The New York Herald Newspaper, June 2, 1865, Page 2

2 THIS CONTINENT. THE CANNING- MONROE DOCTRIN ITS HISTORY. Our Position with Respect to Buro- pean Powers as Viewed by One of England’s Great Men. ENGLAND'S INTEREST AGREES WITH OURS | Account of the Interviews on the Subject Between Mr. Canning, the British Ministe?, and Mr. Rush, the American Minister. Canning’s Notes and Rush’s Reports. Extracts from Rush’s “ Residence at the Court of London,” &e., &e., INTERVIEW BETWEEN MR. RUSH avaus? 16, 1823—rvsH TU" TION TO TE AR BETWEEN FRANCE AND SPAIN AND THE QUESTION OF THE SPANISH AMERICAN assy ne * * * * * Tho proper object of our interview over, I transiently asked Mr. Canning whether, notwithstanding the late news from Spain, we might not still hope that the Spaniard would get the better of their difficulties. I here bad aliusion to the defection of Ballosteros in An- dalusia, an event sceming to threaten with new dangers the constitutional cause in Spain. His reply was gene- ral, importing nothing more than lis opinion of the in. croased dangers with which, undoubicdly, the ovent I alluded to, was calculated to surround the Spanish cause, Pursuing the topic I said that, should France ultimately effect her purpose of overthrowing the con- stitutional government in Spain, there waa at least the consolation left that Great Britain would not allow her to go further and stop the progress of emancipation in the colonies. By this remark I incant to recall the sen- timents 2 aebo,sae in Mr. Canning’s note to the British Ambassador at Paris of the 31st of March—a note which had immediately preceded the invasion of Spain by the French army under the Duke d’Angouleme. The purport of this note was, that Engtand considered the course of events as having substantially decided the question of the sepa of the colonies from Spain, althourh the formal recognition of their independence by his Majesty’s government might be hastened or re- tarded by external ca ses, as well as by tho internal con- dition of the colonies themselves; and that as England disclamed all Intention of appropriating to herself the smallest portion of the Spanish possessions in America, she al-o felt satisfied that no attempt would be made by France to bring any of them under ber domin- ion, eithor by conquest or by cession from Spain. 1 con- sidered this note as suiliciently distinct m its import, that England would not remain passive under any such altompt by France; and on my expressing this senti- mont, Mr. Canning asked me what I thought my govern- ment would say oy hand in band with England in such a policy? He did not think that concert of action would become necessary, fully believing that the simple fact of our two countries being kuown to hold the same opinions would, by its moral effect, put down the inten- tion on the part of France, if she ¢ntertained it. This bolief was founded, he said, upon the targe share of the maritime power of the world which Great Britain and the United Séates held, and the co ‘nt influence which ‘nowledge of their common on & question in- volving stich important maritime interests, present and futaro, could not ‘ail to produce everywhere. Lroplied that in what manner my covernment would look upon such a sugeestion I was unable to it was one nrrounded by important considerations, and 1 would communicat» it to my government in the sane informal manner in which he had thrown it before me. I re- marked, however, that I could hardly do this to full ad- vantage unless he would ut the same enlighten me a» to tho precise situation in which England stood in relation to those new communities, and point of ncknowledg ng their 1 He ropl'ed that Great Britain certainly never again in- tended to lend her instrumentality or aid, whether by mediation or oth rwise, tow ards inaking up the dispute between Spain and her colonies; but that, cold still be brought about, the would not interfere to even! it. Upon my here intimating that I bad spposed ‘all idea of Spain ever recovering her authority over the colonies had gone by, he explained by saying that he dd ‘not moan to controvert that opinion; for he, too, believed that the day had arrived when all America might be con- sidered as lost to Europe, co faras tho tie of politival dependence was concerned; all that he moant was that if Spain aud the cotonies should be able, agreeing among themselves, to bring the dispute, which was not quite over, to aclore upon terms satistactory to both sides, and which would at the same time secure to Spain, as the parent State, commercial advantages not extended to other nations, that Great Britain would not object to a compromise in thie spirit of preference to : pain. ‘ * * * ° Reverting to li's fret idea, he again said that he hoped France would net, even should events be favorable to her arma in the Peu nsuia, extend her views to Spanish America for the purpose of redceing the colonies, nomi- nally indeed for Spain, but in reality to aubserve onds of her o that, i wmbappily she did meditate auch a course, was satisfod that the knowledge that the Cuited Slates would be opposed to ft as well as England could not fail te have its decisive influence in checking it. In this wey good might be done, and peaceful pros- pects made sure ail ronnd. As to the form in which knowledge might be made to reach France aud the other Powers of Envope, ho sat, in conclusion, that he thought it Ll P nner that would free from T again t uld pot fail to convey hie suggestion. wud impart to him what- ever answe ve. Inthe course of our ev versation 2 0 opinion in favor of ther, 3 abstalnod as carefully from saying anything against them, and on (his footing the com jon ended; all which was promptly reported to my govérnmaent, NOTK FKOM MM. CANNING TO MR. RUST, August 22.—This day brought me an tmportant note from Bir. Canniny, dated te 20th iust.—Foreign Office. He informs me that before leaving town he ie desirous of bringing before me ino moro dietine*, but still in an unoflicia! and confidential shape, the ¢ estion opened and shortly discussed between vs on the 16th met. He asks if the memout lias pot arived when our two | ach other as ty the | v, Whether it would | wernments might undersiand tah American colonive; und i not be expedient for ourrel ver, world, that our primeiples in clearly sottiod ani avowed. do diaguise on the subjoct— 1. She conceived the secoyery of the colonies by and ben ‘al for all the aed to tb of their recognition as indep-n- c ner, a ‘Stat o= was one . That Bngland was wot dispo any impediment in the way of an the colonies aud mother country ton. by emicable negotia 4. That she aimed at the possession of no portion of | the ovlonies for herself. 6. That she could not see the transfe thom to any otver Power with | That if the Untied States of any portion of of making known their joint diapprobation ef contrary projects; that it would at the some (ime put an end two all the joalousics Spain with reapect to her femaining colonies, aud to vie agilotion prevailing in the colonies thomseives, by showing that Envland and | the United States were determined pot to prott t ing it. And I am aeked, in concl consider that the full power which [ had iate from my government Would a iheive me te eh reenived negotiation to sign a convention on the above subje and if not, if L could ox ow th him, as the organ of tho British government, miu ral notes in rela Such was the purport of his com framed in a spirit of gren an opinion thet seldom, pe nations, Lad an opportani effort of two friendiy. gor nts might prodrce fo unequivocal a sod, extensive calamttion August a1 roplle » Cannings 1 ng eifeet:—i said that the VED Onitea Sates, having im the most fermat Knowledgod the independence of the late egourred when 90 m aul pro viaces in America it Maintained with stability, and under might promive bay moss to the new Biatos |) #, as Well as advantage | to the rest of the world mducing to thére as 60 ton great overnn pace reg me te ner tio Powers 01 burope sud espeelaliy by Great respects Lbelievod (he sentiments unfold: 4 In his note were shared by tue (sie ea be ca , first, considered the recovery of the conics by Spain to be 2 We woul! Uhiow oo impediment in way of an arrangement bets ven them aid the mother the country by amicable negotiation, bupporing an weranve. mont of such a nature to be possibie, 3. We aia not fim stthe possession of any of those communities for ourselves. Fourth amd last, We should regord vs bighly ‘Ubjunst, and as fruitfal of disastrous conre ences, any attempt on the port of any European Power to take pos | ij m should ve | ‘That as to England, abe had | ui. whether 1) & nter into | | desired, and atill | ed inte the funiily of | a + SS es - a headed ‘ ate and confidential fore me, in ® more distinct f 18 proposif\ tng South be comm: min ¢on- American affairs: Ww) vVersat.on on the 16th inst., as already reported in my | despatch No. 323. Llose wo time in transmitt’ng a Copy Of his note, as well 28.8 copy of my answer, writton and sent to-day. In framing the answer on my own judgment alone I feel that [ have had @ task of some embariwsment, and shall be happy if it recelve tho President's approbation. T betiove that this government, has the subject of Mr. Canning's propésition muh at heart, and certainly bis note bears upon the face of it a character of earnestness as well a8 cordiaity towards the government! of the United F tates wi Cannot escape notice. T have, therefore, thought it proper togneet this apiri as far as I could, consistently with othe? and paramounl considerations, These [ concoived-to be chiefly twofold: First, the danger of pledging my government to any measure of foreign policy which might in any degree, now or | hereafter, implicate It in the federate system of Burope; and, secondly, I have felt myself alike with- out warrant to tke @ step which might prove ox ceptionable in the ¢yes of France, with whom our pacitic and friendly relations remain, IT presume, undis. turbed, whate nay bo our speculative abhorrence of her attack upon the right of self-government in Spain. 0 framing iny answer 1 had also to consider what was due to Spain herself, and Lhope [have not overlooked what was ue to the colonies, The whole subject 13 novel and pen, to views on which Thave deliberated anxiovsly, If my answor shall bo ht, on the whole, to bear properly on all the public considerations Which belong moat materially to the occa- sion, it will be a source of great satisfact on to me. ‘The tone of earn*stness In Mr, Canning’s note naturally starts the inference that the British Cabinet cannot be without its serious apprehensions that ambitious enter- rises are meditated acainst the independence of the new panish American States—whether by France alone, or in conjun:tion with the continental Powers, J cannot now say on w authentic grounds, : pi : ave the honor to rai ith ver respect, your obedient servant, i RICHARD real, The Honorable Joux Quincy Apams, Secretary of State. OTHER NOTES FROM MR. CANNING, August 26.—To-day brings me a second confidential communication from Mr. Canning, of the following tenor, dated Liverpool, the 23d Instant:—Ho says that since he wrote to me on the 20th an additional motive had oc- curred for wishing that we might come to some under. stand ng promptly on the Spanish-American question, and be «t libcryy to announce it to the world. The mo- tive was that England had received notice, though not such as imposed the necessity of instant action, that as soon ax the military objects in Spain were achieved, which France expected (how justly he could not deter- min) to achieve very. specdily, ‘a proposal would be made for a congress in Europe, or some other concert and consultation, specifically on tho affairs of Spanish America; and he adds that he need not point out to me the complications to which such a proposal, however dealt with by England, might lead. ‘August 27.—T reply to Mr. Canning’s second commu- nication by saying that in my note to hun of the 23d (not received when his second was written) two princi- pal ideas had place. 1. That tho United States desired to seo the indepen- dence of the late Spanish provinces iu America perma- nently maiutained, 2. That they wold view as unjust and improper any attempt on the part of the Powors of Europe to in- trench upon that independence, ‘And in my note of to-day I sald that my government, I was suro, would regard as aliko objectionable any in- terference whatever inthe aflairs of Spanish Amorica, unsolicited by the late provinces themselves and against their will; that it would regard the coavening of a con- gress to deliberate upon their affhirs as a measure un- Called for, and indicative of a policy highly unfriendly to the tranquillity of the world; tha®it could never look with inscnsibillty upon such an exercise of European jurisdiction over communities now of right exeinpt from nd entitled to ulate their own concerns unmo- ‘ed from abroad. I further said that if he sup) any of these sentiments, or those expressed in my first note, might be monlded by me into a form promising to accomplish the object he proposed, 1 would be happy to pcvive and take into consideration whatever suggestions he would favor me with to that end, either in writing or in the full and unreserved intercourse of conversation when he returned to town. Lastly, I said that, couid England sce fit to consider the time as now arrived for fully acknowledging thy independence of the new com- munities, I bel eved that not only would it accelerate the steps of iny government, but that it would natarall ep me in 6 new position in my further course wil im on the whole subject. 1 1umediately transmitted copies of these notes to my: government, in the following itch to the Sccretary of tate—to.go with like promptivude as the former:— Lonvox, August 28, 1823, Sin—Since wy last despatch I have received a second confidential note from Mr. Canning, dated ‘at Liverpool, the 23d inst., a copy of which, and of my answer yesterday, are enclosed. The subject of our correspond- ‘ence being, as it appears to me, of deep interest, I think proper to apprise you of it from step to step, without aa for the further developments te which it may Jead, Mr, Canning having new distinctly informed me that he has rece'ved notice of measures being in projection by the Powers of Europe relative to the afiairs of Spani America, as goon a8 the Froneb succecd in their military movements against Spain, which it would seem from Mr. Canning’s note they expect to do soon, I cannot avoid ee the subject under the complications to which he judes. My first object will be to urge upon thie government the J cpalienay, ofan immediate and unreserved recog- nition of the independence of the Spanish American States. It will be seen by my note of yesterday to Mr. reef that I have made a beginning in this work, and_shoul the pees. be afforded me it is my intention to fol- Jow 4 up zealously, Shouid I be asked by Mr. Canning whether, in case the m be made by Great Lire) without more dolay, I on my prepared makea ration, in the name of acd tl el mabey that It will not remain inactive under an attack upon the independence of those Btates by the Holy Alliance, the present deter- mination of my judgment is that I will make soch a declaration explicitly aud avow it before the world. Tem not unaware of the seensese ney which I should, by such a measure, assume upon myself; but my reasons would be these :— - Fir-t—I may thereby aid in achieving an immediate and positive good to those rising States in our hem!- ephere, for such I should conceive their recognition by Great Britain at tis junct. re to be. Second—“uch recognition, co-operating with the decta- ration which this government bas al. in effect made, that it will not romain passive if Spanich America ix her will the United States, would prove at least a probable means of warding off the attack. The Foreign Secretary of Engiand, it appears, is under a strong belief | that /t would, and this, without Lwe revoguition by Eng Jan’, being as i @ part of his case. fxird—Should the issue of things be different, and e notwithsiand!ng arise threaiening the peace of the United States, or otherwise seriously to affect their interests in any way in con once of euch a declata- tion by me, it would still remain forthe wisdom of my | government to dixavow my conduct, as it would mani. testly have been without its previous warrant. 1 would take to myself all the reproach, consoled under the de- sire that had animated me to render benefits ot great magnitude to the cause Of Sponish-Americun ind a (a point of time whied, if lost, wa, mot to be re- cai Fourth—My conduet might be disavowed in any issue of the transaction, and I shovld stil not be without hope that the President would sce iu it proufs of good inten. | Gon, mixed with zeal for the advancement of pelittea! imteresta, not indifferent, uliimaicly to the welfare of the | United Stator themsetves. ‘The result ot my reasoning, in e word, then, is, phat I find myeelf placed suddenly in a eituation in which, by deciding and seting promptly, 1 may do mach public goo, while public mrievbief nay be atteoted by the con. trolling bend of my goverument, showld my conduct be likely to draw down any ti ; MONK OX THE SUBJECT ¥KOM MR. CANNING—HE WANTS IY AETTLED WITHOUT DELAY. Sep'enler 1.—1 reecive another communication from Mr, Canuing, dated Storrs, Westmorciand, the dls. of August, He acknowledges the receipt of both my letters in avewer to both of bie, and eaye that whatever may be the practical reenits of the co pendence between Us, it & Very satinfuctory to him to find that the spirit im whieh it began on bis part had been met so cordially on | ny part He goer on to say im effect that: but for my want of spe ile powers to go forward in the proposition he made he would bave taken imeasure® to give it operation on the part of Engiynd; but thet, trongh the delay which | musi intervene before I could receive new powers from | home, evonts might get before us; and that therefore he | could not justify it fo bie duty to bie own government, and to all The other considerations belonging te the wud: ) te pledge Pngtnnd to wait for each Wingeney. which b concludes Uy aa) geod In hfe yy diustreeiions in relation to it, im ner bh ade on which I had recently been empowered | aud instrnci.d. 5 inust (hen consider Ht not 28 « prupons bon already made, but a evidence of the nature of one which it woald bave beon his desire t make, had he fooaa me provided with anthority to entertain it; this view of the subject now becoming necessary, that Boy jand may remain uptremmelied in the meantime. SPCOND INTERVIEW BETWEEN MR. CANNING AND Mi. RUSH——“FULL CONPERENOB” ON THR 8UB- vg that if T should see enough hope of portion to warrant me in asking powers smeT. Septemter 18—Had a fall conference with Mr. Cannin, | at the Foreign Office, in which the of Spanis' ; Amercan aflairs war resumed, and the discussion of it ne into at barge. September 19—1 reported in the following derpateh to tho tecretary of State ail that passed in my interview | With Mr, Canning yesterday, relying only upon the | gulwtantal fidelity “of the report, ae it mast needs fall phort of what ‘te due to Mr Cam io language, ro J endeavored to recall his own as far ar coul No, 831, ® 4, NBON t. 19, 18: fim—Mr. Canning returned to town about A Week 0, and I had on interview with him at the Foreign Office pertorday, at his request, | over all otbers between us at the present juncture, Session of them by conquest, by cession, or on any other | 5 ne aed Whatever. odiately transmitted to government a copy of the foregoing cottespomaeate 1 the following ‘a * patch to the Secretary of State, proparing it in quadro ja a ite & request to the consul at yd to send by the ear, porte of the United Bate be aw oer 1 1698. Sim—I yosterday received pig 4 anole | | | | } He entered at once upon the subject of Spatial Ame. rica, remarking that he thought it claimed precedence Mili- tury evlnts in tie Peninsula seemed overy day to be drawing nearer to @ crisi# in favor of the French and the peiitical arrangements projected afterwards, would, there was good reason to suppore, he jmmediatels ‘irected to the afinire of the late colonies. He would, therefure, not give up the hope, notwithstanding the footing upon which this subject Appeared to be placed at the close of our recent correspondenee, that I might eee my way towards a substantial acquiescence in hie Proposals. igen A were hourly a new importance urgency, under te to whic! or fe ernmenis wuld we tn a chy Pee Peer Having poreawwes since we had been last together the pu thea portion of the merchants ot Lonton with dq. | all Spanish American triumphs, the gps hie reasons with treaknen He | cddition to all the | NEW YORK HERALD, FRIDAY, JUNK 2, 1868. { omeo, rs intment of is or commer- Gial ngenator th patch: ase rican ked Me. Sa eae was to inter gon On agi | was about lo adopt such @ measure; to Which he replied in tho aiemativo, say'ng that commoreial agents would certainly bo 80 ppointed and sent out to the proper ports in those new communtttes. | As to the proposals he had submitted to me, I sad | that I was sure he would himself appreciate the delicacy and novelty of the ground upon which I stood. United buat it was trae, would view any attempt on foe of ince and the Continental Alliance to re- bjugate those new States, as a trascendant act of na tional injustice, aud ind ¢ative of progressive and alarm. ing ambition; yet to join Great Britain in @ declaration to this effect might lay them open in some cols to consequences, upon the character and extent of which it became my duty to reflect with great caution b fore making up my mind to meet the ilities of them, The value of my declaration, was agreed, would depend upon its nA formally made known to Europe. Would not such # step wear the ap pearance of the United States implicating them- selves in the political connections of urope ? Would ft not be , in this instance at least, to the policy of one of Powers i cea opposition to the projects avowed by ot of the fir rauk? This hitherto had been no part of the system of the United States; the very reverse of it had been acted upon. Their foreign policy had been esrentially bot- tomed on the great maxim of preserving peace and har- mony with all nations, without offending any or forming entangling alliances with any. Upon the institutions as upon the dissensionsof the an the govern- ment and le of the United States it form and even express their ulative opinions; but it had been no part of their conduet to interfere with the one, or, boing unmolested themselves, to become par! to the.other, In this broad principle laid onset my difti- culties under his proposals. He replied that however just such a policy might have been formerly, or might continue to bo asa goneral policy, he apprehonded that and controlling circum- stances made it je upon the present occasion. Tho question was a new and complicated gne in modern af- fairs. It was also fullas much American as European, to say no more. It concerned the United States under aspects and interests as immediate and commanding as it did or could any of the States of Europe. Thoy were the first Power established on that continent, and now oon- feasedly tho leading Power. ‘They were connected with Spanish America by their position, as with Europe by their relations; and they also stood connected with these now States by political relations, Was it possible they could see with indifference their fate decided upon by Europe? Could Europe expect this indifference’ not a new epoch arrived in the relative position of the United States towards Europe, which Europe must ac- knowledge? Were the great political and commercial in- terests which hung upon the destinies of the now contt- nent to be canvassed and adjusted in this hemisphere without the co-operation or even knowledge of tho United States? Were they to be canvassed and adjusted, ho would even add, without some proper understanding be- tween the United States and Great Britain, as the two chief commercial and maritime States of both worlds? He hoped not; he would wish to persuade himself not. Such was the oe oF Serer nin said that his su; were enti! te groat con- sideration, and that.such, and others of the same nature, would probably not escape the attention of my govern: ment, as they had not mine. There might, I was aware, ‘be room for thinking that the late formation of theso new States in our hemisphere would impose new politi- cal duties upon the United States, not merely as coupled with the great cause of national freedom, but as closely connected algo with their own pro. sent and future inter and even. the very existence, finally, of their own institutions. That for myself, speaking only as an individual, I could wellcanceive that the interposition of an authoritative voice by the United States in favor of these new commu- nities, admitting that the Powers of Europe usu! ry claim 'to control their destinies, would imply no real de- parture from the principles which bad bitherto regulated their foreign intercourse, or pledge them henceforth to the political connexions of the World. If, too, that ‘voice happened to be in unison with the vo'ce of Great Britain, I admitted that it might prove but the more au- spicious to the common object which both nations had in view, withont committing either to any systematic or ul- terior concert; but I added, that asthe question of the United States expressing this voice and ee it under official authority to the Powers of Europe was one of entire novelty as well as great tude in th is tory, it was for my government and not me to decide upon its propriety. Concomitant datiesand juences: &@ momentous nature might be bound upin such a ste] Iwas rrilliggto take upon m; all fair Texponabiity attaching to the station aie I held; but hero wane conjuncture wholly new. It presented a case not seeming to fall within the range of of the contingent or dis- cretionary duties that could have been in contemplation when I was elothed with my commission as Minister to this Court. For meeting a case thus extraordinary, if I could do #0 at all, I: ought to have some justification be- yond any that bad yeh benn, laid before me... Such was may apinlon; such the conclusion to which I had been fe to come on full deliberation. He said that the case new might for my not being in possession of previous or specific ers bearing upon it, but that ite very nature precluded delay. He hed the strongest reasons for believing that the co- of the United States with England, rage my inetrumentality afforded with promptitude, ward off altogether the meditated juriediction 0! ‘the Kuropean Powers over the New World. Could higher motives exiat to tion, and immediately? Let it be delayed until I could receive oo powers, and day might go by; the progress of events was rapid; public evil miglit come on. A portion of it might, and ly would be, consummated; and even ing that Great Britain could by herself afterwards arrest it, preventive measures among nations were always prefer- able, whether on the score of humanity or policy, to those that were remedial. then should the United St whose institutions resembled those.of Great Britain more than they dd thoee of the other Powers in Europe, and whose policy upon this occasion was closely approxi- mated to hers, hesitate to act with her to promote a common object, approved alike by both, and achieve a common ), estimated alike by both? Such was the drift of his remarks, which he <a and enforced with hie wonted ability. He finished by saying that his station and duties as the organ of this government would oblige him to call upon me in another way if I continud to feel unable to aspent to his past proposals; for, said he, ‘If a congress bé in fact arsembled on the affairs of America, I ehailask that vou, as the representative of the United States at this Court, be invited to attend it; and # you should nov be tuvited, I hail reserve to myeelf the option cf determining whether or not Great Britain will send a representative to it."” After a mo- ment’s pause, he added, “Should you b> invited and refuse to go, I shall «till reserve to myself the-same op. ton; 20 you see how exrentwl it ie, in the opinion of Great Briiain, that the United Statce should not be left out of view if Eorope should determine to take cogni- zance of the subject”? Worde £0 remarkable could not fal to meke# distines impression upon me, and I give them as they (oli ‘roi him, as pearly as I can, “The complication of the subject,” said T, ‘may be cured at once, and by Great Britain. Let Great Britain we and unequivocally acknowledge the inde- pendence of the new States, This will put an end to all dificulty; the moment is auspicious; everything invites to the mearure; ju , expediency, Lumenity, the re- pose of the work!, the cause of national independence, the p erity and happiness ef both hemispieres; let Brita.n but adopt this measure, 5 just in itself, eo recom mended by the point of time before ns, and the cause of Y repean Tees | might meet aflerwarde, if it chore to take so hal a -, le :aid that such @ measure was open to objection, but | asked if he wasto understand that :t would make any } difference in iny powers oF conduct? Treplird, the f, atest difference. Thad frankly in. formed him that Thad ne powers te consent to his pro- £erve to account poerls in the ehape in which they had rst been prese! | to me in hin mote, and I wonld ay frankly soy that T | ne specifle powrre to e nt to them, conpled with the | fet of thie povernment acknowledging the independence of the now States; bot, that great ctep being taken, I would sand upon my general powers as Mimseter Pleni- potentiary. PHIAD INTERVIEW BETWEEN MR, MR. RUSH. SeptemPer 26.—Had another interview with Mr, Can- ning at Gloncestor Lodge. at his request. The saljont of our dievucsions on the 1s:h inst. was renewed, He in- | formed me of a despatch he had received from Sit | Charles Stuart, British Amnbaesador at Paris, which had | & Dearing wpon them. It mentioued 4 conversation he had held with Mr. Sheldon, Charge d Affaires of the United States at Parix, the purport of which was that Sir Charles, having mentioned to Mr, Sheldon the pro- | jects of Freace and the continental alliance ageinet Hpaniab Avorica the jattcr replied that the government ‘of the United States wae aware of them, asd dsveppeoved them. Mr. Cannin; iting that thie reply of our Charge di Afaires in Paris probably rested upon some Rew | ibetrcctione to him from Wrehington, also inferred that, | if $6, 1Ctmight probably lend ite aid towards my consent | to his proposals to me of tie 20th of August. the rather induced to give way to (bis hope, | ae the derpates of Sir Charles Stoart wos written alto- | gether on hit own motion, withont any previous com- munication received from bim, Mr. Canning, .mpon, the sutyect, Lyepiied that }eould not undertake to say, with any | coufidenee, What instructions might have been sent to | the Un'ted States Legation at Paris on this subject, WH | that T eearcely Delieved thet any could have hed it not common 0 Mme, and that I was still witliout any, beyond the genera! fnetrnetions T bad unfolded to hin | in our interview on the 1th; but that upon their i was still willing to go forward with bim in his proposal upon the terma I bad made known, He now declared that fnglond felt great embarrase- ment #8 reyarded the immediate recognition of these Dew States—embarterement which, he sdunitied, bad not one ie td case ¥ a Cnited States whet they adopted the measure of acknowledging them; an@ then he be ee a ph hen to his pro- Posais on w prom ni of future a know ledgment. I replied that, Tobit the pee ‘far importance of the CANNING AND whole. aul ‘apd considering the rel in whieb I rood to % ‘could not frel at liberty to take the rtep wpon any footing than that of smmediate acknow: ledgment by Further econ’ bs ig only Of & derullory nature, and the imtervie e 5 In reporiing to my povernthtnt what pasved at | Femarked that, although Mr Canning waturally #ét | ends for im Dis yn is to me, yet as, ) were. at the eame time auspicious to Span ‘Aine independence, and went hand in hand wih ‘owe policy could not lo otherwise than approve of them, and wou! Sherefore continue my willingness to give them effect, if he would come to the ground 1 had pr ed to him ag an equivalent—@ grotind, however, whieh, It would eeem, from what passed between us, he will not be Willing to accede to at present, FULL AND PINAL INTRAVIEW DETWREN XR, CAN- NING AND MR. RUSH ON THIS SUBJECT---RUSH'R REPORT. November 26.—Had n fli and final interview yeeter- day with Mr, Canning at the For Office, on the a of Spanish am 16. hat passed in the following deapatch to the Becrotary of ne ite sen, flu—I had an interview with ‘Ar, Goaniay on the Sth He eaying rersation on this sub- ject at Gioucester Lodge on the Saih of Soptember, hay ing led him to conolde that could be accom. lished betyeon us, owing to theground which I had Pelt it to take reapecting the immediate recog- nition 4 the. late Compo by 7 ae ban doemed spensable, as Do me was Jost, that “Grout Gthain, showia boreelf, without any concert with the United States, come to-an e: with had accordingly seen the Prince de Polig- pac, French Ambassador in London, and stated to him that.as it was fit that the two courts should undorstand each other distinctly on the h-American anne, it was his intention to unfold views of Great Britain in an offigial note to him (the Prince), or to Sir Charles Stuart, the British Ambassador at to be communi- cated to the French Court; or in the form of an oral con- forence with tho Prince himself, whichever of those modes the latter mi: ht indicate as preferable. The Prince, after taking some time to decide, finally agroed to adopt the mode of oral conference, with the precaution of making a minute of the conversation, 80 that oach go ernment might have in {ts possession @ record of what In pursuance of this course Mr. Canning held several conferences with Prince Pol! in the early part of October, in which each party unfolded the views of their respective governments and the momoranduim or paper which was to embody them. This vines, Mr. Canning said was of a nature which did not leave him at liberty to offer me a copy of it; but he had invited me to the Foreign Office for the purpose of read- ing it to me, having only since his return from the coun- try last week exhibited it to the ministers of the other Powers, and not yet to oll of them, He accordingly rad the paperto me. When he bad closed I said to him that its whole matter was so inter. woven with our past discussions, written and verbal, on tho whole gubject, that I could ‘not avoid th: that my government word naturally expect acopy, as the regular termination of @ su! the previous of which it had been my special duty to”make known to my prensa gs pee he Senden he would wi nish me 8 copy which embodied the yiews of England; but that wien not feel that he had those of France were at stake he did the same discretion, I am therefore relieved from the task of recapitu- lating to you the contents of that portion of this paper of which I may expect to recelveacopy. The points which chiefly arrested] m: attention as new to me, and to which I will advert without waiting for the per itaclf, were, first, that England declaves that she will recognize the Independence df the colonies én case France should empl’y in aid of their resul ; secondly, in cae Spain herself, reverting to her ancient colonial #ystem, should attempt ty @ atop to the trade of Britain with those colonies; but it is not sald what Britain will do beyond recognizing their independence, hor ulte- rior cond:ict being left to be shaped, a8 we may infer, by ulterior events. She claims a to trade with the colonies under a promise by Spain herself, given as long back as 1810, a8 an equivalent for British mediation offered at that day between the parent State andthe colonies, As regards the form of government most, desirable for the colonies, consi as independent £tates, a preference is expressed for monarchy, could it bee ith the exception of the foregoing points I recollect nothing material in the paper as. penny the, policy or Intentions of Great Britam, not heretofore made known jn my own communications upon this subject, beginning with that of the 10th of At @ letter of Mr, Can- ning to Sir Charles Stuart of the Slst of March, 1823, is still assumed as the basis of the policy of England. To report with the requisite accuracy the views of France from this paper, read over but once to me, I might find a task the more difficult from having had loss acquaintance with them beforehand. I will therefore not attempt to doso in any detail from a fear that I might err, and because I have also the hopo that an entire copy of it, althongh not given to me, will get to our hands through somo ether channel. Tam not able, tor my own share, to discern the adequate motives for wrapping it up in such secrecy, and have little donbt but that even the public journals of Europe will before very long enlighten us with sufficient precision on its whole contents. The London journals of the present week have made some beginning towards it. Having sald thus much I will proceed in my endeavors to state the main points of this paper, whero it was illustrative of the policy of France. It declares that ce, like England, considers the recovery of the colonies by Spain as leas. It expresses the determination (I think this was the word) of France not to assist 5} in attempting their recong! It expresses the desire of France to sce the dispute made up by amicable arrangements between the mother country and the colonies. It disclaims for France all idea of exclusive commercial advan! from the coloni ‘ing that, like Brital she rats to be cy the same footing with the most favored nation, after In. It knows not what there is Sy be cosptvel in the colo- nica, as ind:pendent, France regarding all government there as a mockery. It labors to show the necessity of assembling a con- grese to which England should be a party“(which sho de- clines) to bring about the benevolent end of reclaiming those remote re; from their past orrors, and making up the dispute between them and the parent State on terms satisfactory to both, a8 the policy worthy of both. ‘These were the material points of the paper as I recol- lected them after Ustening toasingle perusal of it. 1 am sensible that I state some of them in a way to start further questions as to their true meaning—questions which I could myself raise without lege oem at this moment to solve. The apprehensions of Britain, how- ever, seem to be fully allayed, at least for the present; and it is certain’ that she does not now. anticipate ad speedy interruption of the of Europe this cause. The lang:.age which France vow holds to Britain 1s obviously at variance with that which her mani- festoes breathed when her troops entered Spain in the spri in the course of the paper on the British side, there ir anotice taken of the Interest which the United States have in the question. This is met on the part of France by a deciaration that she doesnot fess to be acquainted with our views on the subject. notice of the United States is im that part of the British © which relates to the arrembling of a wees in Europe. 1 might Provably have made myself more accurately master of the whole paper by recurring in conversation to some of the } agen alter Mr. Canning had finished reading it; but I was precluded ihe opportanity by the near ap- roach of rf appoiutment impending over him. 5 Notwithstanding the t illizing professions of France, # would seem that the sentiments of Ruesia, if we may draw inferences from Pozzo di Borgo’s address tthe King of Spain, which has just come before the world, still are, that the Holy Alliance is bound to keep a intending eye upon the afinirs of Spain throughout all her dominions. INFLUENCE .UPON OUR GOVERNMENT OF MR. CAN- NING'S YIGWS—-ADOQVTION OF THE DOCTRINE BY PRESIDENT MONROE. And now I am to speak of the course of the United States. By the early transmission of the proposals made to me by Mr Canning in his notes of the latter end of August, the copies of them, as well as of my ree ports of our conferences on the whole subject, arrived at Washington in time io engage the de- liberations of President Monroe and his Cabinet before the meeting of Congress in December, b Lm! Although no joint movement took piace, my despatches Lad distinctly put before our government the intentto of England, with which, in the main, our policy har- monized ; and Pres.dent Monroe in Lis opening mecsage to Congress, which followed almost immediately after. wards, in December, 1823, put forth the two fullowing declarations :— 1. That it wag impossible for the Allicd Powers te ox tend | beir political syeiem to any part of America with- out endangering Our peace and happiness; and “equally impossible, th: rofere, that we should behold such mter- position with indifference,’ 2. While alluding to discussions between the United States and Ruseia, then commenced with a view to ar- ranging the reepoe'ive claime ot the two nations on the northwert coast of Arerita, the Pregldent a that “the occasion had been j:llged proper of & priped He in Which the righis and inte United Stated were involved, that the Amorican eunii- nent, by the tree and independent condition which they had assumed and majutained, were forth not to be considered ag subjects for fitute colonization by any European Power. The first of these deciarat‘one was bly expected by England, and was well received. Everybody saw at once that it referred to the hostile is of the Aliied Powers agamet the Inte Spanish provinces, The second declaration was unexpected and not ac- quiesced in, az recounts Tam yet to give of bi the Brit; ment excited gre Tt was vpon all tongues, ‘The press was fil of it, the Spanish-American deputies were overjoyed, Spanixh American securities rose in the stock market and the safety of the new States from all Evropean coortiyn was considered as no longer doubtful. ot may be mferred that my despatches reporting all that had transpired with Mr. Canning had an ipfie- ence in producing the declarations in President Monroe's message. It may also be inferred thet the moral certainty which Bnginnd derived through my cor- respondence and conferences with her Foreign Secretary, that the United States would, in the end, hand with ber in shielding those new States from RTs. pean domination, even had the certa'nty of such a polt- cy int ‘ited tater not been otherwise dedncible, moet have had its natural influence upon — in strongthening her in ber line of jiey laid down to. wards Francé and the Continental Powers, As it ls now for the first timo that I make this eutjeet public, I will give the reasons, if, indeed, any can be necessary at thisjate day. For, first, we are at 4 point of time nearly Loy ree years removed from the evente, and an entire change has come over the feelinge, obligations reumetances creating motives for ve- ercey. While the events wore at all freeh, and long after, I carefully abstained from giving them publicity in either hemisphere, but they hat silence hag Jost ite power over them, J do not publish Mr. Conning’s notes, which have never been out of my own posvession, but have given the essential points laid down sp them, Iaving the jes of them on the archives of.our government, to Which, with his knowledge, T vst transmitted them, 2. Being on thoee archives doring ra many years, they Lave umaveidably beon inspected for publi¢ hao; and accordingly parts Of thelr contents, and thoee of my reporis on the t, have heen proclaimed in Congress, plecemen!, ae well ae found thelr way into newspapers of the United States long ra and, it may be, into English newspapers aled. 3, In Stapleton “Politt al Life of Mr. Canning,” published in London { 1891, the eseeutial matter of these notes to me has realy veen published (volume subject explained on the side of published does nothing more than follow up what wae folly opened in that interesting work more than ten years ago, by those who had the just fame of Mr, Cai in obs and seems uecessary in order to make the share Which the Minister of the United States had in the international movement in question—a move- a of like concern, so far as it proceeded, to both na- ns, va inthe ag ee ving Guing genetel explanation hal, ” ond, page 23), and the nj ands What ie tow pacsed into history, and | MEXICO. biel ange Madi, THE NEW STATUTES OF THE EMPIRE. The Powers of the Emperor ‘and the Form of Government. Se aeeeeemed Military and Territorial Divi- sion of the Empire. WHO ARE LAWFUL MEXICAN CITIZENS, The Laws of Property and the Rights Thereby Conferred, HIGHLY IMPORTANT REGULATIONS THH NATIONAL FLAG, Key ker, &e. ‘We publish below a translation of the text of the pro- visional statutes of the Mexican empire recently pub- lished in the city of Mexico by order of the Emperor Maximilian, The document is a very important one, and we print it entire :— sahdied ‘TITLE 1.—OF THR EMPEROR, AND OF THR FORM OF GOVERNMENT. ‘Ap:toty 1. The form of sorornment proclaimed by the nation, and accepted by the empire, is that of moderate hereditary monarchy, with a Catholic prince, ‘Avr, 2. In case of death or any other cont cy which should place the Emperor in the impossibility of exorcising the power, the Empriss, his august spouse, will take charge, tps fact», of the regency of the empire. ° ‘Any. 8. The Kmyeror, of the Rezent, on taking charge of the power, will take the following oath before the val diznitartes of the State:—*T swear before God and the sacred Scriptures to promote, by all the means in our, power, the well being aud. prosperity of the nation, to Aerend its independence and preserve the integrity of its territory.” ‘hurr & The Emperor represents the sovereignty of the nation, and until it is otherwise decreed in the definite organization of the empire he is to exercise it in alt ite branches, either himself or through the public autho- rities or functionaries. ‘Arr, 5. The Emperor governs through a cabinet com- posed of nine departments, entrusted to the Min ster of the Imperial Household, the Minister of State, the Min- ister of Foreign Affairs and Navy, the Minister of the In- terior, the Minister of Justice the Min ster of Public In- struction and Religious Faith, the Mivister of War, the Minister of Public Improvements and the Minister of the Treasury. A law will establish the organization of the departments, and will desisnate their attribution. ‘Arr. 6. The Emperor besides will confer with the State Council in matters relative to the formation of laws and regulations, and on all subjects which he may deem convenient to consult them. Akt. 7, A special tribunal of accounts will revise and compare all those of every bureau of the nation, and those of public interest which it may please the Em- peror to submit to it. ‘Ant. 8. Bvery Mexican has the right to obtain an audience of the Emperor, and present to him Eanes tions and greivances. To that purpose he will address himself to his private cabinet in the form determined by the respective regulations. ‘Ant. 9. The Emperor will name when he thinks pro- per, and for the time he considers necessary, imperial commissaries, who will be placed at the head of the eight great divisions of the empire, to watch over the development and good administration of the depart- ments which compose cach of sa‘d great divisions. He will algo name inspectors, who will visit, in his name, the departments, or the place which may need inspec- tion, or to inform him respecting the bureau, estab- lishment or affairs which may need an eflicacious remedy. The pret tives and attributes of these functiouaries are in the decroe of their creation. ‘TITLE 1!.—O¥ THE MINISTERS. Ant, 10. The ministers will enter into theexercise of sae functions with the form prescribed by Title the 17th. The Emperor gives asion to the Minister of the Im- perial Household, and be confers the possession to his colieagnes, in presence of the Emperor. Aut. Hi. A regulation fixes the days of the ordinary seecions of the Council of Mmisters and the order of their proceedings. And another regalation establishes the ood order (¢l buen oi den) and service of the Ministerial partments, tixes the days and hours of the audiences of the Ministers, and forbids these from meddling in the affairs that do not belong to their department. Arr. 12. The Ministers are responsibie to the laws in the form that they determine of their common and offi- cial delinquenciee. Agy. 13. In the case of absence, sickness or vacanc; of a Minister, the Emperor will designate the one who to substitute him, or will authorize by a decree the Sub- Secretary of the department to exercise temporarily his funciions; in which cace this one will be present at the Council of Ministers, with the samo prerogative. TIE UL.—OF THE COUNCIL OF STATE. Ant, 14. The formation attributes and nominations of the Council of State are determined by the law of ite creation. TTLE 1V.—OP THR TRIRUNALS. Art. 15. Justice is to be administered by the Tribunais determined by the ory law, Ant, 16. The ronefotrates and judges will be named with the character of immovable (immovubies), and can only bo dismissed according to the trms fixed by the organic law. Aur. 17. The magistrates and judges in the exercise of their functions will enjoy absolute independence, Anz. 18. The tribunals will not suspend the execution of the Jaws, nor make regulations. ‘The audiences of all the iribinals wil! be public unless publicity should be dangerous ¢¢ order and good custom, in which case the tribunal will declaré tt so by means of @ previous deci- son, Ant. 19. Ip no civil or criminal euit will there be more than two provecutiona (instaneias) without prejudice to the recourse of revisior and nullity as authorized by the Jaws, Ant. 20, referred to in article the seventh, Bureau of Accounts, invested by a judic: Ant, 21. ie fata aa % inp Bar ieee Acco ail the enpire, iis Bureny will try, to the exelus'on és oh other tribunals, ali aflwire competent to it, and, as to ite decisicu#, admits ne appeal to muy other tribunal. It decides on everything which refers to ac- counts; but Ht does not proceed against those which are found culpable, consigning them to their competent judge, but can compel the functionaries who It mey con- cern to show their accounts, which are obligatory, It watches the faithful observance of the expenditares budget), communicates with the Emperor through the partment of State, and its memvere and President are named by the Emperor. TALE VI.—O¥ THE IMPERIAL COMMISFARTFS AND INAPECTORS, The Commirearios are named temporarily to and redress the abuses which may be com- rallied ¥ the public functionaries of the deparimenta, InVeReigate the w ig of the adminigtrgtive order (orden administratirc) and éxerclee the sfite'al functions which, im each case, will be conferred on them by the imetructions of the Emperor. ART, 23. The inspectors visit the deparimen the city, the tribunal or administrative, which they are directed to, to inform on the subjects’ warked by Weir instructions, or to correct the error or sbuse committed, the oxamination of which have been entiusted with, The general i the departments, or the special once of a tixed lity for w determined affair, wiil only exercise the functions entrusted by the Empe- ror in his instructions. TTR VP.—OF THR DIPLOMATIC AND CONEULAR CORPS, Ant, 24. The diplomatic corps yo enae according to law, the imperial government in forelkn countiirr—to defend (nang and watch over the interests and rights of the procure ite greater proeperity, ond protect expecially and efficiently Mexican citizens. Arr. The consular corps protects the pationa! com. merce in foreizn countries and adds to its prosperity, in conformity with the law. Ant. 26, A special law will regulate the diplomatic and coneular Corpe. S20LB VIL—OF THE MAMITINE PREFROTS AND CAFT“IN® OF ingpect ror, nena “nang a a Prefects and captains port; Dumber, location and organization to de- Vermines by taw, The prefecie will watch the execution of the lawe, de crecs and regulations concerning marine, as also the per- fect execution of maritime justice, The eapiains of the port are charged with al) that con- cerns the police of the roadetead and port, and with the execution of the maritime regalations on navigation and commerce. TITLE JX, ON PREPE: BUD-PRRPRCTS AND MUNICIPALSTIFR. AR}. 28, The prefects are the del jer of the Empe- ror to administer the departments which are entristed to = got eroment and oxerciee the powers that the laws ignate, Ant, 29. Each profect shall have a deparimontal coun cil, Composed of the A ony judicial funetionary, of the collector of reverme, of an agricultnral tor, Of A merchant, and a miner or mecbame, according to the best ipteres(s of the departinent. Ant, 80, The avteroutone Of the Departmental Counct are:— lst. Give opinions.to the Prefect in al! affvirs } bar 3 ask for them, 1. To promote introduce Improvements in the towns (yrollaciones) aud in the departmental adsointstration. 8d, To judge al! admintetrative contentions (contereioso) of suite. Any. 81. The Council Wil) form regulations ‘xin, “ye menné Of Correcting abnsee, and the days Of Its sessions and all the rest concerning the falar: pal regimen which ft can Immediately put into practice, ‘Wut immediately transmitting it to the Minister of the Interior for its revision. ‘Ant. 82, The ordinary residence and seat of govern be the capital of the depart- gent of the Prefect wi ithout this preventing the frequent visits which different localities of the same depart. Boman make ment. Ant, 33, The profects Will be named by the Emperor, their aub- sn Aa dopeppan ae te ai replace 3 ‘Ar. 84. In each district the abeprofects aro the subs delegates ook pows the reprosentatives ‘and ago! Live Axt..35. The nomination of sub-prefect will be made by the departmental prefect, with the approbation of the nporor. Avr. 36, Every township will have « municipal admin. isiation, proportioned to ils poplatiou: - ‘Ant. 31. The municipal administration will be ip 7 of the alealdes, ayunt charge of e ayuntal inupiaipad ries. Agt. 38. The alcaldes will only oxercise municipal powers, Tho alcatde of the capital will be named and removed by the Emperor, the others by the prefocts im each department, with the approbatfon of the * Heaperar, bo alcaldes ean resign their places afier one 3 wer Anv. $9. Tho attributions of the alealdes are the fol- lowing :—First, to proside over the ayuntamientas; sec- ond, to publish, communicate, and execuie the ‘lawa, regulations or dispositions of every class) third, to exercise in th: nicipaiity the attributions calrenadl them by the law; fourth, to represent the municipality judicially and extra judicially, contracting for it, and do- fending its interests in the terms provided by the law. Arr. 40. The Emperor shall decres the municl me, ew the projects formed by the respective ay ventos, These projects will be sent to the gov- ernment by tho medium and with the opinion of the refect of the department to which the municipality ngs. Ant. 41. In the towns whose population exceeds § twenty thousand the alcaldes will be assisted and substituted ava | their absence by licutenante. The namber of those will be determined by law. Ant. 42. In the towns in which the government think It Reedy age ® lawyer will be named, who wil be advisor to the alcaldes and, judg’s, and will exercise the functions of syadic procurater the ‘suits of the municipality. Ant, 43. Tho a) form the Municipal ‘untamientos wil Counell; they ‘will be elected by direct popular election, and one-hali will be renewed each year. Art. 44. A law will regulate tho attributions of the municipal functionaries and their election. TLE X.—OF THB MILITARY DIVISION (OF THE EMPIRE. Ant, 45. The empire will be divided, according to law, In eight military divis ons, em! to got or cers named by the Emperor. Ant, 46. It behooves the officers. who command the territorial divisions to watch energetically and constantly a r their orders, the observance of the ica the discipline of administration and Military instruction, caring scrupulously for all that affects tho wol-are of the solder. ‘Aut. 47. A special military regulation will determine (the powers of command ‘aud relations betwoen the Soappandoes of divisions when the troops aro in move- meni Anr. 48. The mili authority will alwa: and aid the civil ihr: it can exact pat cig 9 citizens except through tho mediam of the civil authori- ties, and will not assume the powers of said civil autioet- tes, except in the extraordinary caso of declaration @& state of siege, according to the prescriptions of the law. Arr. 49. In strong places, fortified camps, or places in which it be | law, ow that a state of elec in py teri ition will be dictated to insure the seonrities (garantia:) which its inhabitants shall enjoy. RECTION OF PUBLIC WORKS, will determine its facultics and TITLE X1.—O¥ THE D Ant. 50. A special law organization, TILK XI.—O8 THE MEXICAN TERRITORY. Arr. 61. The Mexican territory is that part of the com- tinent of North America; bounded by—to the north the dividing line traced according to the treaties of Guadalupe and Messilla, entered into with tho United States; to eastward thé Gulf of Mexico, the sea of the Antilles, and the English establishment of Belize, within tho. troaties fixed by the treaty of Voraailles; to the southward the Republic of Guat within the limits to be fixed by a definite treaty. To the westward the Pacific Ocean, im- cluding in its demarcation the sea of Cortes or Gulf of California.. All the islands which belong to it in the three seas. ‘The territorial sea, in conformity with the princi- palities recognized by the laws of nations and exceptions: contained in treaties. Art. 52. The national territory is divided for the prea- ent into eight great Capa fifty departments; each departinent into districts, and each dist: into munich palities. A law will fx the number of districts and ma- nicipalities, and their respcctive TITLE XIU.—OF THE MEXICANS, Arr. 63. Mexicans are:— ‘The legitimate ch‘ldren born of a Mexican father within or out of the territory of thi The legitimate children: born of a Mexican mother within or out of the ano ofthe Empire. The naturalized fore'gners:— The children born in Mexico of foreign parents, =~ gies ne the age co ape ap do rr esiete they wish to adopt the foreign nationality. Ne ereaes wy, born out of the Supine bat eatablighed on it since the yeer 1821, swore to act of independence, The foreigners who acquire in the Empire territorial Cpa ropriedad territories) of any description, by the fact of acquiring it. Arr. 54, The Mexicane are obliged to defend the righte and interests of thei country. Ane, 56. Citizens are. those who, having the quality a are those. w vi (la calidad) of Mex! unite beetles the. following: laving attained the age of twenty-one years; havingam an honest way of living; not having been condemned judicially to any infamous leny hy Aur. 56. Citizens are obliged to register themselves in booke of their nunicipality, and to serve when elected ee cpp eet or, amp Api, 57, The rights of citizer are lost or si and are restored in the cases and form Lie Roe pie Ww. XV.—OPF THE INDIVIDUAL SECURITIS TITLE (GaRaytizs). Arr. 68. The government of the Em; grants to al the inhabitants of the empire, to the text of the respective laws:—Kquality before the law; personal rafety ; the right of pi j the exorcise of their reli- gion; liverty fo publish thelr opinions Arr. 59. All the inhabitants of the empire have the rights and privileges, and are subject to the payment of taxes, and all other duties im by the eating laws, or by those which may be in future de- competent avthority, gives i, wilting aad. nged, aad mt ven in wi only when there cnt 2 against him fullolont 1 case’ tion to believe im author of a misdemeanor. of a transgression in. one can arrest the criminal to conduct bim to @ J alley the third day to the proper justice, accompanied with all the corresponding data; and if the judge should find cause to declare Rin proper imprisoned, he must do so at the latcet, within the fifth day; any detention beyond thie will be at their personal ibility. Butif the arrest should be made for transgressions Against the State. or for perturbing public order, the ad- ministrative authority can pro the detention until the a 1 Commissary can be tn! ed or tho Minister of the Interior, so that they may determine what may , be necessary. ‘ Axr. 62. No one can be sentenced except in virtue of » hye rae were anterior to the transgression whieh he judged for. Ant, 63, No houre shall be searched, no papers ex- amined of ai « by the form iternily eetabliched by the laws, nn? ne ™ inthe Mexican terromyany person. woo sive a lex! tern who arrives: act of belag on ite poll, free by the simpie act of Art. 66. In al} criminal gs the accused will motive of the be one. have the right of knowing t! He will Gp, me sora to ton eens (sumario) is le will also, ax soon ag the summary (st ended, exact the data of the process which may be necessary NS Ee ee sated eee min eo Kr, ¢ prisons wil ized in such @ uer that they wit only serve to eccure the prisoner, without increasing unnecessarily their sufferings. Aur. 67. In the prisone there will be & separation be- twee those which are condemned and thoee simply de- Axr, 68, Teper ig inviolable, and can only be ocew. pied by cause of public necessity, and by a previous and Sarre indemnity, and in the form prescribed by the WB. ART. 69. No gratuitice or forced service can be exacted from any one, except in the cases designated by the laws. Arr. 70. No one can bind (obligar} his ver- vices, except temporarily and a det Minors cannot do eo without the intervention ef Densate oF curators, and, in default of these, of the civil authority, Pi 1 The confiscation of property ie forever for naden, Ant. 72, All the imposta for the Treasury of the cmp.re will be general, and will be decreed ann a ok 73. No imposts can be collected except in virtee of a law, Ast. 74 No municipal tax or duty can be established, - “ pro) aa oe mui ieee ee rad » 15. No ext nor modification of | an be made except oy awe soniod Aut. 76. No man can be moiceted for his opinions, ner evented from publish.ng them, subject’ only to the laws which regulate the exercise of this gt Anr. 77. By decree of the or of the Imperiad Commisearies only, and when. the preservation of peace and public order demand it, can #spend temporarily the enjoyment (gee) of some of these privileges. TLRs x v).—Or - NATIONAL FLAG, Ant. 78. The colore of the national flag are greem, white and bs» The dinvensons of the Imperial flag— that of War end mercantiio—will ve determined by @ law. sum arta xR vonn op eammmG are: ARs. gulates the form of taking office by publio employer. a Ld TITLE XVIN.—OF THR ODFERVAXCE AND REFORM OF TB arArere: Ant. £0. Al! lows and decrees, which shall in futare be jasued, wil) be im accordance with the basis of statute, and the authorities (eutowidodes) are reformed im aooordance therewith. Arr. 81, Though all that this statute enjoins, and all contained in ite lava and regulations must ‘orn a once, the anthorities and publie fenetionarics shall, with- im the space ee eee ee the Emperor the ob- servations suagested them by their zeal, their intelligence and their experience, #0 that the #tatute oe ta modi- fied in all that conéerte the welfare and happiness of the country. . Each of ont, ministere is charged with the execution of this law, in all that concerns bim, and shall promul- gute in the briefost perted the necessary regulations for Meiion as the Paid of Chapttltepec, the 10th of Ay iven at the Palace 1865, + MaseintLtaRe JUAN F, ReMIRSS, Nister of Foreign Affairs. LUIS ROBLES PEZUEALA, Mintster of Tmprovements. JOSE MA CORTES Y ESPARZAY Minister of the Tatertor, x DE D. PEZA, Minister of War. H DE ESCUDERO Lt. HANORE, ' FELIX CAMPELIA, Sub-Seorotary of the Tresauey. ,