The New York Herald Newspaper, August 20, 1866, Page 4

4 NEW YORK HERALD. eee JAMES GORDON BENNETT, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR, OFFION N. W. CORNER OF FULTON AND NASSAU STS. ‘THE DAILY HERALD, published every day in the year, Four cents per copy. Annual subscription price, $14. ‘THE WEEKLY HERALD, every Saturday, at Five pente per copy. Annual subscription price: @1 50 cach. An extra copy will be sent to every club often. Twenty copies to one address, one year, $35, andany larger number at same price, An extra copy ‘will be sent to clubs of twenty, These rates make (he Wasxty Henaxp the cheapest publication in the couniry. Poatage five cents per copy for three months. TERMS cash inadvance. Money sent by mail will be at the risk ofthe sender. None but bank bills current in New York taken. The Cazorxia Eprriox, on thé Ist, 11th and 2ist of each month, at Srx cents per copy, or $3 per annum. ‘The Evrorzan Eprion, every Wednesday, at Sx cents per copy, $4 per annum to any part of Greaf*Britain, or €6 to any part of the Continent, both to include postage. JOB PRINTING of every description, also Stereotyp- ing and Engraving, neatly and promptly executed at the lowest rates. 5 Volume XXXLD... ee ceeceeeseeseeeeteees No. 232 AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING, BROADWAY »—RICHELIBI WOOD'S THEATRE, Broadway, opposite the St. Nicholas .—THe HaNion Broturrs’ Versatice CoMPaNy OF Acrosats, Dancers, Pasromimists, Voca.ists, ‘THEATRE, Broadway, near Broome v. 'ZONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, 201 Bowery.—Comio Yooatsm—Naoro Minsreeisy—Batter DiveRtissemxnt, Jo.—Tux Inisu Curmrtain. CHARLEY WHITE’S COMBINATION TROUPE, at Yeohanics Hall, 472 Broadway—in a Vantery or Licur PR Ravonanue rAINMENTS, CORPS DE BaLier, &C. ACADEMY OF MINSTRELS, 720 Broadway, (California Minstrels).—Sinorva, Dances axD ErtuioriaN BURLESQUES. TERRACE GARDEN, Third Avenue, betweon Fifty- den and Fifty-ninth streets.—Tazo, Tomas’ OncaesTRaL ARDEN ConcERTS, commencing at 8 o’Clock. HOOLEY’'S OPERA HOUSE, Brooklyn.—Ermortian Mix- ermsisy—Ba.tans, BURLESQURS AND Pantouincs. NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY. 618 Broadway.— amy Wit Tus OxY-yDgoGEX MicnoscorE | twice a zap ano Rigut ARM 'ROBST. from A.M. tll 10 P.M, Ley New York, Monday, August 20, 1866. MISCELLANEOUS. The President has issued a proclamation, in which he declares that the authority of the United States being completely established in the State of Texas, the people well and loyally dispesed to conform in their legislation | to the constitution of the United States, the insurrection | former proclamations, He further proclaims that*peace, date of July 31, a very interesting account of the pordial reception accorded to the officers and crews of the Miantonomah and Augusta by the King and royal both astonished and pleased by their inspection of and reception on board the iron-clad. The Princess Dagmar, faughter of the King, the betrothed of the heir to the crown of Russia and future Empress of that country, ‘ocompanied her father. The young lady is spoken of as very intelligent, good-looking, self-possessed and well informed. The Crown Prince of Denmark said that Russia and the United States wore the greatest Powers on earth, ‘and would, no doubt, “take care of the little fishes.” The officers of the squadron, strange to say, found stored at Copenhagen a large amount of war material belonging to the late rebel Anglo-American ram Stonewall, which they claimed and took possession of. All well on board Doth versels at date. ‘The cholera still lingers inthis city. Fourteen fresh oases were reported to the Board of Health yesterday, and thirteen burial certificates were issued from the Bareaa of Vital Statistics. In Brooklyn there are no per- ceptible changes in the progress of the epidemic, and fourteen fresh cases were reported in that city yes- President Roberts of the Fenian Brotherhood has fasued @ call for a general Congress of the Fenians at ‘Troy, on Tuesday, September 4, for the transaction of business, General Sweeny bas issued an address exhort- ng the members to avoid forming party political associa- tions not connected with the cause of Irish freedom. Our correspondent at Boston discusses the effect of the Philadelphia Convention on the radicals at the ‘‘Hub,”’ Jad intimates among other things that, as Bho disastrous effect of that movement on perty, General Butler intends to propose the annexation 0 Africa in the convention which meets in eptember at Philadelphia. Aman named Robert Reid was arrested in Brooklyn jm Saturday for the alleged murder of bis wife in Liv- wpool, England, in December, 1862. He was surren- Jored to an English detective, under the provisions of )ho Extradition treaty. The officer and his prisoner will jail for Europe on Wednesday's steamer. ‘The Newfoundland lines are still down, and we are without our despatches by the Atlantic cable this morn- ing. The brig Clara Webster, from Vinalhavon for Philadel- dolphia, was run into and sunk, on Saturday, off Nausett, by the schooner A Denike, of New York. All hands were saved. The troubles between whites and blacks at Dram- mondstown, Va, which wero recorded in the Hanatp some weeks ago, broke out again in that place recently, fod a detachment of soldiers have boon sent there, Liquor produced the disagrement, but it was promptly quelled. ‘Tho National Hall on Market stroot, in Philadoiphia, has been set apart forthe use of the Southern Radical Convention, which mects there on the 84 of September. Two Uniled States mon-ol-war have been ordered to the Rio Grande, in accordance with the proclamation declaring Maximilian’s biockade of Matamoros null and “void. The commander of the Pacific squadron has also received orders to detach ® force to take care of the United States interests off Mazatian and Guaymas, Counterfeit compound interest notes of the denomina. tion of $60. on the Citizens’ Nationa) Bank of Fulton, Now York, are now in circulation, and also counterfeit $5's on the National Bank of Cairo. A heavy storm prevailed in Baltimore yesterday aftor- noon, and a sloop im the harbor capsized during the gale, two females being drowned. Telegraphic news from Matamoros, Mexico, states that held a review in Monterey on the 10th in. tant, and the French were reireating on San Luis Potosi. Cortinas was erecting defensive works sround A Gre occurred in Chicago yesterday morning, origind> ting im Van Horn, Murray & Co.'s tobacco warehouse, fad destroyed property to the amount of $600,000, Bubed sured to tha anrougt of £990,000, largely in a Important Proclamation by the President— All the States Restored by Executive Au- thority. The highly important proclamation of the President which we publish to-day, declaring that all the States in which rebellion lately existed are fully restored to “peace, order, tranquillity and civil authority,” will be read with profound interest throughout the length and breadth of the land. Texas, the last State that remained unrestored in its civil functions, and which has been the lone star in this respect for some time, is now restored to her rights and privileges in the Union with all the other States. The work is now complete as far as Executive authority goes and the condition of the States is concerned. The proclamation of the President has the effect of law, and all are bound to respect it as such. As the executive power of the repub- lic, he is the proper authority to judge of the condition of the country. It is the duty of Congress itself to accept and act upon his official declaration. We have been anticipating such a procla- mation as this, knowing that civil authority had been restored to all the other Southern States except Texas, and being assured that Texas would soon be in a condition to enjoy the same privilege; but now the official decla- ration is made that all are restored, every pa- triotic citizen must feel highly gratified. Radi- cal agitators have been telling the people that the war was not over, and that the South was still in a state of insurrection; but the Presi- dent solemnly proclaims “that the said insur- rection is at an end, and that peace, order, tranquillity and civil authority now exist in and throughout the whole of the United States of America.” The President in this important document recapitulates the several acts of Congress and of the Executive to suppress the insurrection and to restore civil authority, and he shows clearly that no branch of the government ever entertained the thought that the States could be destroyed or their rights abridged when- ever the insurrection should be put down. We now see how wisely and carefully Mr. Johnson has acted in reorganizing the South- ern States and in bringing peace and@order out of the terrible chaos in which the rebellion left the couatry. The people may well rejoice at the glorious end we have at last reached, and honor the man who bas conducted us to that end through most extraordinary difficulties. All that remains to be done now is the restoration of the Southern States to repre- sentation i Congress. To exclude them from this is a violation of the constitution, and Congress, in excluding them, is guilty of a dangerous usurpation. Each house is the judge of the qualifications of the individuals claiming seats; that is, to judge whether they have been properly elected, and whether there is any constitutional objection to them person- ally. But this power only applies to the indi- vidual representatives, was never before ap- plied in any other way, and the founders of the government certainly never contenspiated the exercise of it in excluding States from repre- sentation. The joint action of the two houses in refasing to admit the States to be represented in Congress \s clearly unconstitutional and revolutionary. The States in which rebellion existed were represented in part during actual hostilities, and, could elections have been fairly held in portions of those States, they would have been represented throughout the war. The exclusion of them from Congress when the war ceased was an after thought of radical politicians, for political ends. We have good reason to believe, however, looking at the signs of the times, that the radicals will not be able to keep the Southern representa- tives from Congress much longer. Public opinion wil demand their admission. With this proclamation of the President the people will require an immedigte and full restoration of the South in Congress, as in all thé other rights now accorded to them as citizens of the United States. Tae Srescu or Genmrat Drx at Putaper- Puta.—We republish this morning the speech of General Dix, delivered at the opening of the Philadelphia Convention. As this was the key note to the whole proceedings of that body and truthfally represents the position of the Convention on the issues now before the coun- try, it is of sufficient interest to bear « frequent republication during the present campaign. Several errors occurred in the transmission of the speech over the wires. We therefore furnish our with a revised copy, thus enabling them to better appreciate the feelings and sen- timents of this great statesman and orator. The sentiments there expressed are those 0” an old democrat who has participated in some of the most important events in the history of our country. They are the words of # man who was among the first to offer his services when the Southern rebellion threatened the life of the nation, and who is now found in the foremost ranks of those who are rallying to put down the Northern radicals—s fection en- gaged in trying to complete the work which the secessionists of the South failed to accom- plish. It gives us in a short, concise and forcible manner, the whole question at issue; and that, too, ina much more clear and comprehensive way than the long address written by Raymond. General Dix speaks like a man who understands the question and has nothing to conceal and cover up; while Raymond, being a member of the .revolutionary Congress and frequently voting for the measures of Thad Stevens, was compelled to tread lightly upon the record and resort to cirenmlocution in treating upon their actions to prevent a condemnation of himself. Tho speech of General Dix is not open to any guch objection, but is an outspoken, comprehen- afvé ana touplete exposition of the issues now before the people. It is of a far higher ordor NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, AUGUST 20, 1866. being free from that useless verbiage of the present age, it reminds us more of the classic efforts found in ancient oratory. We commend it to the attention of all who wish to under stand the issues of the day and those who desire to have a complete knowledge of the position taken by the Philadelphia Convention. The Great Speech of Andrew Johnson—The Issues of the Campaign. The events of the last ten days have been of #0 great importance to the republio that it is impossible to estimate or appreciate the bene- fits that will follow. Commencing with the significant and popular gathering at Philadel- phia and closing with the eloquent and spirited speech of Andrew Johnson in reply to the con- gratulatory address of the committee from the Convention, we have a chapter so full of inte- reat, patriotism and devotion to the Union and the constitution that it cannot fail to arouse the people in every section of the country. It inaugurates a new era in the political affairs of the nation, and points unmistakably to the early downfall of the radical disunionists and the triumph of the Union cause. It is seldom that we find concentrated in so small a space so much real eloquence, a0 much pathos and unanswerable logic as are combined in the speeches of General Dix, Governor Orr and President Johnson. We have nothing equal to them in modern oratory, and they are such as only great occasions bring out. They furnish a striking contrast to the negro harangues of the radical orators. They lead us, in the language of the Executive, to the inevitable conclusion that the present movement is “under a proper inspiration, and that the finger of an overruling and unerring Providence is in the matter.” The developments of the last eight months, the usurpations and the revolutionary action of the radical Congress, have shown to the people that the “nation is in peril.” We have passed through a mighty and bloody ordeal and new find new difficulties surrounding us. Our brave soldiers have overcome and re- moved one danger to the Union only to find us confronted with another equally dangerous to the peace, prosperity and stability of the republic. The people again rise up in their majesty and exhibit their determination to arrest the evil before our plains are again deluged with blood. In this uprising they can rejoice in the hearty co-operation of the Presi- dent, who stands at the helm of the ship of state sounding the alarm and doing all within his power to avoid the breakers ahead. His earnestness in their cause is seen by his man- terly speech which we published in our col- umns yesterday. He tells the people that, “so far as the Executive Department of the government is concerned, the effort has been made to restore the Union, to heal the breach, to pour oil into the wounds which were consequent upon the struggle” that we heve just passed through ; “but as the work progressed, as reconciliation scemed to be taking place and the country becoming united, we found a disturbing and marring element opposing us.” The people have but to recall the events of the past year to realize the truth of this picture. The public will remember that in the canvass of 1864 the radicals all pre- tended to support the restoration policy of the President, and on that claimed their support. Up to the time of the assembling of Congress the work of restoration was progressing rapidly, with every indication of an immediate recon- ciliation and an adjustment of the affairs of the country upon # permanent basis, But as soon as the radical Congress assembled those who had been profuse in their promises betrayed the people, and that body, while assuming and pretending to be for the Union, labored to ex- tend, to perpetuate disunion and make a dis- ruption of the States inevitable. As the Presi- dent truthfully says, “instead of promoting reconciliation and harmony, its legislation par took of the character of penalties, retaliation and revenge.” It is this betrayal of the con- fidence of the people that brought about the significant, harmonious and enthusiastic Con- vention at Philadelphia. It is this that bas caused this great uprising of the people to which we find the President responding with extraordinary feeling and eloquenee, showing that his heart beats in response to the senti- ment of the great mass of our citizens. We have not space to reiterate here all the immortal words that fell from the lips of the Executive in his response to the committee. His remarks must be read to be appreciated. We doubt if there is a person in our whole land, whose mind is not blinded by partisan views, who can read the noble and patriotic sentiments found in that speech without feeling @ thrill in the innermost recesses of his soul. The President announces to his countrymen that he has taken his stand upon the broad principles of the constitution, and upon that great charter of our liberties, civil and reli- gious freedom, he appeals to them to rally to his support and in defence of the Union. An appeal go stirring, so effective, can hardly be made in vain. He tells us that we are threat- ened with a despotism through efforts at cen- tralization which, if allowed to be carried out, will lead to monarchy itself. He tells us that a radical Congress are encroaching, “step by step, upon constitutional rights, and are violating the fundamental principles of the government.” For resisting this he is heaped with abuse and vituperation of the most vil- lanous character by a radical press and de- nounced as a worse traitor than Jeff Davis. Yet in the face of all this he refuses to accept the power which the radicals attempted to thrust upon him, which would have enabled bim to hold the whole country at his mercy and exercise a sway over the in- terests of the nation far beyond that now pos- sessed by any Earop’an monarch. Would he but consent to use this power and override the constitution none would be more anxious to sound his praise and proclaim their approval than the same radical Congress and radical prees which now defame him. The lesson to be derived from all this is the great fact that we have reached an important crisis in the affairs of the republic. The issues which divided the political parties in the past have all been wiped out by the inexorable logic of events, A new epoch has commenced and a contest been inougurated in which it gevolyes upon the people to decide whether they shall end in the disruption of the Union, the permanent aliena- tion of one’section from the other, or in a com- pletegreconciliation and restoration of the coun- try under one flag, one Union of States and ond government for all. Shall we have union and consti‘utional liberty, or disanion, despotism, anarchy ‘and ruin? This fs the momentous the people are to decide at the next Congres- sional election. Who that witmessed the great uprising of the people when the life of the na- tion was threatened by the Southern radicals can doubt what their verdict will be now that the political pendulum has swung to the other extreme and the republic is on the verge of destruction through the intrigues of the Northern radicals? We have, with the Preal- dent, confidence in the decision of the people; and if we read the signs of the times cor- rectly the revolution has commenced which will bring about a complete telumph of the cause of restoration and an overwhelming re- pudiation of the radicals at the ballot box. The Doaglas Monument Celebration. It is generally known that the monument erected in Chicago to the memory of the late Stephen A. Douglas is to be inaugurated on the 6th of September with unusual and extra- ordinary ceremonies, The President of the United States is going all the way from Wash- ington to attend them. A number of the high officials of the general government and from the several States are to be there. Nothing is neglected that could give ¢clat to the occasion. Altogether it will be one of the most striking ceremonial events of the kind ever witnessed in this country. Such ovations have become characteristic of the American people. They are not original, it is true, for we follow other nations in this respect. From the earliest times eminent men have been honored in a similar manner. The pyramids of Egypt, the exquisite sculptures of Greece, the grand monuments of Rome and the statues and other works of art of all suc- ceeding civilized nations were made to do honor to the memory of the distinguished dead. Statues and monuments of the kings, statesmen and heroes of later and modern times may be found in all the capitals and great cities of Europe. But we, the last born of great nations, are not only imi- tating the people of other countries, but are disposed to go much further in this phase of hero-worship. This is well so far as we give honor to whom honor is due, and as an encour- agement to art. Every patriotic citizen de- lights to see monuments raised to the immortal Washington and to the other patriots, heroes and statesmen of our country. They produce an excellent effect in inspiring a love of coun- try and of those virtues and high qualities which elevate the character. But we are dis- posed to carry our hero-worship to an extreme, to Ignore the facts of history, and to do a great deal more to glorify ourselves, as well as for political effect, than to honor those wo profess to honor. This'leads us to consider the approaching ceremony of inaugurating the monument to Stephen A. Douglas at Chicago. What was there in Mr. Douglas to honor? We will be ‘frank and impartial. Mr. Douglas was a self- made man in the general sense of that term. From an obscure birth and very limited educa- tion he became one of the foremost men of our country. He rose by the energy of his charac- ter and native intellect to be Senator and to be @ formidable candidate for the Presidency. He was, in fact, at one time one of the most, if not the most, controlling men in the to step, rather rapidly, from a State legislator to the Senate of the United States. This was highly creditable and showed that he was no ordinary man. Ambitious in a high degree, and seeing the immense growing power of the Weat, he aspired to be President while s young man and while there were formidable rivals among the old statesmen of other sections. Never a statesman himself, in the proper sense of that word, all his efforts were directed to supplant those who were. The aim of his life and all bis political conduct was to become President. He believed he could attain this by political management. This led him into fellowship with poor Pierce, Jeff Davis and the other extreme pro-southern men. Under their dictation the Missouri Compromise was repealed, in which act he took a leading part. This was the original source of the fearful troubles we have since passed through, and Mr. Douglas contributed a great deal to pro- duce those troubles. After having acted for some time with the extreme Southern men he took another track to catch the popular vote of the North. In this new réle he took that popular sovereignty ground in the Kansas difficulty that erected s gulf betwoen him and his former Southern supporters. Nothing could satisfy or appease his ambition short of the Presidency. He was reckless or blind as to the welfare or peace of the country, Perish everything rather than his ambitious aims. Such was the idea he and his nnmerous sup- porters entertained at the time the Charleston Convention met in 1860. A more corrupt set of politicians never adhered to # public man than those who supported him in that Convention. This, together with his popu- lar sovereignty record, was so objectionable that he could not get the ‘nomination for’ President. Out of spite, more than from any hope of being elected, he broke up the Convention and run upon a separate nomination obtained from # rump convention. This, as everybody is aware, led necessarily to the election of Mr. Lincoln, the republican candidate, and to the terrible war of secession through which we have passed. Had Mr. Douglas loved bis country more than his ambitious object he would have with- drawn his name from the contest in 1860, and we might bave been saved from the terrible war we have passed through. A restless, ac- tive, energetic and uncompromising politi- cian—n good deal of a demagogue and with few of the clemonts of a statesman in him—he Wak able to thake a pdwerfal impression upon the times and the history of the country. Like many other such men, however, he’ was a genial companion and justly esteemed in the domestic relations of life. Had it been his fate to have had a different education and to have been brought ap in another school of politics he might have attained a more envia- Ule reputation. Had he been able, like Presi- ficed everything for a principle and the good of his country, bis’ name would have gone down to posterity with unalloyed honor, and we might have rejoiced in the ceremony of raising monumental honors to his name. We give to the memory of Mr. Douglas the credit due to it; but we cannot permit this ceremony to take place, with all its imposing paraphernalia, without vindicating the truth of history and recording our protest against such inappropriate hero-worship as this to which our people are too ready to lend them- selves, The President’s Policy of Appointments. President Johnson, in his interview with the New Hampshire delegates t> the recent Na- tional Union Convention on Friday, stated that henceforth the power and offices of the govern- ment would only be given to those men who maintained the principles set forth by that body of the most intelligent, able and patriotic men who had assembled since the days of the Declaration of Independence. This announce- ment from the President is the first Executive endorsement of the action of the Convention, and it comes promptly and in good season. Those who are hostile to those principles must be regarded as the enemies of the country and the constitution, and are therefore wholly unfit to exercise any authority under the govern- ment. We trust and believe that the President will keep his word in this matter. He has too long retained in office a class of men inimical to the statesmanlike policy which he has adopted for the reconstruction of the country; ® policy which is now fully ratified by the people of all sevtions. Second only to the re- sult of the National Convention itself is this determination of Andrew Jobnson. The official duties of the general government have hitherto been committed in many cases to disunionists of the woist stamp—men more dangerous to the permanency and prosperity of the republic than the rebels who sought to overthrow it by force of arms. No government can remain strong whose subordinate officers are opposed to its policy and insidiously undermining its principles. Mr. Johnson no doubt realized this fact before; but he is now strengthened in his determination to inaugurate a radical re- form by the verdict of the whole people ren- dered at Philadelphia, who endorse his policy from end to end. We hail with satisfaction this vigorous open- ing of the campaign on the part of the Presi- dent; but we think that, in remodelling the system of office-holding with the small fry, he ought to pay some attention to his Cabinet, and perhaps begin there. If it becomes neces- sary to dispossess traitors in the custom houses, post offices and the United States courts, how much more essentidl is it that hia immediate advisers should prove themselves loyal to the President and the people. The same test applies to every onein offiee, great and small. The President ackaowledges that | “it was a duty the administration owed itself that strength and power should be given to those who maintain the principles declared by that great body of national men who met in the Convention at Philadelphia, That duty the President can very readily perform, and it is expected that he will commence by enforcing his authority in the case of the newly appointed Collector of Philadelphia, W. F. Johnson, whose assumption of the office has been resisted by the present radical inoumbent, Colonel Thomas, upon the ground that the appointment is not exaotly regular, according to his judgment. It seems rather « high-handed measure for a | government official to resist the authority of the President; but it is nevertheless entirely in sccordance with the turbulent and rebellious spirit of the radical faction. President John- son will no doubt very soon deal with this case, and then he can continue to clear out all the other radical disunionists now in office. The question raised by Thad Stevens and the other disunionists in Congress as to the legality of the President’s appointing to office persons rejected by the Senate while Congress is not in session is in the hands of Attorney General Stansbury, and it is understood that he is prepared to show that by law, prac; tice and precedent there is nothing to pre- vent Mr. Johnson from making such appoint- ments. He has therefore a fair field for his operations in this respect, and we shall proba- bly soon see the offices of the government filled by loyal men, and the intriguing, dis- union Jacobins sent forth howling. The radi- cal-ridden and overtaxed people will cordially endorse such a course on the part of President Johnson as the first fruits of the great National Union Convention and a long stride towards the reconstraction of the country. Tur Fremey Execorionx—A Horr to tax Po- 11¢8.—The moral effect of the late execution at the Tombs will be felt through the length and breadth of this great metropolis, and will do more towards checking rowdyism, perhaps, than anything that has happened for years. Friery was the true type of a New York rowdy, who, regardless of all law, allowed himself to be led from one excess to another, until in an evil hour his hands were stained with human blood, and he found himself at the bar of justice charged with the awful crime of murder. Ex- perience teaches us that nearly all our great crimes are committed by just such young men as Friery. They commence by indulging in drunkenness, fighting and night brawling gene- rafly. Armed as they invariably are with knives and pistols, skirmishes occur nightly, and the only wonder is that treble the number of murders are not committed. Day after day and year after year they become accustomed to deeds of bloodshed and violence, until finally there is no crime that they will stop at to gratify their evil passions. In the long run the law is bound to overtake the offenders, and justice, slow but unerring, is meted out to them accord- ing to their deserts, There was a time when rowdyism flourished as an institution in this city, when the “b’hoys” of New York were only equalled in villany by the “killers” of Philadelphia and the “ping uglies” of Baltimore ; but, thank God, that time has passed, and we have comparatively an orderly population. Still there remains a great deal to be done to prevent the sporadic cases of rowdyism and bloodshed that yet occur. The strict enfor t of the law againrt car- rying cafiealed pert Soul 4s more per- haps towards the prevention of this class of crime than anything else that we could eug- gest. It is an offence against the statute for persons to go armed with slungshots, knives, pistols or other deadly weapons; but very few pay any attention te the law, and the result is than the political epcechcs of the day, and, | istuc of the pour, This ip tho question that | dent Jotneon, in a trying orists to have sacri- | a shooting or agiadbing ase wimust every day. ee It is only whay’e death ensues that the attention of the public is drawn to these occurrences, and the question is asked why do not the police attend more strictly t¢@ the law against carry- ing concealed weapons? For our part, we believe it would be the grand preventive against such scenes of bloodshed and would be the means of doing away with at least seventy-five per cent of our shooting and stabbing cases. Let the police arrest all those whom they suspect of violating this law, and deprive them of the means of indulging in these affrays. Make occasional raids upon corner loafers, gamblers, young men about town, and evil-disposed persons generally— they are all known to the police—and Iet the suthorities make an example of those found violating the law, and, take our word for it, there will be less bloodletting and fewer Frierys. The police have a perfect right to search for deadly weapons, and it only requires an order from the Commissioners or Superin- tendent to have the thing done. Frequently policemen themselves come in for a share of the assassin’s steel, and, as a matter of self- protection, they ought to see that the law against carrying concealed weapons is enforced. Attack on the Freedmen’s Bureau by a Burean Commissioner.” The Rev. T. W. Conway, some time Assistant Commissioner of the Department of Louisiana and West Mississippi, makes in our columns this morning a severe onslaught upon the Freedmen’s Bureau. It is disguised under cover of a personal attack upon General Ful- lerton, one of the President’s investigating commisstoners, who for a few days, in the interim between Mr. Conway’s removal and General Baird’s accession to office, held control of frsedmen’s affairs in New Orleans; but its effect is to establish by the mouth of another witness nearly everything that Generals Steed- man and Fullerton have asserted with regard to the arbitrary and irresponsible powers exer- cised by the officers of the Bureau, and the cor- rupt and grossly improper uses to which those powers were frequently applied. One might have expected better things of Chaplain Con- way. He was one of the especial pets of Gen- eral Howard. He shared the odor of sanctity and incorruptible radicalism with Chaplain James, of negro-shooting fame; with Chaplain French, of profitable planting philanthropy; with Chaplain Glavis, who planted without philanthropic motives, and with Chaplain Liv- ermore, who distrained upon the poor nigger’s wallet and jack-knife for an illegal fee of fifty cents. He was one of the “earnest” men of the cause—one of the men of grand moral ideas. For such a man to turm round and admit the chief accusations of the President’s commission- ers, simply transferring the blame from himself to another commissioner, is the hardest blow the Bureau has yet received. Generals Steed- man and Fullerton, who are simply brave, honorable soldiers, may be distrasted by the radicals; but they are bound to accept the tea- timony of the Rev. T. W. Conway, the chosen champion of the Bureau and the especial favor- ite of the chief commissioner. And this is what Mr. Conway says:—He ad- Foster, one of the Bureau taxing officers, levied an “incidental tax” on his own authority and put the proceeds in his pocket; but he says this is “an unfortunate circumstance in connec- tion with General Fullerton’s administration.” All these things were done by the Bureau; the only mistake was as to the man who did them. So at least we interpret Mr. Conway’s strangely contradictory letter, in which, in one sentence, he asserts all the charges to be unfounded, and in the next virtually accepts the allegations, transferring the responsibility to General Ful- lerton. Into the question of veracity between Mr. Conway and General Fullerton there is no need to enter. The latter gentleman will doubtless be well able to defend himself. We accept for the nonce Mr. Conway’s statement that all these iniquities were committed, but were committed by General Fullerton, and we refer Mr. Conway and his friends to the pub- lished general orders of the chief of the Bureau, in one of which he will read (quoting from memory):— General Fullerton only carried out his instructions (in and his conduct is ful a 0. 0. HOWARD, Commissioner. Tuap Srevens on Axpaew Jonnson.—This radical leader of the last House of Representa- tives has taken the occasion of his renomina- tion to again attack President Johnson. Like all of his radical associates he denounces him as atraitor simply because he wants the Union restored and opposes any more riots and use- less shedding of blood. Stevens says:—I can- not begin to attempt to unfold the policy of that man, in whom the people confided asa true patriot, and whom we have now found to be worse than the man who is inearcerated in Fortress Monroe.” Jeff Davis, then, accord- ing to Thad Stevens, is a better man than Andrew Johnson. Yet Davis was at the head of the rebellion, and Johnson manfully battled against it and was one of the most staunck friends of the Union in its darkestdays. “But,” continues Stevens, “ I had hoped that the blood of half a million of our citizens and the ex- penditure of five billions of money would have induced the destroying angel to put up his sword. We have not yet done justice to the oppressed race.” Then we are to infer from this that we are to have more war, more bat- tles, additional sacrifices of the lives of our citizens, farther augmentation of our national debt, another chapter of carnage, for the sake of proving that Jeff Davis is a better man thea Andrew Johnson, and to enable the niggers to be elected Senators and Representatives in Cohgreés—for this Is what he means by negro equality. : i St» But this traducer of the man who stood firm during the dark hours of our country does not stop here. “You all remember,” he adds, “hat in Egypt the Lord sent frogs, locusts, murrain and lice, and finally demanded the vived of suv uret born of all the oppresere :