. Lynch for the Thirty-niutb, bas been again somdasted by the demo- crate, and is promised the support of the Johnson re- pubiicana. The coptest in J’ortiand will be a very close one; Biddeford, s smart little manufacturing city, which has alwaya been democratic stronghold, will give pweat a majority Branswick is doubtful and Saco will go republican. candidates possess con- siderable persoval popularity, apart from their politics principles. Lynch is a self made man, who has risen from the ranks to be one of the most succoseful mer- chants in Portland, and is much thought of by the working Classes. sweat is a lawyer, an able, speaker and a square, i man, who, when in jpn cone pleased all parties by his ativntiun to local In the Second district the nominees are Sidney Per- ham, radical, and Henry L. Whitcomb, Johnson ropub- lican, Perham's renomination gave dissatisfaction toa faction of the republican party, who broke off, held a soldiers’ nr ‘at Lewiston and nominated Mr. Whit- comb, a candidate of their own—a Liucoln man for- meriy, and now a supporter of President Johnson. He will reosive the undivided adhesion of the democrats. The Third district, embracing Kennebec, Somerset and Lincoln counties, and bee | fa Augusta, the State capi- tal, is hopelessly’ radical, Hon. J. G. Blaine, the present Congressman, wilt be returned without serious show of opposition, Tbe democrats have noteven nominated ‘their man as y , In the Fourth district there is a much bettor show for fe fight. @ radicals have nominated John A. Peters, of jor, in the of Hon. J. Hi. Rice, who, having served turee terms, res. district has gone strongly radical; but there is @ division ip the camp. A section of the party, led by George P, Sewell, the present republican assessor of the district, and Tom Garnsey, one of the Governor's staff, have come out in favor of the Presidevt, and have nominated o M. ‘Weston, formerly editor of the Washi as the Johnson ow candidate, The rate ““Bhore we sailar opie in the Pi lacie, wh wre ise Bi f ere Hon, F. the ait been renom- imated by the radicals for Pike's nominatlon was carféd Onder excitement and wishes of a section of his own party, and itis tht that if ex-Governor Crosby, of Bel! who lives io district, will accept a nomination as a John- son republican and the democrats support him, which they certanly will do, there is a chance of wresting the Fitth district from the radical disunionista. The interest of the struggle concentrates m the First, Fourth and Fifth districts, The radicals are etraining every nerve to keep up their majorities They have eight effective spenkers stumping the Portland district slone—more than the conservatives bave in the entire ato, Moanwhito there is conste Dalton among the rad eanwhile there ts consteraation 6 radical officeholders. Many of them, like that wonderfu! race tat the ancients believed existed in the interior of Airtca, are walking abont with their beads ander their arma, Colonel Wentworth, the radical storekeeper of tue Kittery Navy Yard, bas beon removed, and 10 Ad ee a supporter of the President, has named in his stead, vere! poatmasters have seen their heads carried away in baskets, The ofe'als of the Navy Yard, who hitherto have used their influence and their money pretty freely in support of the dominant party, bi grown suddenly costive. They apparently have vome to the conciusion that they bave not to rewain in | ag and that their wisest course isto keep all the; ave got. Several hundred votes will be chang in this way by choking off the influence of the Tadical officehold rs. " Muasacnusetts, getting ecar is coming t© the rescue, and has sent Major Gen Turveydrop Benks and Senator Wilson to stump St General Shepiey, of New Orleans and Norfolk, me, 14 also on the rampage, Malicious people read @ rumor that Sh: piey is going to teli all he ku bout Banks, and that Banks is going to tell all he knows about Shepiey; but others say that all the laun- dries in the district could not cleanse the dirty linen that would thus be brought to view, and that will keep to himself the experience he acquired while reconstruct. ing the rebuis of A JONNSON MAS MEETING. Mass meetings are being heid with great frequency. visiang, On Saturday mght Hon, Mov! oy. Blair ad. dressed large =moctng in e ering Hal in this city, dwelling strongly on the poing that if the radical poley of exclusion were per, sisted in anctuer ci must be the eventual result, The democrats aud national republicans North and South would unite and elect @ majority in the For. tieth Congress, The President would recognize the ma- Joriry as the legal Congress, The radicais would organize themseives into another Congress ai impeach the President, and thus the breaking up of the Union by the radicals would lead to war ag inevitably ag secession, Mr. Tstated that be was the only mao fm Mr. Lin- coin's Cabinet that opposed the eurrender of Fort Sum- ter, and after the Ors: Buli Run disaster he went to Mr. Fessenden and hay oe him to persuade Mr, Chase to taise tore men and more’ “1 was for the Union theo,” he said, “end | am bor Union stil,’ Last here was. radical, a bight there was cal mass meeting in the frame pall, The “ loyal’ citizens of Pertaea: ees ad. Jured to rush to the meeting, and were told tn the of (ype that Lee's followers were again marching Norsh and must be driven back. Banks and Wilson were the orators of tho oecasion. General Banks was suffering from todispesition, but his speech made up in bitterness what it lacked in force. One or two choice extracts tom his haraague be of interest. THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT NOT ADOPTED. Be asserted that the South bad not ratified the conatt- fuTTOMA amendment, *Oaly one of the insurgent Stat I think, adopted the constitutional amendment by Congress and submitied to them = without condition. Taee ll declared they were willing io adopt it—al ‘declared the propriety of the ansotinent, but, with one exception, insisted ft shod, De oD the understanding that Congress had oe power whatever (0 legisiate on the status of tho (reedmam who were tormesy Slaves. You know perfectly well t ‘ ndment May with @ condition dou'§ say hut what if we bad the ould Pygard thig as an adoption of te amendment and disregavd ‘he condition, But if 1 pare ane power they will é ‘I Seale, conditions M that the adoption is there: the observan: oa the condition, Therefore their rat. cation of the amendment will be of 13 whatever, artltlar forse for slavery does not consist of any servitude—it may exist in many torms under differ. ent names.’’ THE PRESIDENT A PROSPECTIVE TRAITOR AND ORANT 4 TIME-SERY BI, Touching General Grant and his position, as seen from a radical port of view, the here of Red river made some rather remarkable statements :— “The honorable gentleman (ro land, who spoke the other night, threw out either a challenge or a throat, a8 you may choose to regard it, that civil war woulé be the result of a republican victory at these clectiona, Civil war is @ serious thing, and after the peop! ttre country have been eng: for four years in of this kind, it will be a matter of serious cons: both North and South, whether they again enter ie such a contest. But let us set this on one side, If the President means to make acivil war, agit would seem the declarations of ils supporters that he does, he find it mame | to secure men in high places to him, It ts a significant fact that the President in speech afew days ago, when alluding to this subj snd darkly vefertinig perlape to & posebllity of nies turnet to Genera! Grant, and with point declared that it was for the soldiers who bad mainiaii tho Institutions of this government against enemies and rebels, now in a different way to maintain its institudeds and its power. I want to know if you suppose, or man supposes, It is posaible for-Grant to accept an from the President which will require him to turn bid guns upon the very, men who by their pate. olism and by thelr gallantry have give;Ato him tem high honors and the pee position t 26 occuptasy No man kopws better than General Grant Y.ut the sion of tho trey oid States to power will be ite neha for tis removal! from office, I will be among their acte to displace for thoir own generals and navy ufficers those who have been instrumental In overthrowing thee cause, SENATOR WILSON, as usual, bubbled over with nigcerism, and talked Freed» men’s Bureau for the best part of an hour, He abuse@ the President, saying that in his recent speeches he bad ‘“ibelied and slandered” the people of bis countey, misquoted the New York Hexaip, “a journal al: quick to seize the public sentiment,'’ as suppo negro suffrage, and asserted that in Alabama along during the first four months of this year one thousaag four bundred cases of crucity to freedmen bad Leed brought before the Bureau; that in another State (name not given), one hundred and sixty murders of freedmem had been committed during the same period, and no ome pup d; that more than one thousand five bundred negroes re known to have been murdered in the South since the close of the war, and that from the Sus- quehannsa to the Rio Grande every individaal darkey waa trembling like the leaves in the forest. Tne ‘loyal citizens” of Portland sat with opes mouths and listened, cheered and believed him. A SIGNIFICANT HINT TO THE RADICALS FROM THE SOUTH. ‘From the Richmond Examiner, August 27 } To those Northorn journals in the interest of the radical party, which aré so continually barping upon the evidences of our sens a we have a tew words t9 say. And first, we must tell them that the course they ses eneg, Ee Gane where aed a labor of self-stultification. It !s a course which, or later, will bring them into merited contempt obloquy even with their own people. Although masses: of be North are sory prone to be led by their politicians, are some Trout which it is impossible to deceive them. over concerns either their own interest or that of ot our neighbors of the North are very competent jud, And when their radical newspapers talk about South’s continued ‘disloyalty’ the Northern very naturally are apt to think and Inquire to make % 2 we are they reflect ¢hat we bave and nothing to gain by “disloyalty,” the assertions arguments of an unscrupulous radical press are likely produce but little effect upon them. Not only are we “ because by our acquiescence in the contest we are now bou! must more men whose foars avd selfishness induced them their pergoas and principles very ch Sat Sepa ta gun our 0, on. loyalty we m to out-Herod Herod. ‘Wher aro we to go to if wo do ach stand tm Union? Maximilian’s empire seems to be crumbling into ruins; we do not care to go to that soone of anarchy and confusion. Brazilian emigration failure, and, moreover, we do not altogether like spec.mens of fish, lizards and snakes which Professor Agassiz sent on Canada upon by th that Bg are P sccm possi or, by “rebel baie Dit had the " again, even if we arms or epoakion “Th etobe hoped, therefore, that th» radical Pharise-s who are continually avorting their pious taces and rolling the whites of their eyes in a most Christian ee manner will mingle some sense and probability with their future discussions of south loyalty. In all texts, whether of the world, the fleab the devil, we think we can com favorably wit them. Both in this world and the judgment we incline to the belief that our obligations to all govera- ments, human and divine, will be found to have beeg discharged equally as well as theirs. We want it tinctly understood that, having toga Lace Le ent, we intend now meng pen wurselves, to aid in maxing al others do the same, whenever we are called upon to do so. Let the radicals bear this in mind when they atiempt “rebellion” after they are beaten at the Fait elections. POLITICAL ITEMS. Taxtn Omo Disrrict.—The supporters of Andrew Joba- son are likely to defeat the radicals in this district. Mr, Ashley, the present member, has been renominated, but his majority in 1864 was only 827. Tne nation Union candidate is General Henry G. Commayer, of To- ledo, who bas a brilliant military record and is very yular. a oy Tum PauapeLruia Convewrion.—The Columbia South Carolinian says:—‘It is not a fact gen- erally known that Goyernor Orr has the honor of first Megesting the necessity of the Philadelphia Convention, This was Arat done during a conference with some of the leading conservatives of Washington, when he was is that city, and subsequently the idea was enlarged upoa in @ letter which at come future day we shall give to the ptblic.”” Tus New Constitution or Nowra Canouva —It is thought in Raleigh that the new constitution was voted down by a majority of about one thousand, Some countios had not yot made their official returns of the election, and probably would not within the time speci- fled by law. Apurnistnation Paosrsots 1x Intinom.—The Chicage Times thinks Illinois will send eight, and perhaps vine, representatives to the next Congress who support the Premdont’s policy. The radicals Ithely to be displaced are Baker, Kuykendall, Harding, Bromwel! and Cullum Excommumcarey wy Tur Rapicata.—John A Kasson has been excommunicated from (the radical party of Towa for heresy, Omo Ravica, Nommatiows.—The nominations fos Congress by the radicals in Ohio are as follows:—Fire district, Benj. Eggleston; fecond, R. B. Hayes; Third, R.C. Schenck; Fourth, Wm, Lawrence; Sixth, R. W. Clarke; Seventh, Samuel Shollabarger; Fighth, 0, & Hamilton; Ninth, R B, Buckland; Tenth, J. M. Achiey; Thirteenth, ©. Delano; Fourteenth, M. Welker; Fit- teenth, T. A. Plants; Sixteeuth, J. A. Bingham; Seven. teenth, E.R. Eckley; Eighteenth, R. P. Spalding; Nine. teenth, J. A. Garfield, Im three districts nominations have not yet been made, The gentlemen named ubove all have seats in the present Congress, excepting Mr Hamilton, of tho Eighth district, . Wear Vincona at tam Jace Hasrutox Convention. — Wost Virginia sends a delegation of nineteen to the Jack Hamilton Convention, headed by Governor Boreman and the two United States Senators. ‘Texas —The official vote of Texas for Governor ane Lieatonant Governor, aa counted by the Legisiature, tr as follows :—For Governor—J. W. Throckmorton, 49,277; E, M. Pease, 12,1 For Lieutenant Governor—Geo W. Jones, 48,008; L. Lindsay, 8,714, Throckmorton’s ma jority ia, therefore, 37,109. Wanpent Prictrs Decrees. —Wendell Phillips deci nes to be a candidate for Congress, although he has boon strongly pressed by the radicals tq rum Govenwon Aspxew Orrossp Tq Gevgast Botan —The Newburyport (Mass.) MeralZ eays that Governor Antrew will take the stump agairst General Butler, in case the, latter is (96 Conarese in the Kasex districk |